Le woofing propose à des bénévoles de venir en aide à des « hôtes » propriétaires de fermes biologiques en échange du gîte, du couvert et du partage de connaissances. Ces « petites mains » novices des savoir-faire paysans s’activent aussi bien dans les champs que dans les maisonnées, et représentent une nouvelle forme d’entraide agricole. La thèse analyse le rôle du woofing dans les secteurs de l’agriculture paysanne française et québécoise, de même que ses usages par les woofeur·euses et les organisations du travail qui en découlent. Grâce à une approche féministe du travail, la thèse rend compte de l’articulation entre la reproduction sociale, c’est-à-dire l’entretien des vies humaines et non-humaines, et la production marchande dans le cas du woofing. La thèse repose sur une méthodologie ethnographique qui combine des immersions au sein des fermes en tant que woofeuse, une analyse documentaire et des entretiens semi-directifs avec hôtes, woofeur·euses et membres des organisations agricoles. La thèse montre tout d’abord comment le bénévolat dans ces entreprises commerciales constitue une anomalie juridique en France et au Québec, qui prend place dans des secteurs d’activités marqués par des fragilités structurelles, politiquement instituées dans une large mesure. S’il est mieux toléré au Québec qu’en France, le woofing fait l’objet d’un déni de travail dans les deux cas. Il recrute ensuite majoritairement des personnes privilégiées à la recherche d’une expérience touristique, militante ou professionnalisante. Enfin, paysan·nes et woofeur·euses interagissent au sein d’organisations alternatives du travail centrées sur le souci des autres, où la subordination est remplacée par le don. Les logiques du prendre soin, si elles peuvent susciter une usure chez les hôtes, permettent cependant de lutter contre les organisations productivistes du travail et ainsi de le re-visiter. / Woofing gives the opportunity to volunteers to help organic farmers in exchange for accommodation, food, and knowledge sharing. These novices learn peasant know-how and active both in the fields and in the households. Therefore, they represent a new form of agricultural mutual help. The thesis analyzes the role of woofing in France’s and Quebec’s peasant and agricultural sectors, as well as its uses by woofers and the work organizations structured by the practices of woofing. Based on a feminist approach of work, the thesis unveils the articulation between social reproduction, the maintenance of human and non-human lives, and market production on woofing. The thesis is based on an ethnographic methodology that combines farm immersions as a woofer, documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews with hosts, woofers, and members of agricultural organizations. First, the thesis shows how volunteering in these commercial enterprises constitutes a legal anomaly in France and Quebec, which takes place in sectors of activity marked by structural weaknesses, which are to a large extent politically instituted. If it is more tolerated in Quebec than in France, woofing is the subject of a denial of work in both cases. Then, the thesis explains that woofing recruits mostly privileged people looking for a tourist, militant, or professional experience. Finally, peasants and woofers interact within alternative work organizations centered on the concern for others, where subordination is replaced by a logic of “gift”. While causing wear among the hosts, the logics of taking care nevertheless enable to resist productivist organizations and therefore re-visit work.

