En l’espace d’une décennie, le concept de « droit à la vérité » est parvenu à s’imposer dans le paysage des institutions et juridictions de protection des droits de l’homme. Il a été initialement reconnu dans le cadre des disparitions forcées par la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l’homme (2000), la Chambre des droits de l’homme de Bosnie-Herzégovine (2003) et dans la Convention internationale contre les disparitions forcées (2006), pour s’étendre aux violations graves du droit international humanitaire et des droits de l’homme (Haut-Commissariat des droits de l’homme aux Nations Unies, 2006; Conseil des droits de l’homme, 2008; Cour pénale internationale, 2010). En plein essor, ce droit est actuellement au cœur de vives discussions à la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme, comme l’attestent les opinions séparées des juges dans l’affaire El-Masri c. Macédoine à propos de la restitution extraordinaire d’un citoyen allemand dans le cadre de la « lutte contre le terrorisme » menée par les États-Unis avec la complicité d’États européens (Grande chambre, arrêt du 13 décembre 2012). <p><p>Comment une notion aussi floue a-t-elle pu être consacrée si rapidement auprès de ces institutions, alors qu’elle n’est reprise dans aucun catalogue des droits fondamentaux ?Quelle est la portée de ce nouvel objet en droit international, et quels en sont les usages ?Mis à part son appellation, le « droit à la vérité » aurait-il réellement un contenu propre qui se distinguerait du catalogue des droits existants ?Sa reconnaissance offre-t-elle une illustration de la « rhétorique des droits » ou traduit-elle la cristallisation d’un nouveau droit justiciable?<p> <p>Alors même que le « droit à la vérité » est aujourd’hui convoqué de manière croissante par la communauté internationale pour légitimer la mise en place de nouvelles politiques de pacification internationales, à l’instar des « commission de vérité et de réconciliation » préconisées dans des sociétés affectées par des crimes d’ampleur massive (rapports du Secrétariat général et du Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme des Nations Unies, 2004, et de la Banque mondiale, 2011), cet objet d’étude demeure largement inexploré. Palliant cette lacune, ma thèse consiste en une reconstitution généalogique du « droit à la vérité » dans une perspective chronologique, des luttes sociales concrètes pour sa reconnaissance à ses développements juridiques contemporains, afin de déterminer les enjeux sociaux, politiques et juridiques de sa reconnaissance. <p><p>À travers une méthode interdisciplinaire qui articule l’approche critique du droit à la sociologie politique du droit, mes recherches apportent ainsi des connaissances originales sur deux plans :sur le plan juridique, d’une part, il s’agit de la première étude exhaustive des textes et décisions juridiques sur le « droit à la vérité » qui analyse de manière systématique sa nature, ses bénéficiaires, son contenu et ses contours en droit international; sur le plan de la sociologie du droit, d’autre part, elle offre une cartographie inédite des mobilisations sociales et professionnelles du « droit à la vérité » et propose une analyse des motivations qui les animent, susceptible d’enrichir les débats en sociologie du droit et de la justice sur la création et la diffusion empirique de nouvelles normes en droit international. <p><p>L’hypothèse de travail mise à l’épreuve tout au long de l’étude est la suivante :la reconnaissance d’un « droit à la vérité », notion à contenu variable par excellence, permettrait à une multitude d’entrepreneurs de normes de défendre, derrière la formalisation de ce droit, d’autres causes controversées en droit international. La thèse montre ainsi comment les mobilisations du « droit à la vérité » tentent d’orienter dans des sens particuliers certains débats qui demeurent ouverts en droit international et qui sont liés à des enjeux de justice contemporains :les victimes d’atrocités ont-elles un droit à la punition des responsables ?Les amnisties sont-elles licites en droit international, et le cas échéant, à quelles conditions ?Peut-on restreindre le privilège du secret d’État et contraindre les autorités à communiquer des informations aux victimes lorsqu’elles sont soupçonnées de couvrir des crimes internationaux ?Quelle est l’étendue et la nature de l’obligation des États d’enquêter et de poursuivre les auteurs de crimes de masse ?En cas de circonstances exceptionnelles, comme la menace d’un coup d’État ou l’insuffisance de ressources financières, les gouvernements ont-ils une marge de discrétion sur ces questions ?Emblème des dilemmes de la justice transitionnelle, le « droit à la vérité » est ainsi revendiqué dans des directions opposées.<p> <p>En particulier, la thèse révèle la diversité irréductible des mobilisations du « droit à la vérité » en explorant la polysémie de ses usages, les jeux de compétition entre ses promoteurs et les tensions qui jalonnent sa formalisation en droit international. Cette analyse empirique permet de comprendre pourquoi ce droit fonde aujourd’hui des politiques contradictoires, à savoir tant des politiques de répression des violations graves des droits de l’homme, axées sur la condamnation pénale des responsables, que des politiques mémorielles axées sur la « réconciliation » des sociétés à travers des amnisties au bénéfice des auteurs de crimes, ainsi que des mesures de réparation matérielles et symboliques au bénéfice des victimes. Droit à une vérité judiciaire des victimes, et droit à une vérité « historique » et collective des peuples sur les causes de conflits passés coexistent ainsi au sein du même droit pour justifier un déploiement de la justice pénale international(isé)e ou à l’inverse, pour la paralyser au nom d’impératifs de démocratisation et de concorde civile. <p><p>Ma thèse démontre ainsi l’ambivalence du « droit à la vérité », qui agit tantôt comme ressource, et tantôt comme contrainte pour ses promoteurs :au final, il n’offre qu’une ressource limitée à ses promoteurs en raison de la compétition qui continue à se jouer au sujet de sa définition, sa nature et ses titulaires. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The present thesis seeks to problematize the UN discourse within transitional justice. Many scholars have pointed out that the discourse has been normalised and that is why it is in need for deconstruction. The study aims to critically analyse how justice and reconciliation are understood in the field. For the purpose of the study Derrida’s concepts on justice and forgiveness have been chosen as theoretical frameworks. The method of study is a deconstructive analysis, based on Derrida’s notion of deconstruction. The method implies analysis of language of the research material, i.e. four UN reports regarding transitional justice from 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2011. The study has shown, firstly, that the rule of law concept is closely connected with the idea of justice and, secondly, justice is often reduced to accountability. That in turn explains the dominance of the juridical instruments in transitional justice processes. Apart from this, based on Derrida’s concept of forgiveness, reconciliation and mechanisms applied represent a conditional forgiveness, seeking to re-establish normality. Another problem is that reconciliation is not sufficiently approached in the reports. Nevertheless, the history of the transitional justice development has shown that there is a potential for further changes and that is why it necessary to continue question the established norms.   Finally, deconstruction analysis has proved to be an adequate method for analysing transitional justice discourses and contributed to a nuanced analysis. The use of two languages, English and Russian versions of the reports allowed to identify and visualise some conceptual constructions that could otherwise have been missing.

O presente estudo tem por objeto investigar a gênese dos potenciais transformativos geralmente atribuídos à memória pelos modernos teóricos da Justiça de Transição. A partir de sua relação genética com o Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos, elucidaram-se os contornos do conceito de memória na Teoria da Justiça de Transição demonstrando-se tanto a centralidade da memória na efetuação das práticas transicionais como uma constante atribuição de potenciais transformativos à memória. Uma vez diagnosticada a lacunaridae dessa relação jamais explicada em sua dinâmica própria entre os teóricos da Justiça de Transição , formulou-se a hipótese de que um conceito ontológico, dinâmico e metaindividual de memória, tal como registrado pela filosofia de Henri Bergson, poderia abranger os heterogêneos conceitos de memória dos teóricos da Justiça de Transição com a vantagem analítica de permitir integrar a lacuna teórica encontrada, explicando-se como se podem atribuir potenciais transicionais à memória. Para tanto, foi necessário demonstrar que a filosofia bergsoniana da duração instaura um vínculo entre ontologia e política, duração real, memória e variação das formas de vida. Em seguida, buscamos derivar dessa ontologia política bergsoniana as consequências subjetivas, morais e institucionais correlatas a dois grandes referenciais que Bergson e a Teoria da Justiça de Transição possuem em comum: a democracia e os direitos humanos. Dessa forma, pretendeu-se estabelecer um problema ainda não investigado no âmbito da Teoria da Justiça de Transição e oferecer-lhe uma solução original à luz de sua interlocução com a filosofia de Henri Bergson, seu conceito de memória e suas implicações políticas. / The present essay aims to investigate the genesis of transformative potencies generally assigned to memory by modern Transitional Justices theorists. Starting on its genetic relationship with International Human Rights Law, this essay have clarified the patterns of memory in Transitional Justice proving the central role played by memory in the field of transitional practices as well as it has demonstrated the constant assignment of transformative potencies to memory. Once established these patterns, this study diagnosed a theoretical gap on connecting memory and transition on Transitional Justice theory. Therefore, according to our hypothesis, an ontological, dynamic and meta-individual concept of memory, as registered on Bergsons philosophy, would comprehend Transitional Justices heterogenic notions of memory and could go far beyond them. By this mean, we were able to fulfill the theoretical gap encountered in order to clarify how is possible to assign transitional potencies to memory. Thus, this study demonstrates that Bergsons durational philosophy promotes a connection between ontology and politics, real duration, memory and variation of ways of life. Afterwards, we derivated from that bergsonian political ontology subjective, moral and institutional consequences related to democracy and human rights referrals that Bergson and Transitional Justices theorists have in common. We have tried to establish a problem not yet investigated by Transitional Justice Theory and offer a original solution to it since Henri Bergsons philosophy, his concept of memory and its political implications.

