The diploma thesis is concerned with exploring the differences between the noun phrases in written and spoken academic monologue, focussing on the length of the phrase, its internal complexity and syntactic functions. In the theoretical part of the study, the noun phrase, its constituents, structure and usage are introduced. The noun phrase is introduced as one of the means of complex condensation. The basic characteristics of written and spoken academic language are introduced as well. The practical part of the study is a detailed analysis of 210 noun phrases. The written sample is collected from selected academic articles, whereas the sample of spoken lecture is collected from the lecture database of the BASE corpus. Since the study focuses on two different forms of language, the material is analysed for each of them separately and the results are subsequently compared in the final part of each subsection. The hypothesis of the thesis is that the written sample contains noun phrases with more complex modification, whereas the spoken sample contains more simple noun phrases and more clausal modification. The hypothesis was, for the most part, confirmed.

Dans cette thèse, nous nous intéressons aux relations qui peuvent exister entre des prédicats verbaux(ex : to regulate) et des prédicats nominaux (ex : regulation) dont les structures argumentales mettent enjeu des informations communes. Nous nous livrons à une formalisation des conditions dans lesquelles se réalisent des relations d’équivalence entre les constructions verbales et nominales. La mise en évidence de l’équivalence des structures argumentales de ces deux types de constructions est fondamentale pour pouvoir réaliser, par exemple, des systèmes d’extraction automatique d’informations très performants. En se basant sur les données du lexique The Specialist Lexicon, nous proposons une prédiction raisonnable du comportement syntaxique des arguments nominaux, de différents groupes nominaux prédicatifs(GNpréd), lorsqu’ils sont en position de postmodifieur. Cette étude nous a conduit à concevoir un ensemble d’algorithmes et à développer une plate-forme, Predicate DB, qui nous a permis de produire un lexique de nominalisations. Pour chaque entrée appartenant à ce lexique, nous avons caractérisé ses structures argumentales et ses réalisations dans des GNpréd dont les arguments sont marqués par des prépositions spécifiques. / In this thesis, we focus on the relation that may exist between verbal predicates (e.g., regulate)and nominal predicates (e.g., regulation) whose argument structures involve common information.We make a formalization of the conditions in which equivalent relations between verbal and nominalconstructions are carried out. Bringing out the equivalence of argument structures between these twotypes of constructions is fundamental for achieving, for example, very efficient Information Extractionsystems. Based on data from the Specialist Lexicon, we propose a reasonable prediction of the syntacticbehavior of nominal arguments, which belong to different predicate noun phrases (PNPs), when theyare in postmodifier position. This study has led us to design a set of algorithms and develop a platform,PredicateDB, to produce a lexicon of nominalizations. For each entry belonging to this lexicon, we havedefined its argument structures and achievements in PNPs whose arguments are marked by specificprepositions.

This study concerns the translation of noun phrases and their postmodifiers from Swedish into German. More specifically, the aim is to investigate how Swedish prepositional and clausal (both finite and non-finite) postmodifiers are translated into German, to determine whether there aredifferences between the languages in how they structure their noun phrases. The material for this study comes from a popular science book and its translation. 282 instances of postmodifiers were found in the source text. The majority of them were prepositional modifiers. Seven translationstrategies were identified: prepositional, genitival, adjectival modifiers and appositions, clauses(relative and non-finite), compounds and paraphrases.The results show that the different Swedish postmodifiers were most commonly translated into the same kind of modifier, such as prepositional modifiers being translated into prepositionalmodifiers. However prepositional modifiers were also commonly translated into genitivalmodifiers, with 36 percent, which suggests that German prefers genitival modifiers to some degree. No new clausal modifiers were added in the German target text and 39 percent weretranslated using other strategies than clausal structures. This indicates that clausal modifiers are not as commonly used in German as they are in Swedish.

