Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:35:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliane Caravieri Martins Gamba.pdf: 47097497 bytes, checksum: 561830656f1e45a438a3df76912b6f26 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-01 / Universidade de Brasília / MERCOSUR has assumed, in its origin, a more commercial feature, facing the challenge of its conversion into a common market with the implementation of free movement of goods, services, capital and people. On movement of persons are included consumers and workers that have rights to be protected by standard regulations, which are still absent. These issues go beyond the purely commercial aspects involving the partners in the block. It is necessary to go further and create supranational institutions. Thus, the MERCOSUR Parliament (PARLASUL) was created, in 2005, in order to be an independent and autonomous representative body of the people, and became a member of the block s institutional structure. However, there are many difficulties to overcome, because, even with the legally constituted PARLASUL, decisions in MERCOSUR can only be taken by consensus of all its State Parties. There is no immediate and direct application of law originated in the integration into its internal legal orders, and that is hampering the consolidation of a Community Law. However, the creation of the PARLASUL demonstrates the combined efforts for the achievement of a political representation in MERCOSUR, in order to encourage citizenship and civil society participation. In this context, it has still to be investigated whether the PARLASUL will contribute to the effectiveness of the labor and social rights in face of the current trend of consolidation of a constitutional right that protrudes beyond the State, beyond its borders. / O MERCOSUL assumiu, em sua origem, uma feição mais comercial com o desafio de sua conversão em mercado comum através da implantação de livre circulação de bens, serviços, capitais e pessoas. Na circulação de pessoas estão incluídos consumidores e trabalhadores que possuem direitos a serem protegidos através de normas comuns ainda ausentes no bloco. Essas questões extrapolam o aspecto puramente comercial que envolve os parceiros do bloco, sendo necessário se avançar mais na criação de instituições supranacionais. Assim, o Parlamento do MERCOSUL (PARLASUL) foi criado, em 2005, para ser um órgão de representação dos povos, independente e autônomo, integrante da estrutura institucional do bloco. Porém, há muitas dificuldades a serem superadas, pois, mesmo estando juridicamente constituído o PARLASUL, as decisões no MERCOSUL somente podem ser tomadas mediante o consenso de todos os Estados-partes e não há aplicação imediata e direta do direito originário da integração em suas ordens jurídicas internas, dificultando a consolidação no bloco de um Direito Comunitário. Entretanto, a criação do PARLASUL demonstra a conjugação de esforços para a concretização de uma representação política no MERCOSUL no intuito de incentivar a cidadania e a participação da sociedade civil. Nesse contexto, é preciso investigar se o PARLASUL contribuirá para a efetividade dos direitos sociais trabalhistas em face da tendência atual de consolidação de um Direito Constitucional que se projeta além do Estado, ultrapassando suas fronteiras.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-18T17:47:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreaugustodacosta.pdf: 4837074 bytes, checksum: 0d47fd4e768af3a8519307f0b1d91085 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-19T14:33:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreaugustodacosta.pdf: 4837074 bytes, checksum: 0d47fd4e768af3a8519307f0b1d91085 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-19T14:33:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreaugustodacosta.pdf: 4837074 bytes, checksum: 0d47fd4e768af3a8519307f0b1d91085 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-13 / A adaptação do campo político à lógica da mídia trouxe implicações graves à representação democrática. Autores como Schwartzenberg (1977), Leal (2002) e Gomes (2004) argumentam que, ao construir uma imagem pública de si, os agentes políticos assumem personagens em prejuízo das questões programáticas dos partidos e das pautas urgentes da sociedade. Ao considerarmos que estamos inseridos em uma sociedade midiatizada em que há um desencanto dos eleitores com os representantes, e que a política caminha a uma personalização, interessa-nos saber, neste trabalho, como isto ocorre no ambiente das Redes Sociais na Internet (RSIs). Para tanto, investigamos as fanpages do Facebook Dilma Rousseff (oficial) e Dilma Bolada (fictícia) no decorrer da Copa do Mundo do Brasil em 2014. A hipótese levantada é que ambas desempenharam um papel importante, numa relação de complementariedade, no processo de construção simbólica de uma imagem positiva de Dilma (não apenas na dimensão política, mas também em relação às supostas qualidades pessoais). Por meio da análise de conteúdo de Bardin (1977) atualizamos as categorias das personagens políticas de Schwartzenberg (1977) com o intuito de identificar qual a principal imagem pública de Dilma Rousseff na Copa. A pesquisa nos permite concluir que as fanpages se articularam durante a competição na construção de uma personagem que acompanhou a mandatária até o processo que culminou no impeachment. / The adaptation of the political field to the logic of the media has had serious implications for democratic representation. Authors such as Schwartzenberg (1977), Leal (2002) and Gomes (2004) argue that in constructing a public image of themselves, political actors assume characters to the detriment of party programmatic issues and urgent societal agenda. When we consider that we are part of a mediated society in which there is a disenchantment of voters with representatives, and that politics is a personalization, we are interested in knowing, in this work, how this occurs in the environment of Internet Social Networks (RSIs). To do so, we investigated the fanpages of Facebook Dilma Rousseff (official) and Dilma Bolada (fictitious) during the World Cup in Brazil in 2014. The hypothesis raised is that both played an important role, in a complementary relationship, in the construction process Symbolic of a positive image of Dilma (not only in the political dimension but also in relation to the supposed personal qualities). Through the content analysis of Bardin (1977) we have updated the categories of the political characters of Schwartzenberg (1977) in order to identify the main public image of Dilma Rousseff in the Cup. The research allows us to conclude that the fanpages were articulated during the competition in the construction of a character that accompanied the agent until the process that culminated in the impeachment.

