Denna uppsats studerar hur de tillfälliga uppehållstillstånden påverkar nyanländas incitament att ta sig in på den svenska arbetsmarknaden. En av motiveringarna bakom den tillfälliga lagen var – förutom att ge svenskt flyktingmottagande ett andrum – att ge nyanlända personer starkare drivkrafter att komma in på arbetsmarknaden. För att undersöka detta görs en brytpunktsanalys (Regression Discontinuity design) där individer som registrerat sin asylansökan hos Migrationsverket före och efter den 24 november 2015 jämförs. Detta datum avgör om barn och barnfamiljer behandlas enligt den gamla eller den tillfälliga lagen, och därmed om de har möjlighet att få permanenta eller tillfälliga uppehållstillstånd. Resultaten visar att individer på olika sidor om datumgränsen inte verkar skilja sig åt i förutbestämda variabler, vilket tyder på att de inte har haft möjlighet att bestämma vilken sida av datumgränsen de hamnat på. Individer som passerat gränsen har signifikant lägre sannolikhet att få permanenta uppehållstillstånd, minskningen är dock marginell. Det beror troligen på att uppföljningsperioden är kort. Som indikation på hur incitamenten att komma in på arbetsmarknaden påverkas av reformen studeras invandrartäthet samt arbetslöshetsnivå i de län som sökande bor i ett år efter ankomsten. Resultaten tyder på att individer som fick sin ansökan registrerad efter brytpunkten inte bor i län där invandrartätheten eller arbetslösheten är annorlunda. Även detta kan bero på att det än så länge gått för kort tid för att kunna se några effekter. / This paper studies how the temporary residence permits affects immigrants’ incentives to enter the Swedish labor market. One of the reasons behind the adoption of the temporary permits was – in addition to provide Swedish refugee reception a relief – to give immigrants stronger incentives to enter the labor market. To study this, a Regression Discontinuity design study is done, where individuals who had their asylum application registered at the Swedish Migration Agency before and after November 24, 2015 are compared. This date will determine if children and families are treated by the old or the temporary law, and thus if they can get permanent or temporary residence permit.   The results show that individuals on different sides of the dateline do not seem to differ in predetermined variables, suggesting that they have not been able to decide which side of the dateline they are on. Individuals who crossed the threshold are significantly less likely to have permanent residence permits, the decrease is however marginal. This is probably because the follow-up period is short. As an indication of how the incentives to enter the labor market are affected by the reform, immigrant density and unemployment rate in the county that the applicant lives in a year after the arrival is used. The results suggest that individuals who registered their applications after the threshold does not live in counties with a different immigrant density or unemployment rate. This as well can be due to that the follow-up period is short.

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Submitted by Natália Heimann (natalia.heimann27@gmail.com) on 2016-03-04T01:15:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Natália Heimann.pdf: 1350748 bytes, checksum: 06d600e20839497fee9017ab5b537ed4 (MD5) / Rejected by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br), reason: Natália, bom dia Devido às normas da ABNT, será necessário realizar os seguintes ajustes para que possamos aceitar seu trabalho junto à biblioteca: Retirar a acentuação do nome Getúlio Centralizar o título Agradecimentos. Após alterações, submeter o arquivo novamente. att on 2016-03-04T11:04:11Z (GMT) / Submitted by Natália Heimann (natalia.heimann27@gmail.com) on 2016-03-05T01:59:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Natália Heimann.pdf: 1351109 bytes, checksum: eabd31fde56a86273e764be7a5a37fa8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br) on 2016-03-07T16:36:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Natália Heimann.pdf: 1351109 bytes, checksum: eabd31fde56a86273e764be7a5a37fa8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-07T16:40:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Natália Heimann.pdf: 1351109 bytes, checksum: eabd31fde56a86273e764be7a5a37fa8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-17 / Women participation in politics is a persistent subject found in studies and research on gender inequality across multiple social spheres. With a still incipient literature, the current studies of the effect of women´s electoral victory over female political participation in subsequent elections do not focus on the Brazilian case. Through data gathered from the Brazilian Supreme Electoral Court, this study aims to measure the influence of women´s municipal electoral victory over female political filiation in subsequent elections. The methodological framework walks through a regression discontinuity analysis (RDD), whose functionality is to test structural shifts caused by the election of women. The results are dubious and the lack of discernible causal effects fails to validate the main hypothesis. / A participação política das mulheres é tema recorrente nos estudos sobre a desigualdade de gênero em diversas esferas da sociedade. Com uma literatura ainda incipiente, o estudo sobre o efeito que a eleição de mulheres tem sobre o aumento da participação política feminina em eleições subsequentes ainda não tem vertentes com foco no caso brasileiro. O objetivo deste trabalho é, mediante estudo dos dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE), mensurar a influência que a eleição de mulheres para o cargo de prefeito tem sobre a filiação de novas mulheres aos partidos políticos em pleitos subsequentes. O quadro metodológico se desenvolve ao redor das regressões descontínuas (RDD na abreviação em inglês), cuja funcionalidade é testar descontinuidades estruturais que seriam causadas pela eleição de prefeitas. Dentre os resultados, encontramos relações causais dúbias e a ausência de robustez nas análises estatísticas não nos permite tirar conclusões que corroborem a hipótese testada no trabalho.

