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[pt] Este trabalho tem por objetivo abordar criticamente o encontro entre a forma como a memória é compreendida no campo da justiça de transição, por um lado, e, por outro, como é concebida a partir da obra de Walter Benjamin, e transmitida pela literatura Primo Levi. Trata-se, mais precisamente, da tentativa de partir da teoria benjaminiana e da literatura de Primo Levi para pensar criticamente a forma da memória e seus limites, quando inserida no campo da justiça transicional. Isso porque, argumentamos, há certos pressupostos implícitos a esse campo que dão azo a questionamentos sobre sua natureza transitória, e que delimitam a potência da memória como meio de pôr em crítica o presente e, assim, para impulsionar a criação do novo. Para tratar do tema, abordamos, na primeira parte da tese, contornos conceituais e genealógicos da justiça de transição; as formas de expressão da memória, a partir do entendimento da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH); e alguns dos pressupostos do campo. Na segunda parte do trabalho, apresentamos alguns dos aspectos que marcam a concepção da memória em Benjamin, a fim de alcançar uma outra perspectiva sobre a potência da relação entre a transmissão da experiência pretérita e o presente. Em seguida, aproximamos a memória benjaminiana e a forma literária criada por Primo Levi para transmitir a memória da ofensa. / [en] This thesis aims to critically address the encounter between the way memory is understood in the field of transitional justice, on the one hand, and, on the other, how it is conceived from the work of Walter Benjamin, and conveyed by Primo Levi s literature. This is, more precisely, an attempt to draw from Benjaminian theory and Primo Levi s literature to think critically about the form of memory and its limits when embedded in the field of transitional justice. This is because, we argue, there are certain assumptions implicit in this field that give rise to questions about its transitory nature, and that delimit the power of memory as a means to critique the present and, thus, to drive the creation of the new. To address the theme, we address, in the first part of the thesis, conceptual and genealogical contours of transitional justice; the forms of expression of memory, from the understanding of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR); and some of the assumptions of the field. In the second part of the paper, we present some of the aspects that mark the conception of memory in Benjamin, in order to achieve another perspective on the potency of the relationship between the transmission of past experience and the present. Then, we approximate Benjaminian conception of memory, and the literary form created by Primo Levi to transmit the memory of the offense.

[pt] Esta tese costura histórias do Brasil, Colômbia e México, em que a linha entre a violência criminal, de um lado, e a violência política, de outro, tem sido produzida ao longo dos anos 2000. Ela se concentra em duas dimensões : primeiro , as práticas de produção de linhas de governos que justificam o aumento do papel dos militares na segurança pública, bem como dos próprios oficiais militares que implementam essas operações; e segundo , as práticas de governos e organizações da sociedade civil que estabelecem mecanismos de busca da verdade para esclarecer padrões e casos de violência do passado e do presente. Dois conjuntos de metáforas são mobilizados como dispositivos analíticos para fazer sentido desses processos, conectados aos diferentes significados do verbo em inglês to draw: por um lado, o ato de inscrever um traço sobre uma superfície; de outro, o ato de puxar um fio sobre um espaço tridimensional. Argumento que a produção daquela linha é central no tratamento da violência organizada por governos e org anizações da sociedade civil , em três países que têm sido marcados tanto por um aumento no emprego militar contra atores criminosos quanto o estabelecimento de mecanismos de justiça transicional dedicados ao direito das vítimas à verdade, frustrando expectativas associadas aos padrões de paz e ainda que tais tendências ocorram à luz de contextos históricos marcadamente distintos de democratização e processos de paz, como se discute na tese As histórias reunidas aqui serão informadas por um a análise diversas como documentos governamentais, relatórios de comissões da verdade, entrevistas com especialistas e ativistas de todos os três países e literatura acadêmica. Uma atenção para a produção de distinções, conexões e (des)continuidades entre a violência criminal e a violência política nesses países latino americanos permitirá avaliar criticamente as condições de possibilidade para a reprodução de padrões violentos e as perspectivas para a sua transformação , além dos elementos e limites de um imaginário político no qual essas democracias pacíficas violentas emergem como um quebra cabeça em primeiro lugar. / [en] This thesis sews together stories from Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, in which the line between criminal violence on the one h and, and political violence on the other has been drawn over the 2000s. It focuses on two dimensions : firstly, the line drawing practices of governments who justify increasing military roles in public security , as well as of military officials themselves as they implement these operations; and secondly, the practices of governments and civil society organizations establishing truth seeking mechanisms to clarify patterns and cases of violence in the past and in the present. T w o sets of metaphors are mobilized as analytical devices to make sense of these processes in connection with different meanings of the verb to draw : on the one hand, the act of inscribing a trace over a surface; on the other hand, the act of pulling a thre ad over three dimensional space. I argue that the drawing of that line has been central to the treatment of organized violence by governments and civil society organizations in th ree countries which have seen both an increase in military deployment agains t criminal actors and the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms devoted to victims right to truth , frustrating expectations associated with the standards of peace and democracy two trends which have, however, taken place against markedly different historical contexts of democratization and peacebuilding, as discussed in the thesis . The stories gathered here will be informed by an analysis of sources as varied as government doc uments, truth commissions reports interviews with experts and activists of all three countries , and scholarly literature A ttending to how distinctions, connections and ( continuities are drawn between criminal violence and political violence in these Latin American countries allow s us to critically assess conditions of possibility for the reproduction of violent patterns and the prospects for their positive transformatio n , as well as the elements and limits of a political imagination for which these violent peaceful democracies have emerged as a puzzle in the first place.