Le fonctionnement du morphème polyfonctionnel d= en syriaque des Évangiles de la Peshiṭta est décrit morphosyn-taxiquement et dans une perspective typologique, en synchronie et par comparaison, pour certains points, avec d’autres versions et avec d’autres langues sémitiques. Ancien démonstratif en proto-sémitique, d= est un relateur à plusieurs niveaux syntaxiques : support de détermination, marqueur des relations génitivales et relatives, introducteur de complétives et adverbiales. Un critère syntaxique distingue sémantiquement les syntagmes génitivaux aliénables et inaliénable même si cette distinction tend à s’estomper, à des degrés différents selon les catégories sémantiques d’inaliénables, termes de parentés et parties du corps. Si les structures syntaxiques sont semblables pour les relatives restrictives et les non-restrictives, il est impossible de relativiser ces dernières pour les relatives objet, dative et adjointe. La stratégie à trou syntaxique constitue la stratégie primaire dans la hiérarchie d’accessibilité, et toutes les fonctions de la tête dans la matrice, sauf l’objet de comparaison, sont relativisables.Les fonctions de complémenteur de d= sont plus larges qu’en sémitique ancien. d= s’emploie avec 12 des 14 types de prédicats de la classification typologique de Noonan au lieu de 3 en sémitique ancien. Le syriaque est conforme à la hiérarchie implicationnelle, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Le critère syntaxique de saturation de la valence verbale et des critères sémantiques et contextuels permettent de distinguer les adverbiales des complétives. Lorsque d= forme des locutions conjonctives avec des prépositions ou des adverbes, la polysémie des valeurs est désambigüisée grâce au contexte, à l’exception de la conjonction monosémique temporelle mo d=. Dans le discours rapporté, le discours Reproduit est majoritairement introduit sans d=, alors qu’il l’est avec d= pour le discours Reformulé. Le grec n’a eu aucune influence sur son utilisation. / The behaviour of the polyfunctional morpheme d= in the Syriac language of the Gospels of the Peshiṭta is described in a typological perspective, in synchrony and in comparison, for some properties, with other varieties of Syriac and with other Semitic languages. d=, a former demonstrative in Proto-Semitic, is a relator at various syntactic levels: a determination place-holder, a genitival and relative marker, an introducer of completive and adverbial clauses.Chapter 1 introduces the topic of the study and the theoretical framework and chapter 2 discusses the state of art.Chapter 3 is dedicated to the study of the genitive phrase. We discovered that a syntactic criterion allows to distinguish semantically between alienable and inalienable phrases, to different degrees according to the semantic categories of the inalienable set, i.e. kinship and body part terms.In chapter 4, we showed that even though syntactic structures are similar for restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses, it is impossible to relativize the latter for object, dative and adjoint relatives clauses. The syntactic gap strategy constitutes the primary strategy in the accessibility hierarchy and all the functions of the head in the main clause, except the object of comparison, are relativizable.Chapter 5 deals with the functions of d= as a complementizer and an introducer of adverbial clauses. The complementizer uses are wider than in Old Semitic. d= is employed with 12 of the 14 types of predicates of Noonan's typological classification as against 3 in Old Semitic. Syriac conforms to the implicational hierarchy named Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. For adverbial clauses, the syntactic criterion of saturation of the verbal valency as well as semantic and contextual criteria permit to distinguish adverbial clauses from complement clauses. When d= forms conjunctive locutions with prepositions or adverbs, the polysemy of values is disambiguated thanks to the context. Only the conjunction mo d= is monosemous (with a temporal meaning).In the last chapter (chap. 6) on reported speech, we showed that direct reported speech is mostly introduced without d=, whereas it is always the case for indirect speech. Greek did not have any influence on the use of d=. / Il funzionamento del morfema polifunzionale d= del siriaco nei Vangeli della Peshiṭta è descritto in una prospettiva tipologica, in sincronia e attraverso la comparazione, in alcuni punti, con altre versioni e con altre lingue