O objetivo desta tese é analisar como e por que a normatividade do sistema interamericano de direitos humanos sobre o tema da justiça de transição pôde exercer impacto sobre questões de direitos humanos no Brasil, Colômbia, México e Peru. Partindo da abordagem emergente na literatura de que os efeitos dos regimes internacionais de direitos humanos são condicionados por fatores domésticos dos países aos quais se dirigem suas normas e pressões, a pesquisa buscou delinear como a política doméstica influencia e medeia o impacto potencial dessas normas internacionais que compõem a cascata de justiça, salientando o papel de organizações não governamentais (ONGs) de direitos humanos e da cúpula do Judiciário local, já que tais atores são centrais tanto para o processo de justiça de transição quanto para a ativação e aplicação da normatividade do sistema interamericano. Nesse sentido, a partir de um desenho de pesquisa qualitativo que se baseou na realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com atores da sociedade civil e magistrados envolvidos com a temática, além da consulta a fontes secundárias e sentenças judiciais, testamos a hipótese segundo a qual o sistema interamericano adquirirá aderência doméstica se e quando esses atores forem capazes de entendê-lo e instrumentalizá-lo como um mecanismo efetivo para o seu empoderamento. Assim, contrariamente à maioria dos estudos que privilegiam a ação do Executivo para explicar o impacto de normas e pressões internacionais de direitos humanos, nossas conclusões apontam para a necessidade de que as agendas de pesquisa sobre o regime internacional de direitos humanos e justiça de transição atentem mais para o papel e perfil dos atores judiciais e organizações litigantes de direitos humanos, pois os avanços em termos de direitos humanos passam muitas vezes pela mobilização de uma normatividade internacional que não pode ser entendida de maneira divorciada da agência de ONGs e magistrados. / The aim of this dissertation is to analyze how and why the norms of the Inter-American Human Rights System on transitional justice exerted an impact on human rights issues in Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Based on the emerging theoretical approach according to which the effects of international human rights regimes are conditioned by domestic factors of the target-countries, our research seeks to unravel how domestic politics influences and mediates the potential impact of these international norms that comprise the justice cascade, highlighting the role of human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the local higher courts, since these actors are central both to the process of transitional justice and for the activation and enforcement of the Inter-American systems rules. In this sense, a qualitative research design based on semi-structured interviews with civil society actors and judges involved with the theme was adopted, in addition to the consultation of secondary sources and courts rulings. Then, from the analysis of this material, we tested the hypothesis that the Inter-American system will have a domestic impact if and when NGOs and local judges are able to understand and use it as an effective mechanism for their own \"empowerment\". Therefore, contrary to most studies that focus on Executives actions to explain the impact of international human rights norms, our conclusions urge the research agendas on the human rights international regime and transitional justice to pay more attention to the role and profile of judicial actors and domestic litigants, since human rights advacements are anchored on the mobilization of international norms that cannot be understood separately from the agency of NGOs and magistrates

Le paroxysme atteint par la diffusion incontrôlée durant les années 1990 du phénomène des enfants soldats a obligé la communauté internationale à renforcer la protection des enfants et à instituer des garanties supplémentaires à l’égard des enfants touchés par les conflits armés. Les zones d’instabilité politique, les conflits, ainsi que l'impunité quasi généralisée en matière de violations graves des droits de l’homme ont été les principales sources de la montée en puissance du phénomène des enfants soldats. L’objectif qui consistait à mettre fin à l’implication illégale d'enfants dans les conflits armés a nécessité une coopération étroite entre tous les États concernés cependant que divers problèmes d’ordre juridique n’ont pas tardé à faire leur apparition. Par ailleurs, la diversité des ordres juridiques et la variété des approches doctrinales quant à la définition de la notion d’« enfant » ont rendu difficile une approche consensuelle. L’institution d'une responsabilité pénale internationale pour le recrutement des enfants, érigé en crime de guerre, n’était qu’un début. La question de la justice dans les pays sortis des conflits est toujours d'actualité et l’adoption d’autres formes de justice s’avère indispensable dans le processus de réconciliation et de réinsertion des enfants. La responsabilité pénale des enfants