[pt] A partir do questionamento de quem é a classe trabalhadora atual, esta pesquisa se propõe a compreender e analisar o trabalho informal sob a ótica das mulheres camelôs. Para isso, foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com quatro mulheres ambulantes da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, a fim de perceber as dinâmicas sociais entre elas e o espaço público. Assentando a discussão na necessidade de se atentar aos papéis de cuidado, impostos social e historicamente às mulheres, esta pesquisa atualiza as discussões a partir do contexto da pandemia de coronavírus. A região central do Rio de Janeiro, espaço delimitado para a pesquisa, ao mesmo tempo que é marcado por disputas entre a classe trabalhadora e o poder público, influenciado pelas elites dominantes, aparece, nesta pesquisa, como palco de construção de autonomia, liberdade e cidadania pelas camelôs, caracterizando-se também em campo político. Assim, esta pesquisa procura investigar as práticas coletivas, em um contexto individualizante, muitas vezes imposto pelo sistema neoliberal, percebendo exemplos de resistência coletivas e práticas que podem ser denominadas feministas. A pesquisa adotou como enquadramento teórico as teorias da reprodução social desenvolvidas pelos autores feministas-marxistas da chamada Teoria da Reprodução Social (TRS) e da intelectual negra Angela Davis, buscando realizar uma leitura sobre quem é classe trabalhadora atual, não deixando de fora uma investigação generificada e racializada, além de uma análise pautada na realidade concreta enfrentada pelas sujeitas desta pesquisa, não apartando teoria e prática. / [en] Based on the questioning of who is the current working class, this research aims to understand and analyze informal work from the perspective of women street vendors. For this, semi-structured interviews were carried out with four women street vendors in the city of Rio de Janeiro, to understand the social dynamics between them and the public space. Basing the discussion on the need to pay attention to the roles of care, socially and historically imposed on women, this research updates the discussions from the context of the coronavirus pandemic. The central region of Rio de Janeiro, the specific area of the research, concurrently marked by disputes between working classes and government, influenced by the ruling elites, appears in this research, as the setting of construction of autonomy, freedom and citizenship for the women vendors, featuring the region as well as a political field. Therefore, this research aims to investigate the collective practices, in an individualizing context, often imposed by the neoliberal system, noticing examples of collective resistance and practical actions that can be denominated feminists. This paper adopted as its theoretical framework the theories of social reproduction developed by feminist-marxists authors known as Social Reproduction Theory (SRT) and from the black intellectual Angela Davis, pircing an understanding about who comprises the current working class, not leaving out a gendered and racialized investigation, in addition to an analysis based on the concrete reality faced by the subjects of this research, not separating theory and practice.

This dissertation is the first ever written Institutional Ethnography (IE) of the Asignación Universal por Hijo para Protección Social, or "AUH" [Universal Child Allowance], Argentina's CCT (conditional cash transfer) program. CCTs are one of international development's favourite and fastest-growing anti-poverty initiatives. Through the AUH, the State transfers cash to the poor attaching certain conditions that refer to the health and education of their children. Most CCT programs target women, and the AUH is no exception, as the overwhelming majority of legal recipients of the AUH are poor mothers. CCTs have been praised for contributing to human capital accumulation and empowering women. Using IE, a feminist socio-legal methodology drawn from Canadian sociologist Dorothy Smith,† I conducted research with a total of fifty-eight informants: thirty-nine AUH recipient women - through in-depth semi-structured individual interviews, focus group discussions, and narrative photovoice - and nineteen professionals working at diverse corners of the AUH institution. I use the findings to answer two main questions: (1) What are AUH recipients' experiences with and attitudes toward the program? and (2) How do both State and non-State legal regimes work to influence the lives of the most vulnerable women in Argentina? In other words, how does the AUH play within a system of rules - formal and informal - that have traditionally exerted control over poor women? Following IE and Social Reproduction Feminism (SRF), I found that while the AUH program indicates women's decision-making roles within their families and communities, this policy initiative serves to entrench rather than rectify inequalities. The problematic that I have found through this study is administrative and obstetric violence against AUH recipient women. Discussion about the administrative and obstetric violence that AUH recipient women suffer while doing AUH work has remained at the margins of legal and social policy debates, generally underdeveloped in policy and scholarship conversations about the realities of Argentina's most vulnerable people. Recipient women depicted diverse acts of violence they suffered while doing AUH work: they were mistreated, dismissed, neglected, humiliated, and discriminated against by State agents; recipient women were treated as ignorant or infantilized; recipient women had their stipend partially stolen by bureaucrats; had to wait countless hours in unsafe conditions; were not heard by health actors when expressing concerns about their health; had no opportunity to give prior informed consent; and they faced barriers to accessing health services and contraception. I have found a disjuncture between women's lived experiences and the broader ruling relations that organize "AUH work." The findings show a disconnection between women's experiences of violence, bureaucratic actors' experiences and knowledge of the AUH, and a misalignment between bureaucrats' knowledge and the black-letter law. These disjunctures enable and facilitate violence against recipient women through fragmentation, invisibilization, rationalization, minimization, standardization, and objectification of women's experiences. In sum, the AUH facilitates violence against women and systematically obscures that violence. Following a legal pluralist approach, I show the complex role of the law: at times, it problematically excludes recipient women's actual experiences from the AUH legal framework; at others, it fails to protect recipient women against violence. I identify the formal legal regimes interacting and immersed in the AUH institution: human rights and constitutional law, administrative law, and the violence against women (VAW) legal framework. Despite an outstanding formal repertoire of rights, there is a gap between the formal laws and their effective translation into women's lives. The law is fragmented, complex, and sometimes contradictory. It cannot be limited to State-enacted formal laws; informal laws substantially impact people's lives, such as the rule to avoid retaliation from State actors by avoiding complaining. I argue that IE and legal pluralism can provide a more nuanced understanding of the law's complex institutional hierarchy and of the myriad ways by which recipient women's voices continue to be ignored and discredited within the law in the hope that the law can better respond (or at least stops interfering) with their needs. Ultimately, nothing less than the transformation of the socioeconomic order will achieve gender equality. Rather than "empowerment," we should strive toward emancipation, abolishing the structural colonial, patriarchal, and capitalist foundations of exploitation and oppression instead of integrating women into existing institutions and "empowering" them with shallow cash transfers.