semitiche. Tale morfema deriva dal pronome dimostrativo proto-semitico *ḏV e funge da relatore in diversi livelli sintattici: supporto di determinazione, indicatore delle relazioni genitivali e relative, introduttore delle proposizioni completive e avverbiali. Il capitolo 1 introduce la problematica della ricerca e dell’ambito teorico; il capitolo 2 presenta uno stato dell’arte sull’argomento.Il capitolo 3 è consacrato allo studio del sintagma genitivale. Un criterio sintattico ha permesso di distinguere semanticamente i sintagmi genitivali alienabili e inalienabili, anche se questa distinzione tende ad attenuarsi, in diversi punti, secondo le categorie semantiche d’inalienabile, termini di parentela e parti del corpo.Nel capitolo 4 abbiamo mostrato che, se da una parte le strutture sintattiche sono simili per le relative restrittive e le non-restrittive, dall’altra è impossibile relativizzare le ultime per le relative complemento oggetto, complemento di termine e complemento circostanziale. La strategia con gap sintattico è la strategia primaria nella gerarchia d’accessibilità e tutte le funzioni della testa nella proposizione matrice, tranne l’oggetto della comparazione, sono relativizzabili.Il capitolo 5 tratta le funzioni di d= come complementatore e introduttore di proposizioni avverbiali. Gli impieghi del complementatore sono più ampi rispetto al semitico più antico. Il morfema d= si impiega infatti per 12 dei 14 tipi di predicato della classificazione tipologica di Noonan invece dei 3 del semitico più antico. Il siriaco è conforme alla gerarchia implicativa, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Per le proposizioni avverbiali, il criterio sintattico di saturazione della valenza verbale e dei criteri semantici e contestuali permettono di distinguere le avverbiali dalle completive.Quando d= forma delle locuzioni congiuntive con delle preposizioni o degli avverbi, la polisemia dei valori è disambiguato grazie al contesto, fatta eccezione della congiunzione monosemica temporale mo d=Nell’ultimo capitolo, sul discorso indiretto, mostriamo che il discorso “riprodotto” è introdotto senza d= nella maggior parte dei casi, mentre si usa d= nel discorso “riformulato”. Il greco non ha alcuna influenza sul suo utilizzo.

Le fonctionnement du morphème polyfonctionnel d= en syriaque des Évangiles de la Peshiṭta est décrit morphosyn-taxiquement et dans une perspective typologique, en synchronie et par comparaison, pour certains points, avec d’autres versions et avec d’autres langues sémitiques. Ancien démonstratif en proto-sémitique, d= est un relateur à plusieurs niveaux syntaxiques : support de détermination, marqueur des relations génitivales et relatives, introducteur de complétives et adverbiales. Un critère syntaxique distingue sémantiquement les syntagmes génitivaux aliénables et inaliénable même si cette distinction tend à s’estomper, à des degrés différents selon les catégories sémantiques d’inaliénables, termes de parentés et parties du corps. Si les structures syntaxiques sont semblables pour les relatives restrictives et les non-restrictives, il est impossible de relativiser ces dernières pour les relatives objet, dative et adjointe. La stratégie à trou syntaxique constitue la stratégie primaire dans la hiérarchie d’accessibilité, et toutes les fonctions de la tête dans la matrice, sauf l’objet de comparaison, sont relativisables.Les fonctions de complémenteur de d= sont plus larges qu’en sémitique ancien. d= s’emploie avec 12 des 14 types de prédicats de la classification typologique de Noonan au lieu de 3 en sémitique ancien. Le syriaque est conforme à la hiérarchie implicationnelle, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Le critère syntaxique de saturation de la valence verbale et des critères sémantiques et contextuels permettent de distinguer les adverbiales des complétives. Lorsque d= forme des locutions conjonctives avec des prépositions ou des adverbes, la polysémie des valeurs est désambigüisée grâce au contexte, à l’exception de la conjonction monosémique temporelle mo d=. Dans le discours rapporté, le discours Reproduit est majoritairement introduit sans d=, alors qu’il l’est avec d= pour le discours Reformulé. Le grec n’a eu aucune influence sur son utilisation. / The behaviour of the polyfunctional morpheme d= in the Syriac language of the Gospels of the Peshiṭta is described in a typological perspective, in synchrony and in comparison, for some properties, with other varieties of Syriac and with other Semitic