[pt] Com vistas a tecer uma crítica ao conceito de reconciliação, entendido dentro do campo do conhecimento da justiça de transição, essa dissertação observa o contexto pós-ditadura brasileiro, com destaque aos instrumentos relacionados. Nota que existe uma ligação em discursos e práticas, na teoria e nos casos concretos, entre a reconciliação e a identidade nacional. Percebe que nessa relação existe um problema: ao passo que etimologicamente diferentes, quando análogas produzem esquecimento, apaziguamento, pacificação, podendo gerar o que objetivamente no começo não se queria: o retorno de regimes autoritários. Para analisar o panorama brasileiro e as definições dos três termos em destaque – justiça de transição, reconciliação e identidade nacional -, faz uso da filosofia política de Gilles Deleuze. Como meio de criação de uma nova ontologia, traz discussões acerca da lei e das instituições, um novo modo de análise da micropolítica e como agem os enunciados coletivos e palavras de ordem. Ao examinar o significado de mecanismos e discursos na transição brasileira – investigando a produção da Lei de Anistia, os passos para e da Constituinte, a CEMDP, a Comissão de Anistia, os processos judiciais e a CNV -, estabelece o caminho e conteúdo das linhas de segmentaridade dura, flexível e de fuga, bem como as capturas do Estado em razão da axiomática capitalista. Esse estudo explicita que não ocorreu uma reconciliação política no país, que a justiça de transição se encontra inacabada, que a identidade nacional é um discurso para omitir violências e que silenciar o passado não basta para sua não repetição. / [en] With the aim to criticize the concept of reconciliation, understood within the field of knowledge of transitional justice, this thesis observes the post-dictatorship context in Brazil, with emphasis on the related instruments. It notes that there is a link in speeches and practices, in theory and in concrete cases, between reconciliation and national identity. It realizes that there is a problem in this relationship: while etymologically different, when made analogues they produce oblivion, appeasement, pacification, and can generate what objectively in the beginning was not wanted: the return of authoritarian regimes. To analyze the Brazilian panorama and the definitions of the three highlighted terms - transitional justice, reconciliation and national identity -, is used Gilles Deleuze s political philosophy. As a way of creating a new ontology, it brings discussions about law and institutions, a new way of analyzing micropolitics and how collective enunciation and order words act. When examining the meaning of mechanisms and discourses in the Brazilian transition - investigating the production of the Amnesty Law, the steps to and of the Constituent Assembly, the CEMDP, the Amnesty Commission, the lawsuits and the CNV -, it sets up the form and content of the lines of hard segmentation, flexible and of flight, as well as the State s captures due to the capitalist axiomatic. This study explains that there was no political reconciliation in the country, that transitional justice is unfinished, that national identity is a discourse to omit violence and that silencing the past is not enough for its non-repetition.