La quête de mobilité sociale s’est renforcée dans l’imaginaire collectif, les valeurs et l’identité japonaise depuis le décloisonnement territorial et social procuré par le changement radical des politiques lors de la Restauration Meiji. Ces nouveaux gains spatiaux et sociaux, en parallèle avec le développement d’une économie capitaliste, stimulent les mouvements humains et de capitaux, développant de nouveaux réseaux transitoires. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le Japon vit à nouveau des transformations qui viennent bouleverser la gestion de l’espace et son système d’éducation. En effet, l’espace physique et social se voit être redéfini de sorte à prioriser les secteurs industriels qui correspondent aux nouveaux standards socioéconomiques de la société. Rapidement, le principe méritocratique s’installe dans le nouveau système d’éducation « égalitaire » pour répondre au désir grandissant de la population de mobilité. Enfin, l’éclatement de la bulle spéculative dans les années 1990 vient une fois de plus bouleverser les structures sociales et scolaires du Japon. Dans cette nouvelle réalité: l’éducation agit-elle comme une force sociale qui permet ou empêche le gain de mobilité; ou bien maintient-elle ou augmente-t-elle la position sociale des individus? Et quelle est l’influence des classes sur le phénomène de la reproduction sociale? Différentes thématiques seront abordées dans cette recherche, notamment l’effet des classes sociales sur les inégalités quant à l’accès à l’éducation; le rôle de l’éducation dans une société néo-libérale basée sur la certification (« diplômatie » – société des diplômes), créant un déséquilibre entre les établissements scolaires et les régions; et enfin l’influence des capitaux sur la position sociale d’un individu. Par ailleurs, une théorisation conceptuelle sera proposée afin de faire ressortir l’importance de la spatialité dans la mobilité sociale en tant que complément à la théorie des capitaux de Bourdieu. / The quest for social mobility has been reinforced in the Japanese collective imagination, values and identity since the territorial and social decompartmentalization provided by the radical change in policies during the Meiji Restoration. Such new spatial and social gains, paired with the development of a capitalist economy, fostered the movement of people and capital, developing new transitory networks. After the Second World War, Japan once again experienced transformations that disrupted the management of its territory and its education system. Indeed, the physical and social space was redefined in order to prioritize the industrial sectors that corresponded to the new socio-economic standards of the society. Soon, the meritocratic principle was established in the new "egalitarian" education system to respond to the population's growing desire for mobility. Finally, the bursting of the speculative bubble in the 1990s once again disrupted the social and educational structures of Japan. Considering this new reality: does education act as a social force that allows or prevents the gain of mobility; or does it maintain or strengthen the social position of individuals? And what is the influence of class on the phenomenon of social reproduction? Different themes will be addressed in this research, including the effect of social class on inequalities in access to education; the role of education in a neo-liberal society based on certification ("diplômatie" – Diploma system), creating an imbalance between schools and regions; and finally, the influence of capital on an individual's social position. Furthermore, a conceptual theorization will be proposed to highlight the importance of spatiality in social mobility as a complement to Bourdieu's capital theory.