Abstract The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the Swedish political parties have been discussing gender politics since 1970 to nowadays, in order to see which problems and solutions that have been suggested by the parties to increase the representation of women and the equality between the sexes. The theoretical framework is constructed by theories of women´s representation, gender politics and women’s interest. To describe how the discussions about gender politics have been between the different parties, the methodological foundation consists of an ideology critical textual analysis of the political programs from the Swedish parties. The analysis confirms that the discussions about gender politics and the political representation of women increase over time. The most important issue of equality is the lack of women´s rights and possibilities in the labor market as a consequence of women´s responsibility of home and childcare. The analysis also shows that parties which discuss women as a category and the underrepresentation of women also point out the importance to increase equality between men and women.

The purpose of this study is to map out and to analyze the spatial variation of female representation at the national level in established democracies. The aim is also to explain the variation in the female representation. The main questions that the paper tries to answer are: 1.How does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary? 2.Why does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary? This study is a comparative and statistic study, i.e. a study that includes a bigger number of countries and where quantitative analysis methods are used in order to achieve comparative analyses. This study is both a descriptive and an explanatory study. The statistical method that is used in this study is mainly bivariat analysis and multivariat regression. The results show that the variation in female representation in the established democracies is quite considerable. Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark and Netherlands feature high female representation at the national level during the period 1995-2005. The result also implies that the proportion of women in parliament increases during the current period. The result also shows that political institutions, socio-economic -and cultural factors, are important and necessary in order to explain the variation in female representation. The overall standards that can be discerned of the statistical analyses is that the proportion of women in parliament is higher in countries with a proportional electoral system, high number of parliament members, high socio-economic development (high HDI, GDI and GNP per capita) contemporary as the country introduced female suffrage in an early stage and have a more positive attitude toward female leadership.

Le Costa Rica s’est construit comme une société homogène sans valorisation ni représentation des classes populaires. Dans les discours savants et dans le champ politique, la faible représentation des couches inférieures des classes populaires est généralement expliquée par leur atomisation. Incapables de se retrouver autour d’intérêts communs, ces groupes ne pourraient exister collectivement dans l’espace politique institué. À revers de ces analyses, cette thèse interroge l’émergence de porte-parole et leur accès à la politique instituée à travers l’étude de carrières de dirigeants de deux quartiers populaires à San José. En l’absence d’une structuration clientélaire ou corporative, ces dirigeants sont en général considérés comme des acteurs isolés ayant tout pouvoir sur une clientèle de voisins apathiques. Or, leur leadership repose sur des liens personnalisés et localisés et sur des logiques d’unification. Pour résoudre les problèmes locaux, les dirigeants s’attachent à mettre en forme des attentes autour desquelles leur voisinage peut se retrouver. Mais, leur action se déroulant hors de structures d’encadrement préétablies, leur position est précaire. Face aux échecs des projets qu’ils portent et à la position inconfortable que cela leur vaut localement, certains dirigeants tentent de poursuivre leur engagement en entrant en politique. Or, cela est rendue difficile par une gestion partisane des carrières militantes peu favorable à ces groupes sociaux. Ainsi, à travers une analyse par le bas des modes d’action de ces dirigeants, cette thèse contribue à l’analyse des formes d’engagement et de politisation populaires se déroulant à la marge de la politique instituée / In academic discourse as much as in the political field, the poor representation of the lower classes of Costa Rican society is generally attributed to the fact that they are dispersed. Unable to gather into communities of interest, these groups could not exist collectively in the political field. Taking an opposite position to these analyses, this thesis investigates the emergence of spokespersons and their access to the political field by studying the neighbourhood’s leaders’ careers. These leaders are generally considered to have all power over a clientele of apathetic neighbours. However, if their leadership relies on the strength of personalised and localised ties, made and kept by a range of exchanges of goods and services, this investigation sheds light on processes of unification. In order to resolve local problems, the leaders focus on rationalising, even perhaps inciting needs that their neighbours can rally behind. Faced with regular failure and the subsequent uncomfortable position this leaves them him, some leaders can attempt to pursue a career in the political establishment. However, their entry in politics is particularly difficult due to the political parties who manage political careers and are not in favour of urban working class groups. Through a bottom-up approach, this thesis contributes to the analysis of the forms of political engagement and the politicization of the lower classes, which can happen on the margins of the political field