A presente dissertação de mestrado analisa o papel da justiça de transição na busca pela paz na Guiné-Bissau, a partir do estudo dos mecanismos de justiça de transição existentes. Estudam-se os mecanismos existentes na busca pela paz e prestação de contas pelo passado de abusos e violações de direitos humanos e a escolha feita pela Guiné-Bissau pela operação de manutenção da paz, UNOGBIS constituída pela Organização das Nações Unidas. Nesses termos é apresentado o referêncial teórico necessário ao entendimento das questões propostas; é realizada a contextualização do país no continente africano e posteriormente é analisado o mecanismo das operações da paz, enquanto atividade de fortalecimento do processo de reconciliação nacional por meio da execução de projetos destinados a recompor as estruturas institucionais, a recuperar a infra-estrutura física e a ajudar na retomada da atividade econômica. / This dissertation examines the role of transitional justice in the search for peace in Guinea-Bissau, from the study of the mechanisms of transitional justice existent. It is studied the existing mechanisms in the search for peace and accountability for past abuses and violations of human rights. And also, the choice made by Guinea-Bissau for the peacekeeping operation, UNOGBIS formed by the United Nations. In these terms the theoretical reference is made to the understanding of the issues proposed; contextualization is held in the country on the African continent and it is later analyzed the mechanism of peace operations, while strengthening the activity of the national reconciliation process through the implementation of projects aimed recompose the institutional structures to regain physical infrastructure and help the recovery of economic activity.

A presente dissertação tem por objeto uma análise crítica do conceito de justiça de transição. Surgida na fronteira do direito com a ciência política, a partir da década de 90 do século XX, essa expressão tem delimitado um novo campo de reflexões e uma profícua agenda de pesquisas interdisciplinares na teoria social contemporânea. Para compreendê-la devidamente, esse trabalho faz um percurso incomum nos estudos da área. De partida, para recuperar as origens mais imediatas e pouco lembradas desse conceito, procede-se a uma revisão analítica da literatura produzida por uma geração importante de cientistas políticos durante as décadas de 80 e 90, conhecida como transitologia. Essa tradição preocupavase, essencialmente, em apreender a excepcionalidade dos momentos transicionais e em evitar, a todo custo, que se consumasse uma regressão autoritária, razão pela qual recomendavam todos os tipos de cautelas e prudências possíveis aos atores políticos. Após um exame detido desse corpo teórico, destacando suas premissas e definições, bem como limitações, discute-se o que se pode considerar, nesse quadro conceitual, como uma transição justa. Esse é o germe da ideia que, posteriormente, foi recuperada e sistematizada sob o recorte temático da justiça de transição, mas já em um contexto de globalização e internacionalização dos mecanismos de proteção aos direitos humanos. A partir dessas mudanças contextuais e conceituais, torna-se então possível descrever os traços gerais da abordagem tradicional desse fenômeno, estruturada a partir de cinco eixos consagrados nessa literatura: verdade, memória, reparação, justiça e reformas das instituições. Em seguida, são repassadas uma-a-uma as principais críticas dirigidas à definição tradicional, bem como as propostas formuladas para superar as deficiências teóricas e analíticas apontadas. Por fim, depois de examinar os estágios de uma transição e os requisitos para que se consume uma consolidação democrática, questiona-se a pertinência de utilização da expressão justiça de transição para contextos em que vigoram democracias relativamente bem consolidadas. De acordo com essa tese, estrutural para essa pesquisa, o conceito de justiça de transição, por definição, carrega uma ideia de justiça excepcional e precária, a ser modulada de acordo com as possibilidades em condições adversas, que é aplicável apenas a situações de extremo conflito ou forte instabilidade política, não verificadas nos países da América Latina e do Sul da Europa atualmente. / The purpose of this dissertation is to critically analyze of the concept of transitional justice. Emerging from the intersection