soldats est examinée sous son double aspect victime / bourreau, en abordant certaines affaires emblématiques. / The uncontrolled spread of the phenomenon of child soldiers culminated in such a point during the 1990s that the international community was forced to strengthen the protection of children by introducing additional safeguards for children affected by armed conflict. Some of the main explanations for the rise of the phenomenon of child soldiers have been: areas of political instability, conflicts and almost universal impunity in cases of serious human rights violations. The objective of putting an end to the illegal involvement of children in armed conflict required close cooperation between all states concerned. Yet, legal complications did not take long to appear. Moreover, the diversity of legal systems and the variety of doctrinal approaches to the definition of the term "child" made a consensual approach difficult. The international criminalization of recruiting children, defined as a war crime, was just the beginning. The issue of justice in countries emerging from conflict is still relevant today and the adoption of other forms of justice is essential in the process of reconciliation and reintegration of former child soldiers. The criminal accountability of child soldiers is examined in its dual aspect of victim/executioner, addressing some emblematic cases.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-04-06T13:55:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 direito_memoria.pdf: 1492838 bytes, checksum: cef622f5e46711865ffd3f20d144cdf5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-06T13:55:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 direito_memoria.pdf: 1492838 bytes, checksum: cef622f5e46711865ffd3f20d144cdf5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-16 / Nenhuma / O presente estudo analisa os riscos e os desafios para a atribuição de sentidos ao direito à memória. Parte da rememoração das práticas violentas admitidas pelo regime ditatorial que tomou o poder no Brasil entre 1964 e 1985 para examinar as distinções entre a violência e o poder e elucidar as repercussões políticas e jurídicas da anistia construída no Brasil em 1979. Pesquisa o vínculo entre a história e a memória, discute o formato transdisciplinar da memória, aponta o seu substrato político e delineia a sua conformação sociológica. Examina as perspectivas jurídicas da memória a partir das dificuldades e dos riscos de sua afirmação como direito. Analisa os vínculos entre a memória e a verdade, aponta o fundamento ético que permite a construção jurídica da memória e enfrenta os paradoxos do direito à memória quando é confrontado pela ideia de um possível perdão, pela imposição de esquecimentos, pelas deficitárias compreensões que lhe dá o direito e pelas exigências da justiça de transição. O método de abordagem dessa problemática é o fenomenológico. O estudo aponta que a violência e o poder diferem em suas aspirações e em suas possibilidades. Diz que as violências cometidas pela ditadura militar brasileira constituem o paradigma da barbárie no Brasil. Afirma que a anistia política proposta em 1979 não se encontra concluída ou superada. Considera que a memória, autêntica prática política, surge como a resposta do tempo presente às violências do passado e como apelo de todas as vítimas. Admite uma construção conjunta da história e da memória. Visualiza a transdisciplinaridade da memória. Compreende a memória em sua referência ao pertencimento social. Questiona e informa os riscos da correlação entre a memória e a verdade. Reconhece o tempo da memória - preocupado com todas as vítimas da história do progresso - como a perspectiva ética para a construção do direito à memória. Aceita a possibilidade de um perdão construído pelo exercício compartilhado do direito à memória. Aponta os limites para a construção de anistias políticas e repele a ideia de que o esquecimento pode ser imposto. Refuta o posicionamento da Corte Constitucional brasileira sobre a anistia de 1979. Valoriza as práticas da justiça de transição e defende que o direito à memória contribui para a consolidação dos Direitos Humanos. Propõe uma autocrítica do próprio direito, a partir da dinâmica de um direito fraterno. / The present study analyses the risks and challenges for attributing senses to the right to memory. It starts from the remembrance of violent practices accepted by the dictatorial regime that took power in Brazil from 1964 to 1985 to examine the distinctions between violence and power and elucidate the political and juridical repercussions of amnesty built in Brazil in 1979. It searches the link between history and memory, discusses the transdisciplinary format of memory, points its political underbelly and outlines its sociological conformation. It examines the juridical prospects of memory from the difficulties and risks of its claim as a right. It analyses the links between memory and truth, points the ethical foundation that allows the juridical construction of memory and encounters the paradoxes of the right to