Submitted by Priscila Cabral Almeida (priscilacbrl@gmail.com) on 2018-05-21T01:53:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ALMEIDA, P.C. 2018. Tese de Doutorado..pdf: 5667653 bytes, checksum: 519b25c62155b6b8291089851e7de6b4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diego Andrade (diego.andrade@fgv.br) on 2018-05-30T18:00:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ALMEIDA, P.C. 2018. Tese de Doutorado..pdf: 5667653 bytes, checksum: 519b25c62155b6b8291089851e7de6b4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-14T19:57:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ALMEIDA, P.C. 2018. Tese de Doutorado..pdf: 5667653 bytes, checksum: 519b25c62155b6b8291089851e7de6b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-27 / A luta política pela construção de memoriais associados à ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985) vem ganhando destaque na última década no Brasil a partir do entendimento de que a preservação, o financiamento e a manutenção destes lugares de memória são políticas de Estado, legitimados por instrumentos como o III Plano Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH-3) e o Relatório Final da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV). Os projetos e processos de construção dos lugares de memória da resistência são protagonizados por agentes situados no campo de disputas por memória, verdade e justiça, conformado pelo recente contexto de aprofundamento da justiça de transição no país. Partindo do pressuposto que a articulação destes agentes em busca da legitimação dos lugares de memória da resistência configura uma estratégia para inscrever fatos e histórias no imaginário social, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo descrever como estes projetos e processos são marcados por disputas e assimetrias entre estes agentes, assim como nas suas interações com o poder reificado pelo Estado. Situada e relacional, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo caracterizar e analisar o papel dos atores, bem como as temporalidades, imagens e narrativas que estão em disputa nos processos de construção de memoriais em curso na cidade Salvador (Memorial da Resistência da Bahia, Casa Marighella e Forte do Barbalho), no período de 2011 a 2016. / The political struggle for the construction of memorials associated with the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) gained prominence in the last decade from the understanding that the preservation, financing and maintenance of these sites of memory are state policies legitimized by instruments such as the Brazil’s 3rd Human Rights National Plan and the Final Report of the National Truth Commission. The building projects and processes of these sites of memory of the resistance are carried out by agents located in the field of disputes for memory, truth and justice, conformed by the recent context of deepening transitional justice in the country. Based on the assumption that the articulation of these agents in search of legitimation of the sites of memory of resistance constitutes a strategy to inscribe facts and stories in the social imaginary, this research aims to describe how these projects and processes are marked by disputes and asymmetries between these agents, as well as in their interactions with the power reified by the State. Situated and relational, this research aims to characterize and analyze the actors, as well as the temporalities, images and narratives that are in dispute in the processes of construction of memorials in progress in the city of Salvador (Bahia’s Resistance Memorial, Marighella’s House and Barbalho’s Fort), from 2011 to 2016.

Née des cendres du régime colonial français, la Guinée a connu une histoire tumultueuse tant au niveau de la formation de l’État actuel qu’au niveau de son histoire constitutionnelle. Au lendemain de son indépendance (obtenue au prix d’une longue lutte politique) en 1958, le pays va connaître différents cycles constitutionnels : le régime présidentialiste, le régime présidentiel et enfin le régime démocratique. De 1958 à 2009, ces deux premiers régimes furent essentiellement caractérisés par des crises constitutionnelles avec des graves répercussions dans tous les secteurs de la vie nationale. Mais ces différentes crises ont connu des manifestations différentes et n’ont pas toutes été résolues de la même façon.La plupart d’entre elles ont résulté de la violation de textes constitutionnels souvent confus et incomplets, mais aussi de la suspension pure et simple de la Constitution. À