between Law and Political Science, from the 1990s on, this expression has defined a new field of reflections and has become a main issue in the growing interdisciplinary research agenda in contemporary social theory. To understand this concept properly, this work takes an unusual path, when compared to the studies in this area. Firstly, to retrieve the most immediate and the least remembered origins of this concept, this dissertation comes to an analytical review of the literature of an important generation of political scientists during the 80s and 90s, known as \"transitologists\". The transitology generation was concerned, essentially, with investigating the exceptionality of moments of transition and with preventing, at all cost, an authoritarian regression, which was why they recommended much caution and prudence to all political actors. After a close examination of this theoretical framework, showing its assumptions and definitions, as well its limitations, this dissertation discusses what can be considered in this conceptual framework as a fair transition. This is the embrionary idea of that was later recovered and systematized under the main theme of transitional justice, but already in a context of globalization and internationalization of the Human Rights protection mechanisms. From these contextual and conceptual changes, it has thus become possible to describe the general features of the traditional approach to this phenomenon, structured by five areas: Truth, Memory, Repair, Justice and Reform of the Institutions. The established definition is revised with the support of a critical analysis, as well as the proposals to overcome the theoretical and analytical deficiencies were pointed out. Finally, after examining the stages of a transition and the requirements for the consummation of democratic consolidation, the appropriateness of the use of the term transitional justice for contexts of relatively wellestablished democracies is discussed. According to a theory, which is essential to this research, the concept of transitional justice, by definition, carries an idea of exceptional and precarious justice to be modulated according to the possibilities of adverse conditions, which applies only to situations of extreme conflict or political instability, something that currently cannot be observed in the contexts of Latin America and Southern Europe.

O trabalho a seguir se propõe a analisar o fundamento teórico do direito à verdade, sua origem histórica e implicações. Para tanto parte da ideia arendtiana de que a verdade factual muitas vezes está em oposição à política. Assim, a mentira e o segredo são instrumentos eficazes para manutenção e sobrevivência do autoritarismo estatal. Portanto, estabelecer a verdade se torna elemento essencial de um estado democrático de direito. O direito à verdade, nesse sentido é reconhecido como um direito de toda a coletividade e se relaciona à discussão sobre o acesso à informação e a responsabilização de agentes do estado. Existe ainda uma segunda faceta do direito à verdade, que se encontra na origem da construção do conceito e consiste no direito individual em saber sobre as circunstâncias do desaparecimento de pessoas. Além do reconhecimento do direito à verdade, outro problema central dos direitos humanos e que não pode ser preterido é a sua efetivação. Com efeito, a enunciação de direitos, por si só, não basta. A partir dessa perspectiva, cumpre observar como o direito à verdade pode ser implementado. Dentre os diversos mecanismos disponíveis, as comissões da verdade chamam especial atenção. Nesse sentido, a Comissão de Acolhimento Verdade e Reconciliação (CAVR) de Timor-Leste representa um marco paradigmático para o direito à verdade. Para compreender o funcionamento e os resultados da comissão é necessário considerar as características gerais de uma comissão da verdade, bem como o contexto social e cultural de Timor-Leste. As comissões da verdade, como meios alternativos de solução de conflitos inserem-se em um contexto de justiça restaurativa, cujo objetivo primordial é o encerramento do ciclo de violência. Em razão do poder reconciliador que possuem, inúmeras comissões instalaram-se ao redor do globo, com a onda de democratizações, sobretudo a partir dos anos 90. Embora seja possível identificar alguns elementos comuns às comissões da verdade, cada um delas conta com peculiaridades próprias. Com