memory when it is confronted by the idea of a possible forgiveness, by the imposition of forgetfulness, by deficient understandings that law provides and by the requirements of transitional justice. The approach to this problem is phenomenological methodology. The study suggests that violence and power differ in their aspirations and in their possibilities. It states that violence committed by the Brazilian military dictatorship is the paradigm of barbarism in Brazil. It asserts that the political amnesty proposed in 1979 is not completed or overcome. It considers that memory, authentic political practice, emerges as present time?s answer to the violence of the past and as an appeal from all victims. It accepts a joint construction of history and memory. It visualizes the transdisciplinarity of memory. It understands memory in its reference to social belonging. It questions and informs the risks of the correlation between memory and truth. It recognizes the time of memory - concerned about all victims of the progress of history - as the ethical perspective for the construction of the right to memory. It accepts the possibility of a forgiveness built by the shared exercise of the right to memory. It points the limits for political amnesties and repels the idea that forgetfulness can be imposed. It refutes the position of the Brazilian Constitutional Court on the 1979 amnesty. It values the transitional justice practices and argues that the right to memory contributes to the consolidation of Human Rights. It proposes a self-criticism of law itself, from the dynamics of a fraternal law.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-05-25T15:36:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Luiz Medeiros.pdf: 2023065 bytes, checksum: f2bdf9e12284e44135c945a57cccbc8a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-25T15:36:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Luiz Medeiros.pdf: 2023065 bytes, checksum: f2bdf9e12284e44135c945a57cccbc8a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-27 / Nenhuma / As arbitrariedades nos processos administrativos disciplinares militares são um fenômeno que vem se manifestando nas instituições militares pós-Constituição de 1988. Violações a princípios como devido processo legal, legalidade, estado de inocência, ampla defesa e contraditório, proporcionalidade da punição, respeito à dignidade da pessoa humana, razoabilidade e proporcionalidade, dentre outros, são comuns nas casernas. Este estudo analisa abusos decorrentes nos processos disciplinares nas Forças Armadas e Forças Auxiliares, demonstrando violações constitucionais do processo em casos concretos pós-redemocratização por meio de pesquisa doutrinária e jurisprudencial. Tal fato torna-se um enigma, ou seja, o enigma da legalidade autoritária, invertendo-se o Estado Democrático de Direito pelo Estado de Exceção. Resposta disso é fruto de um militarismo conservador, com a mesma tradição do período ditatorial (1964-1985) empleno século XXI, soçobrando direitos e garantias constitucionais do processo assegurados pela Carta Magna. Seria a falta de uma justiça de transição? A saída dessa “legalidade” autoritária passa pela conscientização e pelo respeito aos direitos humanos, inerentes ao homem. O que se busca é justamente a transição do Estado de Exceção para o Estado Democrático de Direito, tendo em vista que, sem direitos do homem reconhecidos e efetivamente protegidos, não existe democracia; sem democracia não existem condições mínimas para a solução pacífica dos conflitos que surgem entre os indivíduos e entre grupos. / The arbitrariness in administrative disciplinary military proceedings are a phenomenon that hás manifested itself in military institutions after the Constitution of 1988. Violations as: due process of law, legality, state of innocence, legal defense and contradictory, disproportionate punishments, lack of respect for human dignity, fairness and proportionality, among others, are common in the barracks. This study examines abuses in disciplinary proceedings in the Armed Forces and Auxiliary Forces, showing constitutional violations of the process in individual cases after (re) democratization through doctrinal and jurisprudential research. This fact becomes a puzzle, the puzzle of authoritarian legality, reverting the Democratic State of Law to a State Exception. The answer to that is the result of a conservative militarism, with the same tradition of the dictatorship period (1964-1985) in the XXI century, capsizing constitutional rights and guarantees of the process provided by the Constitution. Would it be a lack of transitional justice? The output of this authoritarian “legality” is awareness and respect for human rights inherent in man. What is sought is precisely the transition from the State of Exception by the Democratic State of Law, considering that without human rights recognized and effectively protected there is no democracy, and without democracy there is no minimum conditions for the peaceful settlement of conflicts that arise between individuals and between groups.