In recent years the program evaluation methods have become very popular in applied microeconomics. However, the variety of these methods responds to specific problems, which are normally determined by the data available and the impact the researcher tries to measure. This paper summarizes the main methods in the current literature, emphasizing the assumptions under which the average treatment effect and the average treatment effect on the treated are identified. Additionally, after each section I briefly present some applications of these methods. This document is a didactic presentation for advanced students in economics and applied researchers who wish to learn the basics of these techniques / En años recientes los métodos de evaluación de impacto se han difundido ampliamente en la investigaciónmicroeconómica aplicada. Sin embargo, la variedad de métodos responde a problemas particulares y específicos los cuales están determinados normalmente por los datos disponibles y el impacto que se busca medir. El presente documento resume las principales corrientes disponibles en la literatura actual, poniendo énfasis en los supuestos bajo los cuales el efecto tratamiento promedio y el efecto tratamiento promedio sobre los tratados se encuentran identificados. Adicionalmente se presentan algunos ejemplos de aplicaciones prácticas de estos métodos. Se busca hacer una presentación didáctica que pueda ser útil a estudiantes avanzados y a investigadores aplicados que busquen conocer los principios básicos de estas técnicas.

Em decorrência da inversão da pirâmide demográfica e a consequente queda das matrículas do ensino básico no Brasil, uma potencial medida de política pública é limitar o número de alunos por sala de aula. Nesse contexto, o objetivo principal deste estudo é avaliar o impacto de políticas que estipulem um número máximo de alunos por turma nas notas em Matemática e Português da Prova Brasil de alunos do 5º ano municipal da cidade de São Paulo e 9º estadual de todo o estado São Paulo. Para isso, empregou-se a metodologia de regressão descontínua fuzzy, utilizando o tamanho da sala predito pela função de Maimonides (Angrist e Lavy, 1999) como instrumento para o tamanho da sala observado. Os resultados mostram que não existam evidências estatisticamente significantes de que o tamanho da sala tenha impacto nas notas dos alunos. Visando trazer maior validade externa, o efeito de interesse foi estimado para o 5º e 9º ano estadual de Minas Gerais e Santa Catarina, e 5º ano estadual de São Paulo, obtendo-se a mesma conclusão. As análises de robustez performadas também concluem não haver efeito / As a result of the inversion of the demographic pyramid and the consequent drop in enrollments in basic education in Brazil, a possible public policy is to limit the number of students per classroom. In this context, the main objective of this study is to evaluate the impact of policies that stipulate a maximum number of students per class on students scores in Mathematics and Portuguese of Prova Brasil, using a sample of 5th and 9th grade students from the municipal and state school chains of São Paulo. Fuzzy regression discontinuity design was used to estimate these impacts, using predicted class size by the Maimonides rule (Angrist and Lavy, 1999) as an instrument for the actual class size. Results show that there is no statistically significant evidence that class size has an impact on student grades. Aiming to bring greater external validity, the effect of interest was estimated for the 5th and 9th grade of Minas Gerais and Santa Catarina, and 5th grade São Paulo, obtaining the same conclusion. The robustness analyzes performed also conclude that there is no effect.