efeito, a diversidade de contextos nos quais se desenvolvem os mecanismos de justiça de transição, se traduzem também na diversidade do trabalho de tais instituições. Portanto, para que se compreendam os trabalhos e desafios enfrentados pela CAVR, é preciso apreender o contexto da sociedade timorense. Timor-Leste caracteriza-se por ser uma sociedade segmentada, em que a justiça comunitária ainda é o principal meio de solução de conflitos. Outro importante fator é a tradição da linguagem oral, que valoriza a memória para o estabelecimento de regras sociais e de justiça. A CAVR, ao incorporar esses elementos, logrou êxito na condução da reconciliação no nível das comunidades e contribuiu igualmente para a construção da identidade nacional. A documentação produzida serviu ainda como importante referência para que se trouxessem à luz os abusos cometidos. Nesse sentido, teve uma importante função educativa ao esclarecer as relações estabelecidas entre os indivíduos e o estado durante o regime autoritário. Além disso, as recomendações produzidas pela CAVR revelam-se ainda atuais, servindo como referência para o desenvolvimento de instituições e políticas nacionais em Timor-Leste. / The following study analyzes the theoretical basis of the right to truth, its historical origin and implications. It´s starting point is Hannah Arendt´s idea that factual truth is often in opposition to politics. Thus, the recourse to lies and the secrecy are effective tools for the maintenance and survival of state authoritarianism. Therefore, establishing the truth becomes a crucial element of democratic states based on the rule of law. The right to the truth in this regard is recognized as a right of the whole community and relates to the discussion on access to information and accountability of state agents. There is a second dimension of the right to truth, which lies within the original construction of the concept and translates into the individual right to know about the circumstances of the disappearance of persons. In addition to the recognition of the right to truth, another central issue of human rights - and that can not disregarded is its effectiveness. The sole announcement of the recognition of rights is not enough. From this perspective, the way in which the right to truth can be implemented should be noted. Among the various available mechanisms, truth commissions draw special attention. Accordingly, the Commission for Reception Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR) in Timor-Leste offers a paradigmatic framework for the right to truth. In order to understand how it operated and the outputs of the commission, it is necessary to consider the general characteristics of a truth commissions, as well as the social and cultural context of Timor-Leste. As alternative means of dispute resolution, truth commissions fall into the broader context of restorative justice, for which the primary goal is the end of the cycle of violence . Because of the reconciling power they have, many commissions have been set up around the globe, especially after the wave of democratizations in the 90s. Although it is possible to identify some common elements, each truth commission has its own peculiarities. The diversity of contexts in which transitional justice mechanisms develop, implicate on the diversity of the work of such institutions. Therefore, in order to understand the work and challenges faced by the CAVR, it is necessary to understand the context of East Timorese society. Timor-Leste is a segmented society, where community justice is still the primary means of conflict resolution. Another important factor is the tradition of oral language, which values the memory in order to establish of social rules and justice. By incorporating such elements, the CAVR was successful in driving the reconciliation process at the community level and at the same time contributed to the construction of national identity. The documents the CAVR produced also served as an important reference in order to shred light into the human rights violations. In this sense, it had an important educational role by clarifying the relations between individuals and the state during the authoritarian regime. In addition, the recommendations produced by the CAVR turn out to be still accurate, acting as a reference for the development of national institutions and policies in Timor-Leste.