A presente tese se propõe a avaliar os avanços e recuos do denominado Regime Internacional para Atrocidades (RIA), focando-se sobremaneira no seu principal desdobramento normativo e institucional: o Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI). Tais avanços e recuos não podem ser analisados somente a partir de qualificações políticas pragmáticas ou de princípios morais cosmopolitas reconhecidos pelo Tribunal, mas sim a partir da existência de um conflito de valores exposto na construção e consolidação do regime em questão: justiça versus paz, bem como da necessidade de superá-lo. É esse conflito entre a justiça internacional, interpretada de modo cosmopolita, e também pelo viés restrito do paradigma jurídico de enforcement dos direitos humanos, e a paz, interpretada como a ausência de conflito direto, bem como a consequente necessidade de arbitrá-lo, que nos permitirá fazer recomendações sobre o que se deve fazer para implementar um RIA realmente efetivo no sentido de livrar a humanidade das violações de direitos humanos que se qualificam como atrocidades, considerando as particularidades de contextos transicionais e ampliando a prestação de contas. A estratégia recomendada pela tese é a da combinação de uma justiça judicializada, que se traduz no TPI, com outros mecanismos de justiça transicional. Ademais, uma atuação do TPI sensível às vítimas e às atividades de peacebuilding é parte fundamental dessa estratégia. Os casos sob a investigação do TPI serão trazidos à tona na presente tese no sentido de ilustrar alguns aspectos do argumento principal nela estruturado. / This thesis aims to evaluate advances and shortcomings concerning the so-called International Atrocities Regime (IAR), focusing on its main normative and institutional achievement: the International Criminal Court (ICC). Such advances and shortcomings cannot be analised either exclusively through pragmatic political qualifications or through cosmopolitan moral principles embraced by the Court. Instead, we initially sustain the existence of a conflict of values apparent in the building up and consolidation of the above mentioned regime: the justice versus peace dilemma and the necessity of overcoming it. It is this dilemma between international justice, interpreted according to both a cosmopolitan perspective and a judicial paradigm of human rights enforcement, and peace, interpreted as the absence of direct conflict, and simultaneously the urgent need of managing this conflitct of value that will allow us to make some normative recommendations about what is to be done in order to implemente an effective IAR. By effectiveness, we mean both the prevention of humanity from suffering gross human rights violations qualified as atrocities, considering the particularities involved in transitional contexts, and the promotion of accountability. The strategy recommended by the thesis is the combination of a judicialized justice, translated into ICC practices, with other transitional justice mechanisms. In addition, an ICC performance sensible to victims and peacebuilding activities is a fundamental aspect of such a strategy. In this sense, the cases under ICC investigation will be mobilized in order to illustrate some aspects of the main argument structured in the thesis.

Esta tese analisa os processos de transições à democracia e os debates referentes à luta pela educação sobre/para os direitos humanos, em três países distintos (Argentina, Paraguai e Uruguai). Utilizando-se de uma metodologia transnacional, na qual o pano de fundo é o fluxo de conhecimento sobre violações cometidas pelos Estados, durante as ditaduras destes países, conectadas pelo Sistema Condor, ela procura delinear a construção de uma identidade conformada pelo território imaginado do Río de la Plata. Esta identidade se baseia nas memórias sobre a violência e nas lutas pela consolidação das memórias das vítimas em um espaço público, sob a pretensão da construção de conhecimento para a não repetição de histórias de catástrofes. Desta forma, as discussões trabalhadas abrangem debates sobre os direitos humanos de níveis locais, regionais e globais, em diferentes contextos. E elas trazem para o debate rio-platense dois conceitos essenciais dentro dos direitos humanos, que marcam a identidade regional: a prática social genocida e o desaparecimento forçado. / This thesis analyzes the processes of transitions to democracy and the debates concerning the struggle for education about/for human rights in three different countries (Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay). Using a transnational methodology, in which the background is the movement of knowledge about violations committed by the states, during the dictatorships of these countries, connected by the Condor System, it seeks to delineate the construction of an identity conformed by the imagined territory of the River Plate. This identity is based on memories of violence and struggles to consolidate the victims memories in a public space, under the pretense of building knowledge for non-repetition of catastrophic stories. In this way, the discussions include human rights debates at local, regional and global levels in different contexts. And they bring to the River Plate debates two essential concepts within human rights that mark the regional identity: genocidal social practice and forced disappearance.

Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur le processus de la mémoire collective dans le cadre d’un pays en période de transition. Nous y développons une conception de la construction de la mémoire collective et en particulier de son rôle pour la réussite de la transition vers une démocratie stable et durable dans un pays en voie de transition. Plus précisément, notre recherche porte sur les apports et bénéfices de la mémoire collective dans le contexte de la justice transitionnelle (JT). Pour plusieurs pays, la JT a été la réponse adoptée en vue du passage d’un conflit interne et/ou d’une dictature à l’institution d’une nouvelle démocratie, c’est-à-dire un système basé sur le respect des droits de l’homme et de l’État de droit. Il s’agit donc d’un processus complexe, qui se compose de plusieurs phases, mécanismes et catégories d’action. Fondamentalement, la JT vise à (re)construire une société suffisamment juste pour garantir une certaine stabilité et suffisamment stable pour garantir une certaine justice. Deux approches générales sont alors possibles pour mettre en place la JT et tenir compte de ses nombreux défis : l’approche holiste (de Grieff) et celle que nous nommerons, faute de mieux, « atomiste » (Elster). En général, ceux qui soutiennent la vision atomiste voient dans les divers mécanismes de la JT des éléments séparés et indépendants les uns des autres, ce qui peut conduire à prioriser hiérarchiquement certains mécanismes et à en rejeter parfois d’autres qui semblent moins importants. Nous entendons plutôt défendre la thèse selon laquelle, puisque les différents aspects de la transition sont toujours en relation les uns avec les autres, il vaut mieux réfléchir quant à savoir comment combiner les éléments plutôt que les isoler. Nous présentons en ce sens la mémoire collective comme étant le domaine où peut se penser cette relation entre les diverses composantes de la JT. La question de la mémoire collective a donc une double fonction dans cette thèse : elle est certes un élément parmi d’autres de la justice transitionnelle, mais elle est également le cadre qui permet de penser les interactions entre les différentes composantes de la JT. La question qui dirige nos réflexions est donc : comment la mémoire collective peut-elle aider une société en devenir à régler ses comptes avec son passé ? Deux alternatives se présentent dans la littérature sur cette question : la stratégie du « forgive and forget », qui consiste essentiellement à oublier le passé et à ii repartir à zéro comme si rien n’était survenu, ou celle du « revealing is healing », qui consiste à analyser toutes les responsabilités passées (individuelles et collectives), à reconnaître le rôle des acteurs (victimes, coupables, profiteurs, neutres, etc.) et à travailler sur un passé encore présent. / This thesis focuses on the role of collective memory in transition countries. We aim to provide a clear understanding of the construction of collective memory and its specific function towards national identity in transition countries (especially Tunisia, Libya and South Africa). The construction of collective memory seems to result in a more efficient and sustainable political, social and economic transition. More specifically, our research focuses on the benefits of collective memory in the context of transitional justice (TJ). For many countries, TJ was the answer to ensure the transition from an internal conflict or a dictatorship towards a new democracy, that is to say, a system based on respect of human rights and the rule of law. TJ is therefore a complex process, which consists of several phases and mechanisms of action. From a broad perspective, TJ aims to build or rebuild a society and institutions that are just enough to ensure stability and stable enough to ensure justice. Two general approaches are possible to establish TJ while gauging its many challenges: the holistic approach (De Grieff) and an approach that we will call, for lack of a better term, "atomistic" (Elster). In general, those who support the atomistic conception of TJ see in the various mechanisms of TJ distinct and independent elements, which can lead to prioritize certain mechanisms over others and sometimes reject those who seem less important. Since the different aspects of transition are in relationship with each other, we intend to defend that it is better to think about the how to combine the elements, rather than how to isolate them. Hence, we present collective memory as the way by which the different components of TJ can effectively be related and integrated to one another. The question of collective memory therefore has a dual role in this project: at first we will describe it as one of the elements of TJ, but it will also turn out to be the sphere where the different mechanisms of TJ interact. Our question therefore is: how can collective memory help a society to come to terms with its past? Two alternatives are presented in the literature on this question: the strategy of "forgive and forget", which consists in forgetting the past and starting from scratch as if nothing happened, and that of "revealing is healing," which consists in determining all past responsibilities iv (individual and collective), recognizing the role of everyone (victims, perpetrators, opportunists, etc.) and work on a past that is still present.