cet égard, et par voie de comparaison avec d’autres pays africains où ils ont fait leur preuve, les modes de résolutions politiques et juridictionnels ont toujours été utilisés pour résoudre les crises en Guinée. Ces modes ont été et sont encore vus comme les plus appropriés dans le contexte guinéen. Mais au-delà de ces modes de résolution, d’ailleurs très répandus dans l’Afrique tout entière, il paraît nécessaire aujourd’hui d’expérimenter d’autres approches qui seraient indispensables à la paix durable et à la cohésion nationale. De ces nouvelles pistes, nous pouvons retenir la justice transitionnelle et la démocratie consociative qui portent respectivement d’une part, sur la réparation des crimes du passé ; d’autre part, sur la répartition du pouvoir et des richesses entre les différentes régions ou communautés. Ces modes alternatifs pourraient apporter des solutions adéquates aux vraies racines des problèmes constitutionnels et à cet égard, méritent d’être appréhendés à travers le prisme du contexte guinéen. / Born from the ashes of French colonial rule, Guinea has known a tumultuous history both in the formation of the current government at the level of its constitutional history. In the aftermath of independence (at the cost of a long political struggle) in 1958, the country experiences different constitutional cycles: the presidential regime, the presidential systemand the democratic regime. From 1958 to 2009, these first regimes were essentially characterized by constitutional crises with serious implications for all sectors of the national life. But these different crises took place differently and have not all been resolved in the same way.Most of these constitutional crises resulted from the violation of constitutional texts often confusing and incomplete but also suspension of the Constitution. In this respect, and by comparison with other African countries where they have proven themselves, modes of political and judicial resolutions have always been used to resolve the crises in Guinea. These modes have been and are still seen as the most appropriate in the Guinean context. But beyond these modes of resolution, also widespread in Africa as a whole, it seems necessary now to experiment with other approaches that are essential for sustainable peace and national cohesion. These new tracks, we can retain transitional justice and consociational democracy which deal on the first hand, with repairing the painful past; on the other hand, with the distribution of power and wealth between the different regions or communities. These alternatives modes could bring adequate solutions to the real roots of the constitutional issues and in this regard, deserve to be approached through the prism of Guinean context.

Depuis la signature de l’Accord de paix du Vendredi Saint, l’Irlande du Nord a entamé son processus de transition après trente ans d’un conflit communément appelé les Troubles. Parmi les questions relatives à son cheminement se pose celle du Bloody Sunday. Lors de cet évènement tristement célèbre des Troubles, quatorze civils furent tués par des soldats britanniques, alors qu’ils prenaient part à une manifestation pour les droits civiques. Les soldats n’ont pas eu à faire face au processus judiciaire, malgré la volonté des familles des victimes d’obtenir justice. Une amnistie visant les soldats responsables fut proposée en mars 2014, à titre de mécanisme de justice transitionnelle pour accompagner la société nord- irlandaise dans sa démarche vers un état de paix. Entre droit et politique, plusieurs questions se posent relativement à un tel projet. La présente étude vise à examiner la validité de cette proposition d’amnistie eu égard aux valeurs de l’État de droit. / Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, the Northern Irish society has embarked on its transitional process towards peace, attempting to leave behind thirty years of a conflict commonly known as the Troubles. This outcome brings to light many different issues, amongst which is that of the Bloody Sunday. This infamous event of the Troubles saw fourteen civilians killed by British soldiers as they were taking part in a civil rights demonstration. The soldiers were spared the judicial process despite the efforts deployed by the victims’ families to bring them to justice. In 2014, an amnesty was suggested as a transitional justice mechanism to further the society’s transition to the post-conflict era. This study examines the validity of such an amnesty in light of the underlying values of the Rule of Law.