O Governo federal prioriza seus aliados locais na provisão de recursos públicos? Utilizando dados do Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil - programa do Ministério da Saúde que visa a provisão de saúde básica e o aumento da densidade médica nos municípios brasileiros -, esta dissertação estima o impacto do alinhamento partidário entre governos federal e municipal sobre os indicadores de médicos transferidos e de probabilidade de participação dos municípios no programa. São testadas ainda a existência de punição a municípios governados por partidos de oposição e efeitos diferenciados do alinhamento partidário para subamostras de municípios. Os resultados sugerem que não há privilégio aos municípios governados pelo partido do Governo Federal nem punição aos governados pela oposição. As evidências sinalizam também uma má focalização do programa e a existência de efeito do alinhamento partidário sobre a participação municipal no programa entre municípios governados por prefeitos em segundo mandato. / Does the federal government prioritize its local\'s allies on the provision of public resources? Using data of the Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil - an ongoing program from the Brazilian Ministry of Health that targets the provision of basic health services and the increase of the physicians per capita rate by transferring professionals to the Brazilian municipalities -, this dissertation assesses the impact of the political alignment between federal and local governments on the number of physicians transferred to municipalities and the municipalities\' probability of participation. The results suggest that the current federal government does not prioritize same-party municipalities nor penalizes the ones governed by the opposition parties. Evidence also indicate poor targeting of the program and the existence of party alignment effect on municipal participation among municipalities governed by second term mayors.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-07-23T12:16:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardonevesluz.pdf: 2626049 bytes, checksum: 7b3d89d05297f5d4bd59df813779e123 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-09-03T16:19:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardonevesluz.pdf: 2626049 bytes, checksum: 7b3d89d05297f5d4bd59df813779e123 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-03T16:19:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardonevesluz.pdf: 2626049 bytes, checksum: 7b3d89d05297f5d4bd59df813779e123 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-18 / Esta tese tem por objetivo investigar os efeitos da exposição a incentivos à reeleição por parte de prefeitos incumbentes sobre a provisão pública de vagas em creches. Com base na teoria da agência política, espera-se que prefeitos aptos a concorrer à reeleição tenham incentivos a sinalizar ao eleitorado que são candidatos preocupados em satisfazer suas preferências. Assumindo que a oferta pública de bens privados é componente das preferências do eleitorado, em especial a oferta pública de creches, foi realizado um quase-experimento para testar se há comportamento oportunista na provisão de vagas públicas em creches pelos prefeitos com incentivos à reeleição. Por meio de informações contidas no Repositório de Dados Eleitorais do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, para as eleições municipais de 2004 e 2008, foram selecionados municípios cujos prefeitos poderiam concorrer às eleições de 2008, compondo o grupo de tratamento, com municípios em que os prefeitos encontravam-se em segundo mandato, formando o grupo de controle. O exercício empírico foi baseado em uma abordagem de desenho de regressões descontínuas (RDD) para verificar se há uma diferença média entre a taxa de crescimento da provisão de vagas em creches, municipais ou privadas conveniadas às prefeituras municipais. Os resultados indicaram que não há evidências robustas da presença de oportunismo eleitoral na provisão de vagas em creches, considerando as vagas ofertadas em creches públicas e privadas sob regime de parceria com o poder público local. Foi realizado, ainda, um exercício empírico para verificar se há incentivos à provisão pública de creches sob alinhamento partidário entre prefeito incumbente e os partidos da base aliada do Governo Federal no Congresso Nacional e na composição do ministério do Presidente. Novamente, não foram encontradas evidências robustas que indiquem efeitos de alinhamento partidário na provisão pública de creches. / The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the effects of exposure to incentives for re-election by incumbent mayors on the public provision of enrollments in day care centers. Based on political agency theory, mayors apt to run for re-election are expected to have incentives to signalize to the electorate that they are candidates concerned about satisfying their preferences. Assuming that the public offering of private goods is a component of the electorate's preferences, especially the public offer of day-care centers, a quasi-experiment was conducted to test for opportunistic behavior in the provision of public enrollments in day care centers by mayors with re-election incentives. Using information contained in the Repositório de Dados Eleitorais of the Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, municipalities whose mayors could run for the 2008 elections were selected as treatment group and the municipalities in which mayors were in second term were selected as control group. The empirical exercise was based on a discontinuous regression design approach (RDD) to verify if there is a mean difference between the growth rate of the provision of enrollments in public or private (subsidized by the municipalities) day care centers. The results indicated that there is no robust evidence of the presence of electoral opportunism in the provision of enrollments in day care centers, considering the vacancies offered in public and private (under a partnership with the local public power) day care centers. In addition, an empirical exercise was carried out to verify if there is an incentive to the public provision of day care centers under partisan alignment between incumbent mayor and the parties of the allied basis of the Federal Government in the National Congress and in the composition of the President's Cabinet. Again, no robust evidence was found to indicate effects of partisan alignment in the public provision of day care centers.