languages. d=, a former demonstrative in Proto-Semitic, is a relator at various syntactic levels: a determination place-holder, a genitival and relative marker, an introducer of completive and adverbial clauses.Chapter 1 introduces the topic of the study and the theoretical framework and chapter 2 discusses the state of art.Chapter 3 is dedicated to the study of the genitive phrase. We discovered that a syntactic criterion allows to distinguish semantically between alienable and inalienable phrases, to different degrees according to the semantic categories of the inalienable set, i.e. kinship and body part terms.In chapter 4, we showed that even though syntactic structures are similar for restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses, it is impossible to relativize the latter for object, dative and adjoint relatives clauses. The syntactic gap strategy constitutes the primary strategy in the accessibility hierarchy and all the functions of the head in the main clause, except the object of comparison, are relativizable.Chapter 5 deals with the functions of d= as a complementizer and an introducer of adverbial clauses. The complementizer uses are wider than in Old Semitic. d= is employed with 12 of the 14 types of predicates of Noonan's typological classification as against 3 in Old Semitic. Syriac conforms to the implicational hierarchy named Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. For adverbial clauses, the syntactic criterion of saturation of the verbal valency as well as semantic and contextual criteria permit to distinguish adverbial clauses from complement clauses. When d= forms conjunctive locutions with prepositions or adverbs, the polysemy of values is disambiguated thanks to the context. Only the conjunction mo d= is monosemous (with a temporal meaning).In the last chapter (chap. 6) on reported speech, we showed that direct reported speech is mostly introduced without d=, whereas it is always the case for indirect speech. Greek did not have any influence on the use of d=. / Il funzionamento del morfema polifunzionale d= del siriaco nei Vangeli della Peshiṭta è descritto in una prospettiva tipologica, in sincronia e attraverso la comparazione, in alcuni punti, con altre versioni e con altre lingue semitiche. Tale morfema deriva dal pronome dimostrativo proto-semitico *ḏV e funge da relatore in diversi livelli sintattici: supporto di determinazione, indicatore delle relazioni genitivali e relative, introduttore delle proposizioni completive e avverbiali. Il capitolo 1 introduce la problematica della ricerca e dell’ambito teorico; il capitolo 2 presenta uno stato dell’arte sull’argomento.Il capitolo 3 è consacrato allo studio del sintagma genitivale. Un criterio sintattico ha permesso di distinguere semanticamente i sintagmi genitivali alienabili e inalienabili, anche se questa distinzione tende ad attenuarsi, in diversi punti, secondo le categorie semantiche d’inalienabile, termini di parentela e parti del corpo.Nel capitolo 4 abbiamo mostrato che, se da una parte le strutture sintattiche sono simili per le relative restrittive e le non-restrittive, dall’altra è impossibile relativizzare le ultime per le relative complemento oggetto, complemento di termine e complemento circostanziale. La strategia con gap sintattico è la strategia primaria nella gerarchia d’accessibilità e tutte le funzioni della testa nella proposizione matrice, tranne l’oggetto della comparazione, sono relativizzabili.Il capitolo 5 tratta le funzioni di d= come complementatore e introduttore di proposizioni avverbiali. Gli impieghi del complementatore sono più ampi rispetto al semitico più antico. Il morfema d= si impiega infatti per 12 dei 14 tipi di predicato della classificazione tipologica di Noonan invece dei 3 del semitico più antico. Il siriaco è conforme alla gerarchia implicativa, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Per le proposizioni avverbiali, il criterio sintattico di saturazione della valenza verbale e dei criteri semantici e contestuali permettono di distinguere le avverbiali dalle completive.Quando d= forma delle locuzioni congiuntive con delle preposizioni o degli avverbi, la polisemia dei valori è disambiguato grazie al contesto, fatta eccezione della congiunzione monosemica temporale mo d=Nell’ultimo capitolo, sul discorso indiretto, mostriamo che il discorso “riprodotto” è introdotto senza d= nella maggior parte dei casi, mentre si usa d= nel discorso “riformulato”. Il greco non ha alcuna influenza sul suo utilizzo.