This paper explores the role of images in facilitating debates on the responsibility of convicted war criminals. Previous research on the mediation of war crime trials in Serbia has mainly focused on political and media discourses or everyday practices as verbal or textual modes of communication, showing the dominant nationalism and widespread denial, with convicted war criminals appearing as heroes and celebrities. This article argues that the normalization of convicts was partially realized through the avoidance of atrocity images and the prevalence of iconic images of convicts, who are described as persons “freed by the court.” The paper explores two instances when iconic images of convicts served as catalysts in debates on their criminal responsibility, pointing out that images might limit the scope of the debate, and condition the type of questions posed. Archival atrocity images, on the other hand, might provide much-needed context and evidence about crimes. Considering the powerful role of images, the article urges a more systematic analysis of images in the transitional justice field, as some of the images turn into symbolic presentations of the past for future generations.

台灣司法院大法官早在1948年就開始進行違憲審查，迄今已釋憲超過65餘載，共作成730餘則大法官解釋，違憲宣告的比例大約30%至40%之間，其中與社會權相關的案件約20餘件，面對社會權應如何司法性的提問，我國學者多認為大法官對於社會權案件之釋憲立場過於難以捉摸，時而寬鬆時而嚴謹，大法官於社會權案件之審查上，並未創造出一套如同自由權般穩定且具有預測可能性的審查標準。 對於我國大法官於社會權案件中的釋憲難題，若僅著墨於方法論上的研究，忽略國家整體社會發展的歷史脈絡，將有見樹不見林之遺憾，而此種將社會發展歷史脈絡融入大法官釋憲過程中，最受國際推崇者莫過於南非憲法法院。南非在歷經長達數百年的種族隔離後，終於揮別威權擁抱民主，並擁有一部為世人所稱羨的新憲法，然而新民主南非所面臨來自於經濟、社會、政治與轉型正義等各方面之挑戰，並未因新憲法的制定而全盤迎刃而解。相反的，民主化後的新政府因財政短缺，導致無法實踐南非憲法中所保障之社會權，求助無門的民眾最終只能向憲法法院訴請權利保障。南非憲法法院面對困擾全球各地憲法法院之亙古難題「社會權如何司法性」時，並不懼怕挑戰，展現出以人為本之人權保障與弱勢保障之高度，做出許多為世人所稱羨之社會權憲法判決。 反思我國之社會權釋憲案件，多數均非由經濟弱勢者所提出，甚或有些與弱勢生存保障密切相關之釋憲案，最終這些弱勢群體之弱勢成因、社會處境現狀並未在釋憲場域中被凸顯、被衡量，導致憲法權利保障所連結之個人或群體從事現場域中消失了。對此，人民權利保障與權力分立原則同為憲法之兩大基石，二者間並無孰輕孰重之差別，故在社會權案件中，雖需考量資源有限性等權力分立之問題，然而過度尊重立法者之形成自由忽略人民權利保障之作法，仍有進一步改善之空間。

Transitional justice has undergone tremendous shifts since it was first used in Latin American and Eastern European countries to address post-authoritarian and post-communist legacies of atrocity and repression. In particular, the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has increased the demand for prosecutions within a field that was previously marked by compromise and non-prosecution. While there are increasing expectations that countries with unresolved claims of human rights abuses should enact transitional justice policies, most of the literature on the subject largely omits to explain how elites from those countries choose among the possible options of transitional justice, and specifically, how they choose among international prosecutions, domestic prosecutions, and truth-seeking. Using case studies of Kenya and Uganda, this dissertation examines this decision-making process to understand how elites choose and reject different transitional justice policies. Theoretically, the research examines how preferences for transitional justice policies are constituted through “judicial statecraft”: the strategic efforts by heterogeneous, interest-pursuing elites to use justice-related policies as carrots and sticks in the overall contestation of power. The research finds that the choices of elites about judicial statecraft depend on three factors: the extent to which the elites are secure that their policy choices cannot be subverted from within; the cost and credibility of transitional justice threats; and the effects, both intended and unintended, of history.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Based on the work of leading theorists within peace and conflict studies, this thesis develops a theoretical framework in order to analyse the seemingly deadlocked ‘peace vs. justice’ debate to explore the possibility of expanding the perspectives in a combined approach. It finds that the debate is based on a narrow perception of both concepts, where they are perceived as negotiations and punishment respectively. Only through applying such a combined approach is it thereby possible to move beyond this current situation. This theoretical framework is then applied on the case of the ongoing conflict in Northern Uganda, where the empirical aspects of this debate have lasted for the longest period of time since the International Criminal Court’s involvement in 2004. With basis in the Juba peace agreement from 2008 that would have balanced retributive and restorative forms of justice, this study finds that the only way to create sustainable peace is by striking a balance between the transitional justice mechanisms of the ICC, conditional amnesties and more traditional forms of justice in the affected communities in Northern Uganda. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Op grond van die werk van voorste teoretici op die gebied van vrede- en konflikstudie, ontwikkel hierdie tesis teoretiese raamwerk vir die ontleding van die oënskynlik vasgevalle debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid, ten einde die moontlike verbreding van perspektiewe met behulp van 'n gekombineerde benadering te ondersoek. Die studie bevind dat die debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid op 'n baie eng opvatting van dié twee konsepte berus, naamlik dié van onderhandeling en straf onderskeidelik. Slegs deur 'n gekombineerde benadering toe te pas, is dit dus moontlik om die huidige toedrag van sake te bowe te kom. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die studie is vervolgens op die voortslepende konflik in Noord-Uganda toegepas, waar die empiriese aspekte van dié debat steeds sedert die betrokkenheid van die Internasionale Strafhof in 2004 voorkom. Met die Juba-vredesooreenkoms van 2008 as uitgangspunt, wat veronderstel was om 'n balans te vind tussen vergeldende en herstellende vorme van geregtigheid, bevind dié studie dat volhoubare vrede slegs bereik kan word deur 'n gebalanseerde kombinasie van die Internasionale Strafhof se oorgangsgeregtigheidsmeganisme, voorwaardelike amnestie, en meer tradisionele vorme van geregtigheid in die geaffekteerde Noord-Ugandese gemeenskappe.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theory contributes to an individualisation of the truth finding process and does not sufficiently support the macro-truths. Finally, by deconstructing the term never again it is shown that this approach should not be used in the TRCs or in the wider field of transitional justice v / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek of volhoubare vrede in postkonfliksamelewings met behulp van die oorgangsgeregtigheidsbenadering bereik kan word. Meer bepaald word die soeklig gewerp op die waarheidskommissie as meganisme van oorgangsgeregtigheid. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids-en-Versoeningskommissie (WVK) dien as gevallestudie om die verwantskap tussen volhoubare vrede en oorgangsgeregtigheid te bestudeer. Die tesis probeer vasstel of die WVK sy mandaat uitgevoer het, en of die Kommissie se finale verslag enige bepaalde omskrywings, gevolgtrekkings of aanbevelings bevat “om te verseker dat die verlede hom nie herhaal nie” (paragraaf 14, hoofstuk 8, volume 5 van die WVKverslag). Dít vind plaas deur middel van ! tekstuele ontleding van die finale WVKverslag wat die inherente swakpunte van dié dokument in sy strewe na volhoubare vrede krities en dekonstruktief benader. Die verslag word voorts ontleed deur die kwessie van volhoubare vrede te verbind met die gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid sowel as ontwikkelingstudies oor hoe toekomstige WVK’s die kwessie van volhoubare vrede kan hanteer. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die Suid-Afrikaanse WVK nie ! bydrae gelewer het tot ! sinvolle ontleding van presies hoe om ! herhaling van die verlede te voorkom nie. Daar word aangevoer dat dít te wyte is aan die gebrek aan ! samehangende teoretiese raamwerk, aangesien die finale verslag twee verskillende waarheidsoekende meganismes vermeng – die mikrowaarheidsoeke en die makrowaarheidsoeke – en ook van die geregverdigde-oorlog-teorie gebruik maak. Deur die tekstuele ontleding van die teoretiese raamwerk van die WVKverslag word dit duidelik dat ! mikro- en makrowaarheidsoeke moeilik in een verslag te kombineer is, en dat, in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval, die mikrowaarheidsoeke voorkeur geniet. Tog sou die makrowaarheidsoeke ! grondiger ontleding bied vir die suksesvolle verwesenliking van volhoubare vrede, wat in hierdie tesis as Galtung se ‘positiewe vrede’ en Lederach se ‘strukturele vrede’ 5 verstaan word. Trouens, die makrowaarheidsoeke is ! voorvereiste om volhoubare vrede te bereik. ! Tradisionele lesing van die geregverdigde-oorlogteorie dra ook by tot ! individualisering van die waarheidsoekende proses, en bied nie voldoende ondersteuning vir die makrowaarhede nie. Laastens word daar deur die dekonstruksie van die uitdrukking nooit weer nie getoon dat hierdie benadering nie in WVK’s of op die groter gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid tuishoort nie.