La justice transitionnelle est devenue une référence dans les pays qui tentent de faire face à un passé de violations massives et systématiques des droits de l’homme, en raison d’un régime autoritaire ou d’un conflit armé. La Colombie, ravagée par un conflit armé à caractère interne durant soixante ans, suit cette tendance. En 2005, une loi inspirée de la justice transitionnelle est adoptée. Pourtant, cette loi n’a pas été adoptée dans un contexte de sortie de conflit. Depuis son adoption, la justice transitionnelle est un sujet d’actualité dans la conjoncture colombienne. Que ce soit par le cadre normatif de 2005 ou par l’adoption de nouvelles dispositions, le système de transition colombien se développe peu à peu et fait l’objet de modifications importantes. L’analyse du système mène à établir une connexion avec les lois passées sur le conflit. L’étude globale de la législation colombienne sur le sujet offre une approche différente du modèle colombien. Dans cette perspective, l’utilisation de la justice transitionnelle est relativisée et le caractère du processus transitionnel est davantage favorisé. Il en résulte la construction d’un système d’une manière progressive dans lequel l’emploi de la justice de transition n’est pas encore épuisé. Le système transitionnel actuel en Colombie correspond à une législation de préparation pour le post-conflit. Cette perspective facilite le repérage des défaillances normatives et les obstacles à surmonter, pour mettre en oeuvre de façon efficace et efficiente un système transitionnel qui accompagnera les efforts afin de mettre fin au conflit armé et facilitera la phase post-conflictuelle / Transitional Justice has become a reference in the countries trying to deal with a past of massive and systematic violations of human rights, due to an authoritarian regime or armed conflict. Colombia, ravaged on internal armed conflict for sixty years, is following this trend. In 2005, inspired law on transitional justice was adopted. Nevertheless, this law has not been adopted in a country emerging from conflict. Since it was adopted, transitional justice is a current topic in the Colombian situation. Whether by the normative framework of 2005 or by the adoption of new provisions, the Colombian transitional justice system is developing gradually and has been exposed to significant changes. The analysis of the system leads to determine a link with the past national law over the conflict. The overall study of the legislation on the subject provides a different approach towards the Colombian model. In this perspective, the use of transitional justice is relativized and its character of transitional process is further promoted, the outcome is the progressive construction of the system where the use of transitional justice is not yet exhausted. The current Colombian transitional system matches with a preparatory system to the post-conflict phase. This perspective facilitates the identification of normative failures and the obstacles to overcome, in order to implement an effective and efficient transitional justice system, which will go along with the efforts to end the armed conflict and to ease the post-conflict period

<p>Rehabilitacija kao pojam u pravu, izuzetno je slojevita i vi&scaron;eznačna. Tako je, jedan od ciljeva ove disertacije upravo sagledavanje upotrebe termina rehabilitacija, prevashodno u krivičnom pravu, uz nastojanje da se instituti koji se isto nazivaju, međusobno uporede i ra&scaron;člane. U tradicionalnom smislu pod rehabilitacijom se podrazumevaju dva instituta koji pripadaju krivičnom materijalnom odnosno krivičnom procesnom pravu, te treća, ne&scaron;to novijeg porekla, rehabilitacija lica osuđenih iz političkih ili ideolo&scaron;kih razloga.</p><p>U disertaciji se obrađuju pitanja pravnih posledica osude, ali i upisa osude u kaznene evidencije, te njihovo brisanje odnosno poni&scaron;tavanje rehabilitacijom. Takođe, radi diferencijacije u odnosu na specijalnu, odvojeno su analizirane redovna i vanredna, kao u teoriji krivičnog prava tradicionalni pojmovi rehabilitacije osnovano, odnosno neosnovano osuđenih lica. Treći i četvrti deo rada posvećeni su specijalnoj rehabilitaciji osuđenih iz političkih ili ideolo&scaron;kih razloga. U trećem delu obrađuju se uporednopravni i međunarodnopravni aspekti specijalne rehabilitacije na evropskom kontinentu, sa kojim na&scaron; pravni sistem uglavnom deli srodnu pravnu tradiciju, ali ovde značajnije od toga, deli i zajedničko istorijsko iskustvo iz perioda totalitarizma. Četvrti deo bavi se specijalnom rehabilitacijom u srpskom pravu, odvojeno posmatrajući re&scaron;enja prvog i drugog zakona o rehabilitaciji. Poslednji deo rada posvećen je upravo istraživanju sudske prakse specijalne rehabilitacije, koje je obuhvatilo ukupno 4.189 re&scaron;enja o specijalnoj rehabilitaciji, koja se odnose na 5.402 lica. Uzorak je obuhvatio re&scaron;enja, sa manjim ili većim odstupanjima, svih sudova na teritoriji Srbije u periodu od 2006. do 2016. godine, obuhvatajući svih deset godina primene dva zakona o specijalnoj rehabilitaciji.