The aim of this thesis is to compare the use of postmodifiers in an English source text and its Czech translation. 200 English postmodifiers are contrasted against their 200 Czech translation equivalents. These samples were excerpted from randomly chosen parts of four bilingual books written by British and American authors and translated by native speakers of Czech. 50 English samples and their translations were excerpted from each book. The 400 occurrences of postmodifiers and their equivalents are analyzed from a syntactico-semantic point of view, the aim being to determine the constancy of the syntactic functions of English postmodifiers in translation, as well as the constancy of their realization forms. The theoretical background part will present and compare postmodification and its realization forms in English and in Czech. The actual analysis of all 400 samples will examine both the frequency of individual postmodifier types in English, and the convergent and divergent realization forms of these in the Czech translation. Special heed will be paid to divergences arisen through different language facts, such as English non-finite verb forms or Czech case endings that enable nominal postmodification without a preposition. An attempt will be made to classify the non-postmodifying translation...

This study investigates variable noun phrase number agreement (VNA) in two second language varieties of Portuguese, spoken in Maputo, Mozambique and in Mindelo, Cape Verde. Quantitative VARBRUL analysis is carried out based on recordings made in Maputo and Mindelo 2007 and 2008. Previous quantitative studies on VNA in varieties of Brazilian Portuguese (Guy, 1981; Lopes, 2001; Andrade, 2003) as well as on VNA in first and second language varieties of Portuguese from São Tomé (Baxter, 2004; Figueiredo, 2008, 2010) indicate contact between Portuguese and African languages as the main origin of this phenomenon. VNA in Brazilian Portuguese is, however, interpreted by Scherre (1988) and Naro & Scherre (1993, 2007) as the result of language internal drift. Varieties of Portuguese from Mozambique and Cape Verde are particularly interesting to contrast in order to investigate influences from African languages on VNA, as in Mozambique Bantu languages are first languages of the vast majority of Portuguese speakers, whereas in Cape Verde, practically all Portuguese speakers are first language speakers of Cape Verdean Creole, whose substrates are West African, and not Bantu, languages. Comparison is also made with previous studies from Brazil and São Tomé. The results of this study comment previously postulated explanations for VNA in Portuguese in various ways. The analysis of the variables onset age and age stratum indicates that VNA in the analyzed varieties is a phenomenon linked to the acquisition of Portuguese as a second language and/or language contact rather than the result of internal drift. The fact that all the compared varieties tend to mark plural on pre-head components contradicts Bantu transfer as an explanation for this pattern, and raises the need to also consider more general explanations based on language contact. The basic structural similarity between the compared varieties suggests the existence of a grammatical restructuring continuum.

This study investigates variable noun phrase number agreement (VNA) in two second language varieties of Portuguese, spoken in Maputo, Mozambique and in Mindelo, Cape Verde. Quantitative VARBRUL analysis is carried out based on recordings made in Maputo and Mindelo 2007 and 2008. Previous quantitative studies on VNA in varieties of Brazilian Portuguese (Guy, 1981; Lopes, 2001; Andrade, 2003) as well as on VNA in first and second language varieties of Portuguese from São Tomé (Baxter, 2004; Figueiredo, 2008, 2010) indicate contact between Portuguese and African languages as the main origin of this phenomenon. VNA in Brazilian Portuguese is, however, interpreted by Scherre (1988) and Naro & Scherre (1993, 2007) as the result of language internal drift. Varieties of Portuguese from Mozambique and Cape Verde are particularly interesting to contrast in order to investigate influences from African languages on VNA, as in Mozambique Bantu languages are first languages of the vast majority of Portuguese speakers, whereas in Cape Verde, practically all Portuguese speakers are first language speakers of Cape Verdean Creole, whose substrates are West African, and not Bantu, languages. Comparison is also made with previous studies from Brazil and São Tomé. The results of this study comment previously postulated explanations for VNA in Portuguese in various ways. The analysis of the variables onset age and age stratum indicates that VNA in the analyzed varieties is a phenomenon linked to the acquisition of Portuguese as a second language and/or language contact rather than the result of internal drift. The fact that all the compared varieties tend to mark plural on pre-head components contradicts Bantu transfer as an explanation for this pattern, and raises the need to also consider more general explanations based on language contact. The basic structural similarity between the compared varieties suggests the existence of a grammatical restructuring continuum.