No description available.

No description available.

This dissertation investigates what the early modern donation system in Sweden reveals about the Crown’s expectations of the social group that served the state, and what these individuals expected from the Crown. The author shows how the Crown used donations of land rents to remunerate and reward individuals in its service. In 1680 the donation system was abolished and the Crown reclaimed everything that had been alienated. It was not until 1723 that the proprietors could address a specially appointed parliamentary commission (which ended in 1748) and challenge the Crown’s repossession. The deeds of donation and ratification, most issued during the period 1604 to 1680, as well as petitions submitted to the commission constitute the sources used in the investigation. A petition from the recipient usually preceded remunerations and the deeds drawn up by the Crown often refer to these letters. Petitioners accordingly referred to arguments used by the administration in Stockholm. This makes it possible, by direct and indirect methods, to study how both parties sought to change and influence the imagined compact between Crown and families in its service. The negotiation between the parties, studied over such a lengthy period, helps identify tendencies in the way the relation between state and its servants was changing. The thesis shows that there was a clear gender aspect to the process through which state formation happened. Even though most recipients were male, the deeds included his wife and children. Service and fidelity to the Crown was expected also from the descendants of the recipient. Accordingly, the Crown had both liabilities and duties to fulfil to the recipients family. We could say that in the eye of the Crown its servants were a family. The author also argues that the Crown used the donations to create and favour an informal fifth estate and how this policy influenced the shared ideas in society on merits versus ancestry. In the end of the period, however, the imagined compact was changing. The emerging state came with new claims to authority and the need to separate the Crown from its subjects at various levels (legal, political). As the compact became less personal family members were no longer included and women could no longer negotiate from their position within the family.

This thesis examines the relationship between recognition of prior learning and the aim to increase social and ethnical diversity in higher education. Recognition of prior learning is a result of educational politics aiming to broaden social and ethnical recruitment to higher education. By examining if recognition of prior learning rather can, and shall, be seen as part of what Pierre Bourdieu calls educational social reproduction I try to question whether it fulfils education policy goals or not. My results show that persons responsible for recognition of prior learning rather recognise knowledge from prior educational institutions than knowledge gained outside the educational system. Considering this, recognition of prior learning does not quite live up to the aims. But if evaluated and developed it might become a useful tool to broaden recruitment to higher education. / Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka relationen mellan validering av reell kompetens och målet att öka den sociala och etniska mångfalden i högskolan. Validering av reell kompetens är resultatet av en politisk högskolereform som syftar till breddad rekrytering men jag försöker lyfta frågan om validering snarare kan, och skall, ses som en del av vad Pierre Bourdieu kallar den sociala reproduktionen i högskolan. Mina resultat visar att de som gör bedömningar av reell kompetens är mer benägna att värdera tidigare utbildningserfarenhet än kunskaper hämtade från andra områden. Detta gör att vi i dagsläget kan tala om att validering av reell kompetens inte riktigt lever upp till sitt mål, men att det, om det används på rätt sätt, kan vara ett bra redskap för att bredda rekryteringen.