Für den Umgang post-autoritärer Gesellschaften mit den Tätern von Menschenrechtsverletzungen der Vorgängerregime gibt es zahlreiche Möglichkeiten. Neben der legalen Strafverfolgung haben sich seit Mitte der 1970er Jahre vor allem Wahrheitskommissionen als Form gegenseitiger Versöhnung zwischen Tätern und Opfern etabliert. Die vorliegende Studie gibt aus der Perspektive der vergleichenden Politikfeldforschung eine Antwort auf die Frage, welche politischen Faktoren der Wahrheitskommissionen in Uruguay, Panama und Ghana zu einer Verzögerung bei den Aufarbeitungsprozessen nach der Transition führen. Dazu werden aus der Theorie von Transitional Justice Hypothesen zur Machtverteilung, dem Ausmaß der Menschenrechtsverletzungen und den zivil-militärischen Reformen für verspätete Wahrheitskommissionen abgeleitet, welche zur Plausibilisierung der Verzögerung beitragen. Im empirisch-analytischen Teil der Arbeit wird in der Untersuchungs- und Kontrollgruppe deutlich, dass im Vergleich zu transitionsnahen Wahrheitskommissionen ein niedrigeres Niveau an Menschenrechtsverletzungen den politischen Druck für die Aufarbeitung hemmt und die Täter als demokratisch gewählte Machthaber nach der Transition kein Interesse an der Wahrheit haben (Ghana und Panama) bzw. mit den neuen Machthabern paktierten (Uruguay). Zudem zeigt die Studie, dass zivil-militärische Reformen keinen Einfluss auf die Aufarbeitung der Wahrheit haben, wie in der Literatur argumentiert wird. Auch wird angezweifelt, dass sich die politische Machtverteilung bei der Einsetzung von Wahrheitskommissionen im Gleichgewicht befindet. / For dealing with former human rights violations post-conflict societies have several choices. Besides criminal prosecutions truth commissions have been set up since the mid 1970 to find a way for reconciliation between perpetrators and victims. This paper focuses on the analysis of truth commissions with a significant time span to the transitional period in a comparative manner and asks for the causal mechanisms linked to it. To explain the time lack hypotheses are tested on the balance of power, civil-military reforms and the degree of human rights violations. The analyses for the truth commissions in Uruguay, Ghana and Panama indicate that a lower degree of human rights violations and the elections of political leaders and parties closely linked to the authoritarian era foreclose the establishment process. These results are controlled by the analysis of truth commissions in Argentina, South Africa and Haiti that were directly set up after the transition. Further it is argued that civil-military reforms have no influence on the establishment of truth commissions and that the balance of power is not levelled as is argued in the literature.

<p>Since the 1980&rsquo / s, many dictatorships around the world have been replaced by new democracies. These old dictatorships were notorious for their human rights abuses. Many people were killed and tortured / and many others were disappeared. When the new governments came into power, they had to confront these injustices that were perpetrated under the predecessor regime. This was necessary to create a culture of human rights / promote a respect for the law and access to justice. Many confronted these injustices in different ways, some granted amnesty, some prosecuted and others instituted truth commissions. This research paper focuses on truth commissions. The research focuses particularly on the study of the South African Truth Commission. The mandate of the South African Truth Commission is analysed and the investigation into whether the commission served the purpose for which it had been established is discussed.</p>

<p>Since the 1980&rsquo / s, many dictatorships around the world have been replaced by new democracies. These old dictatorships were notorious for their human rights abuses. Many people were killed and tortured / and many others were disappeared. When the new governments came into power, they had to confront these injustices that were perpetrated under the predecessor regime. This was necessary to create a culture of human rights / promote a respect for the law and access to justice. Many confronted these injustices in different ways, some granted amnesty, some prosecuted and others instituted truth commissions. This research paper focuses on truth commissions. The research focuses particularly on the study of the South African Truth Commission. The mandate of the South African Truth Commission is analysed and the investigation into whether the commission served the purpose for which it had been established is discussed.</p>

Transitional justice is an essential part of the peacebuilding process, as the need to obtain justice for victims of conflict has been recognised as imperative when constructing peace. Subsequent to the established role of justice, the debate on approaches to justice has emerged. A debate concerned with whether restorative or retributive justice is suitable for the context, as the two are frequently presented as exclusive alternatives in academic debates.   Restorative justice favours inclusion and participation as instruments to repair harm caused by crimes, while retributive justice favours accountability through criminal punishment. This study, aspires to influence the discussion by analysing if the debate on restorative versus retributive justice is present in practice and if there is a trend of implementing restorative approaches to justice in this context. The objective of this study is relevant for transitional justice as there is a debate among scholars on the applicability of restorative justice in transitional societies.    The method of structured, focused comparison is applied to detect which mechanisms are implemented in four Sub-Saharan African post-conflict countries. The countries were selected based on their similarities, as it allows for a focused comparison. The theoretical framework adopted is the TARR-model. The elements of the model are applied as a basis for the structured, focused comparison. Further, the model is used to detect restorative and retributive mechanisms and to assess the restorative basis of transitional justice. The model was selected, as it is the only restorative value-based model available.   The findings detected the approaches to not be exclusive alternatives in practice. Further, a trend of fully restorative approaches to justice was not found in the four cases. However, retributive mechanisms were found to be contributing to restorative outcomes. A trend of combining the two approaches was detected. It is, therefore suggested, future research is conducted on hybrid approaches to justice, local ownership and traditional mechanisms.   Keywords: Restorative Justice, Retributive Justice, Sub-Saharan Africa, Transitional Justice.