Orientador: Lucy Seki / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T12:35:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gomes_AntonioAlmirSilva_D.pdf: 30622643 bytes, checksum: bb4371fbae1f9378f29d28dd8254bbc3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta Tese tem como objeto aspectos da gramática Sanapaná relativos à sentença simples. Sanapaná é a língua falada pelo povo homônimo que vive, dentre outras, na comunidade La Esperanza, às proximidades do município de Loma Plata - Paraguai. Constituída por seis capítulos, no primeiro constam informações gerais sobre o povo Sanapaná e sua língua inseridos em um contexto socioeconômico, cultural e linguístico. No segundo capítulo, apresento uma análise de aspectos fonéticos e fonológicos, com ênfase para os segmentos consonantais e vocálicos, bem como para a sílaba. O terceiro e o quarto capítulo são destinados ao sintagma nominal. A divisão entre ambos os capítulos pauta-se na concepção de categorias abertas e de categorias fechadas proposta por Schachter e Shopen (2007). Desta forma, no Capítulo III trato das categorias abertas, mais especificamente do Nome e do Adjetivo e, no Capítulo IV, trato das categorias fechadas que se relacionam com as categorias abertas. Incluem-se aí, portanto, os pronomes, os numerais, os advérbios, os quantificadores e as adposições. Compreende-se uma interface Morfologia / Sintaxe ao longo destes dois capítulos. Após referir-me ao sintagma nominal compreendido pelos dois tipos de categorias expressos nos capítulos III e IV, faço referência, no Capítulo V, ao sintagma verbal. Para isso, trato o verbo, assim como nos capítulos anteriores, em sua interface Morfologia / Sintaxe. Na perspectiva da Morfologia, mostro que o verbo Sanapaná apresenta algumas semelhanças com o nome no que diz respeito ao uso de prefixos. No entanto, distinguem-se em relação ao uso de sufixos. Na perspectiva da Sintaxe, mostro o verbo como predicador e, consequentemente, seus mecanismos relativos aos argumentos por ele requeridos. No Capítulo VI trato de aspectos da gramática Sanapaná relativos às sentenças envolvendo negação e imperativo. A análise apresentada para a negação assume (i) a existência de dois processos distintos, sendo um o uso de afixos e outro o uso de partículas e (ii) que tais processos interagem morfossintaticamente. Os seis capítulos em questão não esgotam a discussão acerca da sentença simples Sanapaná mas, ao contrário, a introduz. Apesar disso, constitui-se esta Tese um passo importante para o conhecimento linguístico mais amplo de uma língua da família Maskoy, considerando-se, sobretudo, o conhecimento reduzido que a comunidade científica detém das referidas línguas, em virtude da pouca oferta de trabalhos linguísticos disponíveis referentes, a qualquer uma das seis línguas que constituem a referida família. Esta Tese é, portanto, um dos primeiros estudos sistemáticos de uma língua Maskoy, o que me permite assumir que trabalhos futuros serão importantes para esclarecer, inclusive, dúvidas postas ao longo dos capítulos mencionados. Torna-se a referida Tese, portanto, uma rica fonte de informação de uma língua do Paraguai / Abstract: This thesis has as its objective aspects of grammar of Sanapaná relating to simple sentences. Sanapaná is the language spoken by the Sanapaná people, among others those living in the community La Esperanza, in the vicinity of the city of Loma Plata - Paraguay. The thesis consists of six chapters, the first containning general information about the people and their language in socioeconomic, cultural and linguistic context. In the second chapter I present an analysis of phonetic and phonological aspects, with emphasis on consonant and vowel segments, as well as the syllable. The third and fourth chapters are dedicated to the noun phrase. The division between the two is guided by the design categories of open and closed categories proposed by Schachter e Shopen (2007). Thus, in Chapter III open categories are discussed, specifically nouns and adjectives, and in Chapter IV I discuss the closed categories that relate to open categories: pronouns, numerals, adverbs, quantifiers and adpositions. These two chapters demonstrate the Morphology / Syntax interface. After discussing the noun phrase, defined by the two types of categories analyzed in Chapters III and IV, I refer, in Chapter V, to the verb phrase, and its Morphology / Syntax interface. From the perspective of Morphology, I show that the verb in Sanapaná bears some resemblance to the noun with respect to the use of prefixes. However, they differ regarding the use of suffixes. From the perspective of Syntax, the verb is shown to be with mechanisms for its required arguments. Chapter VI deals with aspects of Sanapaná grammar inherent in sentences with negation and in imperative sentences. The analysis presented for negation assumes (i) the existence of two distinct processes, one being the use of affixes, and the other the use of particles and (ii) that such processes interact morphosyntactically. Finally, I consider that the content of this thesis does not exhaust the discussion of the simple sentence Sanapaná but, on the contrary, introduces it. With this, I assume that future work will be important to clarify questions raised throughout the chapters of this dissertation. Above all, this PhD thesis is one of the most concrete studies of a member of the Maskoyan language family, which make it a reference point in linguistic investigation of the indigenous languages of Paraguay / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

Le fonctionnement du morphème polyfonctionnel d= en syriaque des Évangiles de la Peshiṭta est décrit morphosyn-taxiquement et dans une perspective typologique, en synchronie et par comparaison, pour certains points, avec d’autres versions et avec d’autres langues sémitiques. Ancien démonstratif en proto-sémitique, d= est un relateur à plusieurs niveaux syntaxiques : support de détermination, marqueur des relations génitivales et relatives, introducteur de complétives et adverbiales. Un critère syntaxique distingue sémantiquement les syntagmes génitivaux aliénables et inaliénable même si cette distinction tend à s’estomper, à des degrés différents selon les catégories sémantiques d’inaliénables, termes de parentés et parties du corps. Si les structures syntaxiques sont semblables pour les relatives restrictives et les non-restrictives, il est impossible de relativiser ces dernières pour les relatives objet, dative et adjointe. La stratégie à trou syntaxique constitue la stratégie primaire dans la hiérarchie d’accessibilité, et toutes les fonctions de la tête dans la matrice, sauf l’objet de comparaison, sont relativisables.Les fonctions de complémenteur de d= sont plus larges qu’en sémitique ancien. d= s’emploie avec 12 des 14 types de prédicats de la classification typologique de Noonan au lieu de 3 en sémitique ancien. Le syriaque est conforme à la hiérarchie implicationnelle, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Le critère syntaxique de saturation de la valence verbale et des critères sémantiques et contextuels permettent de distinguer les adverbiales des complétives. Lorsque d= forme des locutions conjonctives avec des prépositions ou des adverbes, la polysémie des valeurs est désambigüisée grâce au contexte, à l’exception de la conjonction monosémique temporelle mo d=. Dans le discours rapporté, le discours Reproduit est majoritairement introduit sans d=, alors qu’il l’est avec d= pour le discours Reformulé. Le grec n’a eu aucune influence sur son utilisation. / The behaviour of the polyfunctional morpheme d= in the Syriac language of the Gospels of the Peshiṭta is described in a typological perspective, in synchrony and in comparison, for some properties, with other varieties of Syriac and with other Semitic languages. d=, a former demonstrative in Proto-Semitic, is a relator at various syntactic levels: a determination place-holder, a genitival and relative marker, an introducer of completive and adverbial clauses.Chapter 1 introduces the topic of the study and the theoretical framework and chapter 2 discusses the state of art.Chapter 3 is dedicated to the study of the genitive phrase. We discovered