</p><p>&Scaron;iri, dru&scaron;tveni značaj zaključaka o rehabilitaciji lica osuđenih iz političkih ili ideolo&scaron;kih razloga ogleda se u činjenici da svi nosioci vlasti moraju imati u vidu da zloupotreba prava u cilju ustanovljavanja vlasti jedne ideologije, ne može biti solidan temelj države. Krivično pravo je moćan mehanizam, ali se upravo zato mora voditi računa kako se koristi, i u kojoj meri je podobno sredstvo za svojevrsnu reviziju istorije. Unapređenjem i pobolj&scaron;avanjem procesa rehabilitacije lica osuđenih iz političkih ili ideolo&scaron;kih razloga suzbija se političko manihejstvo i potencijalno usporava lanac podela u dru&scaron;tvu koje razaraju srpsko nacionalno biće.</p> / <p>Rehabilitation as a legal concept is extremely complex and multifaceted. Consequently, one of the goals of this dissertation is to grasp the meaning of the term rehabilitation, primarily within the criminal law context, and in doing so to try to examine and dissect various legal terms that are often given similar meaning. Traditionally, the rehabilitation refers to two principles of substantive and procedural criminal law, and as the third, to the rehabilitation of a person convicted for political or ideological reasons.<br />In terms, here we makes the distinction between ordinary, extraordinary, and special rehabilitation. The ordinary rehabilitation refers to rehabilitation of justly convicted persons, after certain period of time has lapsed, since the time they have served their punishment, provided they have improved their behavior. The term extraordinary, rehabilitation refers to rehabilitation of person wrongfully convicted or detained.<br />The term special rehabilitation is defined as annulment, based on a special law, of a court or administrative decision that served as a basis for conviction or deprivation of rights of a person for political or ideological reasons, or declaration that a person was deprived of rights without a decision of a state organ. The scope of application of the special rehabilitation is very wide and uncharted. First of all, the very legal nature of this type of rehabilitation is completely undefined, hence, causing considerable confusion among the legal profession, and leaving the general public entirely bemused. A completely distorted impression surrounds rehabilitation of political convicts, not only among general public, but also among the legal profession, and even within academic circles, which is even more dangerous. A wrong image was created, most likely due to rehabilitation of several well-known political convicts that the rehabilitation means to rehabilitate the figure and work, i.e. political activities, of a certain individual. We are of the opinion that a completely wrong perception of the goals, as well as, the possibilities of the special rehabilitation was created and that is fully reflects the fact that the lawmakers where not sure themselves about the legal nature and certain aspects of this special rehabilitation. It seems that jurisprudence, as well as courts desperately need answers to numerous questions concerning this type of rehabilitation, and legal principles associated with it.<br />This dissertation covers issues of legal consequences of conviction, registration of conviction in a person&rsquo;s criminal record, and the expungement or annulment by means of rehabilitation, of such conviction. Also, in order to differentiate special rehabilitation from other types of rehabilitation, we have offered a separate analysis of the ordinary and extraordinary rehabilitation, as the latter two are traditionally associated with rehabilitation of justly and generally wrongfully convicted persons. The third and fourth<br />chapter of this dissertation are dedicated to the special rehabilitation of persons convicted for political and ideological reasons. The third chapter deals with comparative and international law aspects of the special rehabilitation in Europe, since our legal system shares, to a considerable extent, common legal tradition with the rest of the European continent, as well as, a common historic experience of the totalitarian period. In the fourth chapter, we explored the special rehabilitation in the Serbian legal system by providing distinct analysis of norms of the first and the second law on rehabilitation. The final chapters of this dissertation are dedicated to the research of case law dealing with the special rehabilitation. The research covered 4.189 decisions on special rehabilitation that involved 5.402 persons. The research sample included decisions, with minor deviations, from all the courts within the territory of the Republic of Serbia in the period between 2006 and 2016, thereby covering the entire ten-year period of application of two laws regulating special rehabilitation. Each rehabilitation decision was examined based on more than fifty criteria. Consequently, the research provides data, concerning persons seeking rehabilitation, i.e. composition of rehabilitated persons based on various personal criteria; moreover shows the time, place and organ of a political conviction; regulations and specific criminal and other offences on which the conviction rests; criminal sanctions that were used, etc.<br />Wider, social significance of a decision on rehabilitation of a person convicted for political or ideological reasons lies in a fact that all agents entrusted with governmental authority must bear in mind that miscarriage of justice with a purpose of establishing government of a certain ideology does not serve as a solid cornerstone on which the state may be founded. Criminal law is a powerful mechanism, and it is precisely for that reason that it must be used cautiously and to the extent, it is an appropriate mechanism to serve the process of revision of history. By advancing and improving the process of rehabilitation of persons convicted for political and ideological reasons, we curb the political Manichaeism and potentially slow down the process of division that is eroding the Serbian society.</p>