Submitted by Daniella Santos (daniella.santos@ufma.br) on 2017-06-26T12:19:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe José.pdf: 1342434 bytes, checksum: 5a0c3e5a2c327e14423c9bba8bb6648c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-26T12:19:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe José.pdf: 1342434 bytes, checksum: 5a0c3e5a2c327e14423c9bba8bb6648c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-29 / This dissertation analyzes, from a qualitative research based on the critical dialectical method, which are the obstacles that have prevented the Inter-American Court of Human Rights sentence rendered in Gomes Lund and others Vs. Brazil from being fully complished and the extent to which these obstacles compromise their potential contribution to the realization of transitional justice in the country and to the fight against human rights violations practiced by the Brazilian State. After the presentation of the human rights theory considered appropriate for the investigation and considerations of the configuration and functioning of the Inter-American Human Rights System, an analysis was made of the cases judged by the Inter-American Court that involved Brazil before the case Gomes Lund and others Vs. Brazil. Next, a critical analysis of the concept of transitional justice and the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court on this matter was made. Then, after analyzing the Brazilian military dictatorship, the process of redemocratization of the country and the first justransicional measures adopted in Brazil, an approach was made on the “Guerrilha do Araguaia” and on the proceeding of the case Gomes Lund and others Vs. Brazil in the Commission and in the Inter- American Court of Human Rights. Finally, it was discussed about the judgment of the Inter- American Court rendered in the forementioned case, as well as to the measures taken by the Brazilian State to ccomplish it and the obstacles that have prevented its full accomplishment. The main conclusions reached are related to the fact that the prevalence of a normativeinstitutional approach in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, as well as historical, cultural and political lements of the Brazilian scenario, has undermined the potential of the sentence to ontribute to the transitional justice in the country and to combat violations of human rights practiced by the Brazilian State. / Esta tesis analiza, a partir de una investigación cualitativa guiado por el método crítico dialéctico, cuáles son los obstáculos que han impedido que la sentencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos dictadas en el caso Gomes Lund y otros contra Brasil se cumple plenamente y en qué medida estos obstáculos comprometen su potencial para contribuir a la realización de la justicia de transición en el país y para combatir violaciónes de los derechos humanos por parte del Estado brasileño. Después de la presentación de la teoría de los derechos humanos que se considera más adecuada para la investigación y de las consideraciones acerca de la configuración y el funcionamiento del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, se hizo un análisis de los casos juzgados por la Corte Interamericana que implican Brasil, antes del caso Gomes Lund y otros vs. Brasil. A continuación, se realizó un análisis crítico del concepto de justicia de transición y de la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana en la materia. Entonces, después de analizar la dictadura militar brasileña, el proceso de democratización del país y las primeras medidas justransicionales adoptadas en Brasil, hubo una discusión de la Guerrilla del Araguaia y el procesamiento del caso Gomes Lund y otros Vs. Brasil en la Comisión y en la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. Por fin, se habló sobre la sentencia de la Corte Interamericana dada en el caso antes mencionado, así como sobre las medidas adoptadas por el gobierno brasileño para cumplirla, y sobre los obstáculos que han impedido su pleno cumplimiento. Las principales conclusiones se refieren al hecho de que la prevalencia de un enfoque jurídico-institucional en el actuacíon de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, así como los elementos históricos, culturales y políticos del escenario brasileño han minado el potencial de la sentencia para contribuir a la realización de la justicia de transición en el país y para combatir violaciónes de los derechos humanos por parte del Estado brasileño. / A presente dissertação analisa, a partir de uma pesquisa qualitativa pautada no método crítico dialético, quais são os obstáculos que têm impedido que a sentença da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos proferida no caso Gomes Lund e outros Vs. Brasil seja cumprida integralmente e em que medida esses obstáculos comprometem o seu potencial de contribuição para a efetivação da justiça de transição no país e para o combate às violações de direitos humanos praticadas pelo Estado brasileiro. Após a apresentação da teoria acerca dos direitos humanos que se considera adequada para a pesquisa e de considerações sobre a configuração e o funcionamento do Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos, foi feita uma análise dos casos julgados pela Corte Interamericana que envolveram o Brasil, anteriores ao caso Gomes Lund e outros Vs. Brasil. Em seguida, foi feita uma análise crítica do conceito de justiça de transição e da jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana sobre a matéria. Então, depois de se analisar a ditadura militar brasileira, o processo de redemocratização do país e as primeiras medidas justransicionais adotadas no Brasil, fez-se uma abordagem sobre a Guerrilha do Araguaia e sobre a tramitação do caso Gomes Lund e outros Vs. Brasil na Comissão e na Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. Por fim, discorreu-se sobre a sentença da Corte Interamericana proferida no caso acima mencionado, bem como sobre as medidas adotadas pelo Estado brasileiro para cumpri-la e sobre os obstáculos que têm impedido o seu cumprimento integral. As principais conclusões obtidas dizem respeito à constatação de que a prevalência de uma abordagem normativo-institucional na atuação da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, bem como elementos históricos, culturais e políticos do cenário brasileiro têm prejudicado o potencial da sentença de contribuir para a efetivação da justiça de transição no país e para o combate às violações de direitos humanos praticadas pelo Estado brasileiro.