<p>This thesis examines the relationship between recognition of prior learning and the aim to increase social and ethnical diversity in higher education. Recognition of prior learning is a result of educational politics aiming to broaden social and ethnical recruitment to higher education. By examining if recognition of prior learning rather can, and shall, be seen as part of what Pierre Bourdieu calls educational social reproduction I try to question whether it fulfils education policy goals or not. My results show that persons responsible for recognition of prior learning rather recognise knowledge from prior educational institutions than knowledge gained outside the educational system. Considering this, recognition of prior learning does not quite live up to the aims. But if evaluated and developed it might become a useful tool to broaden recruitment to higher education.</p> / <p>Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka relationen mellan validering av reell kompetens och målet att öka den sociala och etniska mångfalden i högskolan. Validering av reell kompetens är resultatet av en politisk högskolereform som syftar till breddad rekrytering men jag försöker lyfta frågan om validering snarare kan, och skall, ses som en del av vad Pierre Bourdieu kallar den sociala reproduktionen i högskolan. Mina resultat visar att de som gör bedömningar av reell kompetens är mer benägna att värdera tidigare utbildningserfarenhet än kunskaper hämtade från andra områden. Detta gör att vi i dagsläget kan tala om att validering av reell kompetens inte riktigt lever upp till sitt mål, men att det, om det används på rätt sätt, kan vara ett bra redskap för att bredda rekryteringen.</p>

Submitted by Cristiane de Melo Shirayama (cristiane.shirayama@unifesp.br) on 2018-04-13T21:12:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 REPENSANDO_A_REPRODU__O_DO_.PDF: 7523629 bytes, checksum: e58f872d7f24caa1eb4ab8db3eff1c9d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diogo Misoguti (diogo.misoguti@gmail.com) on 2018-04-17T18:06:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 REPENSANDO_A_REPRODU__O_DO_.PDF: 7523629 bytes, checksum: e58f872d7f24caa1eb4ab8db3eff1c9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-17T18:06:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 REPENSANDO_A_REPRODU__O_DO_.PDF: 7523629 bytes, checksum: e58f872d7f24caa1eb4ab8db3eff1c9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-17 / Fundação Amazônia Paraense de Amparo à Pesquisa (FAPESPA) / Esta dissertação trata da particularidade da reprodução social mediante a produção do espaço a partir da experiência da Comuna Urbana Dom Hélder Câmara. Produzida por sujeitos diversos, a experiência da Comuna permitiu analisar os processos de trabalho e urbanização com o objetivo de compreender os impasses e as potencialidades da autogestão na produção habitacional entre os anos de 2008 a 2012. Depreende-se da descrição e da análise o processo e o contexto de problematização dos limites da forma urbana da habitação unifamiliar e individual, em um momento em que a produção habitacional aumentou vertiginosamente em decorrência da lógica produtivista do setor imobiliário. Discute-se as diversas formas de habitação na formação da metrópole paulistana: autoconstrução-favelização, produção estatal, produção imobiliária e mutirão autogerido e, em seguida, investiga-se a relação entre os processos de industrialização e urbanização como mote de contextualização histórica de entendimento dos impasses das políticas urbana e habitacional. Em contraposição ao processo de urbanização segregador e individualizador, é analisado o “fazer-se” coletivo da classe pela experiência da Comuna e sua forma de organização política e espacial que resulta num projeto arquitetônico inovador e complexo, que reuniu espaços sociais distintos para além da habitação como expressão da busca do social, da reunião e da simultaneidade do urbano. / This dissertation deals with the particularity of social reproduction through the production of space from the experience of the Commune Urban Dom Helder Camara. Produced by different subjects, the experience of the Commune allowed to analyze work processes and development with the goal of understanding the dilemmas and possibilities of self-management in housing production between the years 2008-2012. It appears from the description and analysis of the process and context of questioning the limits of the urban form of the single-family dwelling and detached, at a time that housing production has increased dramatically due to the productivist logic of the real estate industry. It discusses the various forms of housing in the metropolis training: self-slums, state production, production and self-managed real estate task force and then investigates the relationship between the processes of industrialization and urbanization as a theme of historical context of understanding impasses of urban and housing policies. In contrast to the process of urbanization and individualization segregated, is considered the "make up" class for the collective experience of the Commune and its organizational and political space which results in a complex and innovative architectural design, bringing together different social spaces beyond housing as an expression of social search, the meeting and the simultaneity of the city.