Tandis que le Burundi entame une phase clé dans la réconciliation nationale, l’immense travail de la mémoire collective initié par la signature des Accords de Paix d’Arusha en août 2000 offre une opportunité à la pénétration américaine de s’affirmer dans la Consolidation de la Paix dans la sous Région. L'erreur serait de voir l’investissement américain dans la Communauté de l'Afrique de l'Est comme un phénomène récent. Or, depuis l'ère postcoloniale jusqu'à la phase actuelle de la mise en place des mécanismes de réconciliation et prévention contre le génocide, la présence américaine en matière de politique africaine remonte bien plus loin ainsi que le prouve son entreprise missionnaire en Afrique. Beaucoup de travaux ont traité de la question des relations géopolitiques entre colonisateurs et colonisés en Afrique sub-saharienne. Cependant, peu d'études ont relevé l’importance ou l’ancienneté des rapports religieux et de leur influence dans les affaires politiques et sociales dans les pays de l'Afrique de l'Est tels que le Burundi ou le Rwanda. Expliquer la Politique Etrangère américaine en la rattachant à son investissement religieux dans la sous Région permet d'éviter une simplification erronée des intérêts américains. Notre étude du rôle des missions américaines et de leurs rapports complexes avec les missions chrétiennes des anciennes puissances coloniales nous permet de saisir sous un regard neuf les dynamiques politiques des Etats-Unis dans la région des Grands Lacs en Afrique de l’Est. L’enjeu du projet de la Commission Verite et Réconciliation au Burundi offre un espace politique et religieux unique pour une étude à la rencontre de ces différents acteurs religieux. L’instrumentalisation de la justice transitionnelle au Burundi souligne non seulement l’affrontement des processus de justice et de pardon en période post-conflit mais elle relève la difficile négociation des mémoires plurielles sous fond d’intérêts géopolitiques. / As Burundi begins a key phase in national reconciliation, the vast work of collective memory initiated by the Arusha Peace Accords in August 2000 offers an opportunity to the US to penetrate and strategically position them in the Great Lakes’ Region Peacebuilding. A mistake would be to see such U.S. involvement in the East Africa Community as a recent phenomenon. Since the postcolonial era until the current phase of reconciliation mechanisms and genocide prevention, the American visibility in African politics goes back in time as its missionary activities prove it. Many studies explored the question on geopolitical relations between former colonial countries and colonial powers in sub-Sahara Africa. Yet, few pointed out the relevance or the deep religious relationships and their influence in sociopolitical events in East African countries such as Burundi or Rwanda. To explain the U.S. Foreign Policy linking it to its religious investment in the Great Lake prevents a misleading simplification of U.S. interests. Our study of the role of American missions and their complex relations with Christian missions of former colonial powers offers us a new look at the U.S. political dynamics in the Great Lakes’ Region in East Africa. The challenge of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission provides a unique political and religious space for a study of these different religious actors. The use of the transitional justice in Burundi underlines not only the confrontation of processes of justice and forgiveness in post-conflict periods, but it underlines the difficult negotiation of collective memories along with geopolitical interests.

In 2016, the case of Sepur Zarco in Guatemala marked the first time that a national jurisdiction recognized sexual violence in the context of armed conflict as a crime against humanity. This occurred in a case concerning indigenous women, within a country profoundly marked by gender-based violence and indigenous peoples’ marginalization. In order to account for the lack of reconciliation that has led to the present prevalence of sexist and racial discrimination, this study analyzes it as a transitional justice case. Through an impact evaluation, it interrogates the effectiveness of the legal path for victim-survivors, for rewriting historical narratives, and for promoting reconciliation. The qualitative indicators used include secondary data and interviews conducted with those who worked on the case. Findings suggest that although transitional justice legal cases are often met with backlash, they also empower social movements that promote democracy. The benefits tied to the legal tool, however, are conditional to the use of adequate strategies, which include active victims’ participation and the use of international standards. Moreover, successful cases require a legitimate national legal system that considers its population’s needs.