that a syntactic criterion allows to distinguish semantically between alienable and inalienable phrases, to different degrees according to the semantic categories of the inalienable set, i.e. kinship and body part terms.In chapter 4, we showed that even though syntactic structures are similar for restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses, it is impossible to relativize the latter for object, dative and adjoint relatives clauses. The syntactic gap strategy constitutes the primary strategy in the accessibility hierarchy and all the functions of the head in the main clause, except the object of comparison, are relativizable.Chapter 5 deals with the functions of d= as a complementizer and an introducer of adverbial clauses. The complementizer uses are wider than in Old Semitic. d= is employed with 12 of the 14 types of predicates of Noonan's typological classification as against 3 in Old Semitic. Syriac conforms to the implicational hierarchy named Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. For adverbial clauses, the syntactic criterion of saturation of the verbal valency as well as semantic and contextual criteria permit to distinguish adverbial clauses from complement clauses. When d= forms conjunctive locutions with prepositions or adverbs, the polysemy of values is disambiguated thanks to the context. Only the conjunction mo d= is monosemous (with a temporal meaning).In the last chapter (chap. 6) on reported speech, we showed that direct reported speech is mostly introduced without d=, whereas it is always the case for indirect speech. Greek did not have any influence on the use of d=. / Il funzionamento del morfema polifunzionale d= del siriaco nei Vangeli della Peshiṭta è descritto in una prospettiva tipologica, in sincronia e attraverso la comparazione, in alcuni punti, con altre versioni e con altre lingue semitiche. Tale morfema deriva dal pronome dimostrativo proto-semitico *ḏV e funge da relatore in diversi livelli sintattici: supporto di determinazione, indicatore delle relazioni genitivali e relative, introduttore delle proposizioni completive e avverbiali. Il capitolo 1 introduce la problematica della ricerca e dell’ambito teorico; il capitolo 2 presenta uno stato dell’arte sull’argomento.Il capitolo 3 è consacrato allo studio del sintagma genitivale. Un criterio sintattico ha permesso di distinguere semanticamente i sintagmi genitivali alienabili e inalienabili, anche se questa distinzione tende ad attenuarsi, in diversi punti, secondo le categorie semantiche d’inalienabile, termini di parentela e parti del corpo.Nel capitolo 4 abbiamo mostrato che, se da una parte le strutture sintattiche sono simili per le relative restrittive e le non-restrittive, dall’altra è impossibile relativizzare le ultime per le relative complemento oggetto, complemento di termine e complemento circostanziale. La strategia con gap sintattico è la strategia primaria nella gerarchia d’accessibilità e tutte le funzioni della testa nella proposizione matrice, tranne l’oggetto della comparazione, sono relativizzabili.Il capitolo 5 tratta le funzioni di d= come complementatore e introduttore di proposizioni avverbiali. Gli impieghi del complementatore sono più ampi rispetto al semitico più antico. Il morfema d= si impiega infatti per 12 dei 14 tipi di predicato della classificazione tipologica di Noonan invece dei 3 del semitico più antico. Il siriaco è conforme alla gerarchia implicativa, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Per le proposizioni avverbiali, il criterio sintattico di saturazione della valenza verbale e dei criteri semantici e contestuali permettono di distinguere le avverbiali dalle completive.Quando d= forma delle locuzioni congiuntive con delle preposizioni o degli avverbi, la polisemia dei valori è disambiguato grazie al contesto, fatta eccezione della congiunzione monosemica temporale mo d=Nell’ultimo capitolo, sul discorso indiretto, mostriamo che il discorso “riprodotto” è introdotto senza d= nella maggior parte dei casi, mentre si usa d= nel discorso “riformulato”. Il greco non ha alcuna influenza sul suo utilizzo.