The master's thesis deals with the role civil society plays in the process of introducing more women into politics. Women are significantly underrepresented in the Czech politics. This situation can be changed by adopting measures to support women in politics. These measures must either be voluntarily adopted by political parties or regulated by law. In order for political parties to recognize the necessity of such measures, they must be pressured by the voters. That is why nongovernmental organizations' activity is needed, as they are able to push interests through and they can inform public as well as cooperate with other subjects in order to achieve their goals. An example of such an organization is the organization Fórum 50 %, whose activities are subject to an analysis in this thesis. The master's thesis is divided into four chapters. The first part of the thesis covers the civil society and interest representation in theory. The second chapter is concerned with the concept of women's political representation, presents statistics of the number of women in Czech politics, identifies the main barriers that prevent women from political participation and introduces the instruments that can help regulate the amount of women in politics. The third chapter depicts female-oriented nongovernmental organizations in the Czech Republic after 1989 and the women's movement development. The last chapter focuses on the analysis of activities of the organization Fórum 50 %.

Modern parliaments are mostly compared to the top echelon of the society.The unfairness of the representation still holds true even where free, fair and periodic democratic elections are held. PWDs constitue the largest minority group accounting for 15.6% of the world's population. In Ethiopia approximately the same percentage of the population is disabled though nor fairly represented in the political system. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

In 1991, Colombia crafted a new Constitution that, after decades of ignorance, recognized the existence of ethnic minorities within the country. Special rights were given to the indigenous population while disregarding the even larger minority, afro-descendants. This thesis aims to identify how indigenous peoples and afro-descendants in Colombia are framed, with the argument that the use and effect of certain frames affect the groups’ mobilisation success. Material produced by the groups themselves as well as other actors within the context is analysed to identify frames, which are then put into the social and historical context of the groups to discuss how and why the specific frames are used. In the result, it was evident that the ethnicities are framed in similar ways, but due to their historical and social contexts, the frames have distinct effects, which can explain the groups’ unequal level of political representation in the country.

Sverige tillämpar representativ demokrati och för att de ska fungerar är det viktigt att alla är med och röstar för att välja sina representanter till riksdag, kommun och region. För att ett land ska betraktas som demokratiskt tillämpas allmän och lika rösträtt vilket ger medborgarna likgiltiga möjligheter och rättigheter att delta i politiken och kunna påverka. Å andra sidan har studier visat att ungdomar och personer med utländsk bakgrund röstar i mindre utsträckning jämfört med resterande befolkning. Syftet i studien är att utforska och få en förståelse för hur kommuner i Sverige arbetar och samverkar med andra aktörer för att nå ut och öka valdeltagandet bland unga samt personer med utländsk bakgrund. Utöver det hur arbetar kommunerna med att sprida politisk kunskap och vikten av politisk representation till medborgarna. Empirin i studien har samlats in via en kvalitativ metod, där en semistrukturerade intervjuguide används. De som blev intervjuade var antingen politiker eller personer som arbetade med valdeltagandet i kommunen. Studiens teorier är politisk representation, samverkan och samarbete samt kunskapsöverföring. Studien visar att kommunerna har haft olika insatser för att öka valdeltagandet bland dessa grupper samt att arbetssätten har sett olika ut, de har haft olika möjligheter, motiverat på olika sätt samt haft olika resurser. Utöver detta har de även samverkat med andra aktörer för att öka valdeltagandet. Kommunerna arbetar med att sprida information om vikten av att delta i val där de anser att alla bör vara med och rösta för att kunna göra en förändring i samhället. / Sweden applies representative democracy and for it to work, it is important that everyone participates and votes to elect their representatives to parliament, municipality and region. For a country to be considered democratic, universal and equal suffrage is applied, which gives citizens indifferent opportunities and rights to participate in politics and be able to influence. On the other hand, studies have shown that young people and people with a foreign background vote to a lesser extent compared to the rest of the population. The purpose of the study is to explore and gain an understanding of how municipalities in Sweden work and collaborate with other actors to reach out and increase voter turnout among young people and people with a foreign background. In addition to that, how do the municipalities work to spread political knowledge and the importance of political representation to the citizens. The experience in the study has been collected via a qualitative method, where a semi-structured interview guide is used. Those who were interviewed were either politicians or people who worked with electoral participation in the municipality. The study's theories are political representation, cooperation and collaboration and knowledge transfer. The study shows that the municipalities have had different efforts to increase voter participation among these groups and that the working methods have looked different, they have had different opportunities, motivated in different ways and had different resources. In addition to this, they have also collaborated with other actors to increase voter turnout. The municipalities are working to spread information about the importance of participating in elections where they believe that everyone should participate and vote to make a change in society.