No description available.

[pt] O presente estudo teve como objetivo compreender, à luz da ANTi-History, como ocorreram os processos de constituição de lugares de memória de resistência de dois espaços físicos usados pela polícia política durante a ditadura civil-militar brasileira: os prédios do DEOPS/SP e do DOPS/RJ. Ao investigar o como relacionado à trajetória de cada espaço e da rede inter-organizacional constituída a partir da análise conjunto dos dois processos, foi possível trazer à tona toda a complexidade de disputas, negociações e movimentações, antes subjacentes, tornando transparentes as relações sociopolíticas dos diversos atores envolvidos, bem como a performatividade do contexto. A investigação dos processos de transformação dos espaços de violência, cuja ordenação dos vestígios encontrados permitiu a elaboração de narrativas históricas, evidenciou a característica dinâmica e contingente de um sociopast formado por atores-rede. Por seu caráter relacional e perfil crítico-emancipatório, a teórico-metodologia ANTi-History tornou possível identificar as conexões de forma posicionada e localizada, dissonante da hegemonia positivista e das histórias universais, permitindo que as movimentações sociopolíticas dos atores se tornassem visíveis ao remover o aparente véu de simplicidade de um status quo binário. Os lugares de memória servem ao propósito orientacionista do dever de memória ao submeter o passado a uma consciência reflexiva. São medidas concretas, instrumentos de suporte de memória que ao se tornarem visíveis sob a forma de organizações, como centros de memória ou memoriais, reivindicam o reconhecimento dos acontecimentos do passado e das vivências dos sobreviventes, criando referências para as gerações futuras com a necessária autocrítica com os erros do passado. / [en] This study aimed to understand, in the light of ANTi-History, how the constitution processes of sites of memory of resistance occurred in two physical spaces used by the political police during the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship: the buildings of DEOPS/SP and DOPS/RJ. By investigating the how related to the trajectory of each space and the inter-organizational network constituted from the joint analysis of the two processes, it was possible to bring to light all the complexity of disputes, negotiations, and movements previously underlying, making transparent the sociopolitical relations of the various actors involved, as well as the performativity of the context. The investigation of the transformation processes of the spaces of violence, performed by ordering the traces found, allowed the elaboration of alternatives historical narratives and evidenced the dynamic and contingent characteristic of a sociopast formed by network-actors. By its relational and critical-emancipatory facets, the ANTi-History approach made it possible to identify the connections in a positioned way, dissonant from the positivist mainstream hegemony and universal histories, allowing the actors sociopolitical movements to become visible by removing the apparent veil of simplicity of a binary status quo. Sites of memory serve the orientationist purpose of the duty of memory by subjecting the past to a reflexive consciousness. They are concrete measures, instruments of memory support that by becoming visible in the form of organizations, such as memory centers or memorials, claim recognition of the events of the past and the experiences of survivors, creating references for future generations with the necessary self-critique with the mistakes of the past.

In this thesis, I argue that discourses of victimhood, victory, and xenophobia underpin both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalist and religious fundamentalist movements. Ethnic discourse has allowed citizens to affirm collective ideals in the face of disparate experiences, reclaim power and autonomy in contexts of fundamental instability, but has also deepened ethnic divides in the post-war era. In the first chapter, I argue that mutually exclusive narratives of victimhood lie at the root of ethnic solitudes, and provide barriers to mechanisms of transitional justice and memorialization. The second chapter includes an analysis of the politicization of mythic figures and events from the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahāvaṃsa in nationalist discourses of victory, supremacy, and legacy. Finally, in the third chapter, I explore the Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam’s (LTTE) rhetoric and symbolism, and contend that a xenophobic discourse of terrorism has been imposed and transferred from Tamil to Muslim minorities. Ultimately, these discourses prevent Sri Lankans from embracing a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nationality, and hinder efforts at transitional justice. By shedding light on the discourses underlying popular nationalist movements, I hope to promote understanding and further post-war reconciliation between ethnic groups in Sri Lanka. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)