Reading failure in elementary school is highly correlated with future academic and social problems. Schools commonly use Tier 2 reading interventions in Response to Intervention (RtI) frameworks to help close the gap between at-risk readers and their peers who read on grade-level. This dissertation presents the findings of a quasi-experimental research study of the effects of three Tier 2 reading interventions in an urban Title I elementary school's RtI framework. A regression discontinuity design (RDD) with two cutoff points was used to assign 320 students in grades 1-6 to two types of Tier 2 reading interventions administered by paraeducators: direct instruction (DI) and computer-assisted instruction (CAI). Students were assigned using normal curve equivalent reading composite scores on the Kaufman Test of Educational Achievement II, Brief Form (KTEA-II BFR). Students scoring below a lower cutoff were assigned to a DI reading intervention, while students scoring at or below an upper cutoff and above the lower cutoff were assigned to CAI reading interventions. January and May posttest iterations of the KTEA-II BFR served as outcome measures for all students. Results of the analysis indicated that the DI intervention was more effective than the CAI interventions at the lower cutoff (p < .01). Participation in CAI interventions was not any more or less effective than business-as-usual reading activities (p > .10). These findings suggest that that CAI programs may not be as helpful in closing the achievement gap between struggling students and their peers as DI interventions, and should be implemented with deliberation.

The age-cutoff regression discontinuity design (RDD) has emerged as one of the most rigorous quasi-experimental approaches to determining program effects of prekindergarten on literacy and numeracy outcomes for children at kindergarten entry. However, few pre-K meta-analyses have focused attention on validity threats. The current random-effects meta-regression tests the moderating effects of prominent threats to validity, selection bias and sensitivity, on impact estimates generated from age-cutoff regression discontinuity studies from large-scale programs. Results from averaging dependent standardized mean difference effects suggested small positive moderating effects of total attrition and robust 3-month bandwidths on reading effects, but not on math. However, these results were not statistically significant. In contrast, results generated from robust variance estimation yielded a small statistically significant association between total attrition and math effects. These mixed results may warrant further research on prekindergarten evaluation methodology, evaluation estimation methods, and the totality of evidence used to inform policy.

Essay I (with Mattias Öhman): Fluoridation of the drinking water is a public policy whose aim is to improve dental health. Although the evidence is clear that fluoride is good for dental health, concerns have been raised regarding potential negative effects on cognitive development. We study the effects of fluoride exposure through the drinking water in early life on cognitive and non-cognitive ability, education and labor market outcomes in a large-scale setting. We use a rich Swedish register dataset for the cohorts born 1985-1992, together with drinking water fluoride data. To estimate the effect we exploit intra-municipality variation of fluoride, stemming from an exogenous variation in the bedrock. First, we investigate and confirm the long-established positive relationship between fluoride and dental health. Second, we find precisely estimated zero effects on cognitive ability, non-cognitive ability and education. We do not find any evidence that fluoride levels below 1.5 mg/l have negative effects. Third, we find evidence that fluoride improves labor market outcome later in life, which indicates that good dental health is a positive factor on the labor market. / Essay II: Motivated by the intense public debate in the United States regarding politicians’ backgrounds, I investigate the effects of electing a candidate with earlier experience from elective office to the House of Representatives. The U.S. two-party-system with single-member election districts enables me to estimate the causal effect in a RD design where the outcomes are measured at the election district level. I find some indications that candidates with earlier elective experience are more likely to be members of important congressional committees. I also find some indications that directed federal spending (pork barrel spending) is higher in those districts were the elected representative had earlier elective experience prior of being elected to the House, but the effect manifests itself some years after the election. In contrast, I find no robust or statistically significant effects for personal income per capita or unemployment rate in the home district. / Essay III: This paper uses Swedish and Finnish municipal data to investigate the effect of changes in voter turnout on the tax rate, public spending and vote-shares. A reform in Sweden in 1970, which overall lowered the cost of voting, is applied as an instrument for voter turnout in local elections. The reform increased voter turnout in Sweden. The higher voter turnout resulted in higher municipal taxes and greater per capita local public spending. There are also indications that higher turnout decreased the vote share for right-wing parties. I use an individual survey data set to conclude that it was in particular low income earners that began to vote to a greater extent after the reform. / Essay IV (with Lovisa Persson): In a theoretical model where voters and politicians have different preferences for how much to spend on basic welfare services contra reception services for asylum seekers, we conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no spending on asylum seekers if the cost is high enough. Additionally, adjustment to right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession. Voters differ in their level of private consumption in such a way that lower private consumption implies higher demand for basic welfare services at the expense of reception of asylum seekers, and thus stronger disposition to support right-wing populist policies. We propose that this within-budget-distributional conflict can arise as an electorally decisive conflict dimension if parties have converged to the median voter on the size-of-government issue.