[pt] Esta pesquisa aborda a questão da inclusão nas negociações de paz de um ângulo diferente daquele normalmente empregado pela literatura de Estudos sobre Paz e Conflitos (PCS). Este tema vem ganhando cada vez mais atenção nas últimas décadas: embora por muito tempo tenha sido visto apenas como uma fonte de perturbação no caminho de acordos políticos, a inclusão da sociedade está lentamente sendo aceita como uma perturbação necessária à construção de acordos legítimos e de uma paz duradoura. O desconforto que motiva esta investigação decorre da frequente despolitização e instrumentalização da inclusão no contexto da negociação e mediação da paz. A inclusão é muitas vezes tratada como uma entidade benigna que visa cultivar a legitimidade de um novo sistema político, enquanto sua natureza política inerente – as articulações políticas, disputas e exclusões que envolve – recebem pouca atenção. A literatura tende, portanto, a tratar tanto o processo de paz como o sistema político em negociação como um dado, neutralizando as disputas e exclusões que se renovam ou se criam pela reinvenção política envolvida em um processo de paz. Essa discussão não é de forma alguma dispensável se se quiser refletir sobre a construção da paz e a prevenção de conflitos em longo prazo, ou mesmo sobre a inclusão política em geral e a atual crise vivida pela democracia representativa. No esforço de politizar essa discussão, a tese disseca a ideia de inclusão nos processos de paz, analisando-a pelas lentes conceituais da representação política. Ao contrário de nossa tendência contemporânea de considerar a representação apenas o produto pontual de eleições periódicas, aqui o conceito é tomado em uma interpretação crítica e ampliada, considerada no contexto de seus dilemas atuais e sua relação complexa com a participação política, particularmente à luz da teoria democrática feminista. Além das eleições e da autorização formal, a pesquisa considera a representação política possível e presente em situações diferentes dos ambientes institucionalizados usuais, tais como as negociações de paz. Uma dupla estratégia é buscada para enfrentar esse desconforto: uma, uma discussão teórica da literatura existente sobre inclusão, que é relida por meio de sua interpretação como questão de representação política; e a segunda, uma observação empírica desse debate no contexto do caso colombiano, mais especificamente o papel das mulheres nos diálogos de Havana entre o governo e as FARC-EP (2012-2016). Esta parte se baseia na documentação disponível (declarações e relatórios oficiais, acordos de paz, material da mídia, relatórios da sociedade civil) e em um trabalho de campo realizado em Bogotá em novembro de 2018. / [en] This research approaches the issue of inclusion in peace negotiations from a different angle than the one(s) usually employed by the Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) literature. This topic has been gaining increasing attention over the last few decades: while, for a long time, it was seen solely as a source of disturbance in the way of achieving political settlement, including societies is slowly becoming accepted as a necessary disturbance in the construction of legitimate agreements and durable peace. The discomfort that motivates this investigation stems from the frequent depoliticization and instrumentalization of inclusion in the context of peace negotiation and mediation. Inclusion is often treated as a benign entity aimed at cultivating legitimacy for a new political system, while its inherent political nature – the political articulations, disputes and exclusions it involves – receive little attention. It tends, therefore, to treat both the peace process and the political system under negotiation as a given, neutralizing the disputes and exclusions that are renewed or created by the political reinvention involved in a peace process. This discussion is by no means dispensable if one wants to reflect on long-term peacebuilding and conflict prevention, or even on political inclusion in general and the current crisis experienced by representative democracy. In an effort to politicize this discussion, the dissertation dissects the idea of inclusion in peace processes by analyzing it through the conceptual lens of political representation. As opposed to our contemporary tendency of considering representation merely the punctual product of periodic elections, here the concept is taken in a critical and expanded interpretation, considered in the context of its current dilemmas and its complex relationship with political participation, particularly in light of feminist democratic theory. Beyond elections and formal authorization, the research considers political representation to be possible and present in situations other than usual institutionalized settings, such as peace negotiations. A twofold strategy is thus pursued in order to address this discomfort: one, a theoretical discussion of the existing literature on inclusion, which is re-read through its interpretation as a matter of political representation; and two, an empirical observation of this debate in the context of the Colombian case, more specifically the role of women in the Havana dialogues between the government and the FARC-EP (2012-2016). This part is based both on available documentation (official declarations and reports, the peace agreements, media material, civil society reports) and fieldwork conducted in Bogotá in November 2018.