本論文主要透過新制度主義研究途徑以探析「轉型正義」行為模式之創制與發 展，並循比較政治研究途徑對俄羅斯及台灣實踐「轉型正義」之特性，進行異同 比較。 檢視20 世紀下半葉，諸多威權政體相繼歷經民主轉型過程，對前朝政權系統 性斲害人權等罪愆之施暴者與蒙難者該如何處置，往往為此等轉型國家之嚴峻挑 戰；「轉型正義」即泛指新興民主國家面對該挑戰時所採取之各項措施。相關對 以往威權罪愆之回應，現今，國際間已啟動轉型正義機制之國家，大多循經刑事 訴責、公共遺却及真相委員會等三途徑以進行。 本論文認為，歷經民主轉型，俄羅斯發生轉型正義之動因乃為深化與維持民主 體系，遏止威權復辟之可能，並擇取「祛記憶」途徑以進行，在實踐作為層面則 因集體遺却與政治冷漠，而遭所侷限；台灣發生轉型正義之動因為深化與維持民 主體系，遏止威權復辟之可能，並擇取一類似於「真相委員會」途徑以進行，在 實踐作為層面則受到國家認同與族群分立等情境所制約。 / The purpose of this study is to analyze the creation and development of "transitional justice" behavior patterns through new institutionalism approach, and to compare the similar and different features that “transitional justice” practiced in Russia and Taiwan through comparative politics approach. Recalling the second half of the 20th century, many authoritarian regimes have been through the process of democratic transition, the regime of former victims of systematic human rights of battle sins of the perpetrators and how to dispose of those battered, often for this and other challenges in transition countries; "transitional justice "that refers to the new democracies of the challenges faced by the various measures taken. The relevant authority of the past sins of the response, now, internationally, the nations that begun the transitional justice mechanism, great majority, through the prosecution channel, the amnesia channel and the truth commissions channel to proceed. This author argues in this study that, after democratic transition, the factor of transitional justice in Russia is to deepen and maintain the democratic system, guarding against the possible of authoritarian of restoration, and to choose the ”disremembering” channel. The practice is restricted by collective amnesia and indifferent of politics; the factor of transitional justice in Taiwan is to deepen and maintain the democratic system, guarding against the possible of authoritarian of restoration, and to choose a channel similar to the "truth commissions ". The practice is restricted by some situations like national identity and ethnic division.

一個國家發生大規模國家暴力之後，檢討相關人員的責任，向來是重要的轉型正義議題，可是這個議題在台灣因為多種原因，長期被忽略。長達三十八年的戒嚴期間，上萬人因叛亂、匪諜嫌疑被捕、遭判重刑，至少八百人失去生命。在這種官僚式壓迫的體系中，檢討相關人員責任前，須先了解當初他們在暴力行動的參與中如何做出決定。本文藉由判決書檔案，探索並評析軍事法官如何針對政治案件進行判案，並且將人民判處死刑。從中發現幾項事實，可供未來檢討這些法官刑事與道德責任之基礎。法官的判決與論述中，除了曾經出現違法的情形外，亦不乏相同犯罪事實，判決標準不一致，以及違反人權精神等例證。另一方面，確實也曾經出現較為人道的判決。這些事實顯示當時法官擁有裁量權，選擇空間是存在無疑的。從而，部分選擇剝奪人民生命的法官，可能面臨道德上更大的非難。 / As massive state violence subsides, the issue of holding those who carried out such violence into account has always been an important concern. Yet due to numerous reasons, such issue has been long ignored in Taiwan. During the 38-year-long martial law period, tens of thousands of citizens were arrested and severely condemned on charges of subversion or espionage. In such bureaucratic oppressive regime, the decision-making process should be studied prior to the discussion of responsibility. By studying the verdicts, this thesis focuses on exploring and analyzing how death sentences were made by military judges. The results show that not only illegal verdicts have ever occurred, but also the inconsistencies between verdicts with similar criminal facts, as well as examples in violation of human rights spirit. On the other hand, there were indeed some cases where the judges ruled more humanely. In all, these facts demonstrate that the judges did have powers of dicretion, and room for choice undoubtedly existed. Hence, the acts of certain judges, who under the same circumstances chose nevertheless to deprive lives of certain citizens, may seem to be more morally reproachable.