In 2016 the Colombian Government signed an historic peace deal with the main guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) after decades of armed conflict. In the same year Canada pledged $57.4M in development funding to help Colombia recover in the post-peace deal era. Since 2016 the Peace and Stabilisation Operations Program (PSOPs) alone has invested $35.3M in the country. With the launch of Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) in 2017, many of these initiatives unfolded in a new policy context and were characterised by commitments to make gender equality a priority. This study looks at the intersection of Canadian aid, transitional justice, and gender in Colombia through a feminist-institutionalist lens. It aims to assess the impact of Canadian-funded projects from these areas along a spectrum that varies from 'gendered transitional justice' to 'transformative transitional justice'. The thesis concludes that the impact of Canadian assistance is found in the in-between area of 'gendered transitional justice' and 'transformative transitional justice', characterized by some progress away from the status quo of 'gendered transitional justice', but without hitting the transformative mark. Through a feminist institutionalist lens, we argue that it is the complex socio-political landscape of Colombia overlaying the agency of Canada's implementing partners, their Southern counterparts and the agency of the donor, and the sum of these interactions that both enable and limit the full transformative capacity of the intervention and situate its impact somewhere in the middle.

Cela fait plusieurs années que le conflit au Sri Lanka s’est officiellement terminé. Pendant près de 20 ans, l’armée et les Tigres de Libération de l’Îlam tamoul se sont affrontés. Durant les années de conflit, le gouvernement sri lankais a instruit plusieurs commissions d’enquête et de vérité afin de faire face aux abus et aux violations des droits humains. Celles-ci n’ont pas exaucé les promesses de vérité et justice dont elles étaient porteuses. Il en va de même pour les commissions étant apparu à la fin du conflit. Cette recherche a pour but l’analyse de la primauté du droit au Sri Lanka à l’issue des différents mécanismes se rapportant à la justice transitionnelle dans le pays. Plus précisément, nous procédons à un travail de définition de la primauté du droit qui s’attache aux échecs du gouvernement dans sa tentative de faire face à l’héritage du conflit. En conclusion, nous fournissons une définition de la primauté du droit capable de revaloriser la justice transitionnelle dans le pays, et dont les caractéristiques sont fondées sur une approche holistique du contexte. / It has been almost several years since the conflict in Sri Lanka officially ended. For nearly 20 years, the army, and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Îlam fought. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government initiated several commissions of inquiry and truth commissions to address human rights abuses and violations. These commissions have not kept their promise of truth and justice. The same is true for the commissions that emerged at the end of the conflict. The purpose of this research is to analyze the rule of law in Sri Lanka through the various transitional justice mechanisms in the country. Specifically, we proceed to define the rule of law as it relates to the failures of the government to address the legacy of the conflict. In conclusion, we provide a definition of the rule of law capable of enhancing transitional justice in the country and whose characteristics are based on a holistic approach to context.

Gender inequality has during the past decades become an increasingly studied topic in the field of peace and conflict. However, there are still many gaps to fill. This thesis is an aim at explaining a phenomenon that has yet to be uncovered, namely the relation between conflict related gender inequality and women’s attitudes towards reconciliation processes that include truth-telling and reintegration of ex-combatants. The thesis builds upon prior qualitative and quantitative studies of gender inequality in relation to conflict, and its potential consequences, as well as trauma-related psychology. Using a direct and structured comparative method of comparison between Rwanda and Sri Lanka, it is found that gender inequality both during and after conflict affect women’s attitudes towards peacebuilding negatively.

This study examines the impact of traditional rituals in truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) on the social reintegration of ex-combatants in post-conflict societies. Little is known of how traditional rituals can contribute to transitional justice mechanisms in reintegration ex-combatants and this thesis aims to contribute to this by asking How does incorporating traditional ritual in the TRC affect the social re-integration off ex-combatants? I conduct a structured, focused comparison of two TRCs, one in Solomon Islands and one in Timor-Leste, to test the theoretical argument if inclusion of traditional rituals leads to more successful social reintegration of ex-combatants. The empirical findings lend some support to the hypothesis, as the TRC with traditional rituals incorporated had more successful social reintegration of ex-combatants than the TRC without. However, the empirics point to potential alternative explanations that might influence the social reintegration. There are also some limitations in the data available, calling for future research.

[pt] A tese se propõe a responder a seguinte pergunta: como se dá a construção de significados da norma de justiça de transição no Brasil? Partindo do arcabouço conceitual do construtivismo crítico de normas, especialmente da lógica da contestação e do enquadramento da justiça de transição enquanto uma norma complexa e configurada como um agrupamento de normas, argumentamos que os sentidos atribuídos à norma de justiça de transição no Brasil são inerentes às práticas adotadas sobre ela, ou seja, do seu significado-em-uso. A fim de identificar e descrever como se dá a construção dos sentidos da norma de justiça de transição no Brasil, levantamos inicialmente os sentidos da norma de justiça de transição junto à ONU. Essa estratégia serve ao objetivo de determinar o parâmetro de sentido global da norma ao qual os sentidos da norma no Brasil se estabelecem à revelia. Uma vez que para determinar o sentido da norma devemos reconhecer o significado-em-uso, estrutura que dá sentido à norma, e esse se revela na prática, adotamos a estratégia praxeográfica sobre a pesquisa. Essa estratégia aponta os pontos de entrada das práticas e sugere como investigá-las. Baseados nessa orientação, determinadas manifestações dos atores interessados na norma (stakeholders), a maioria na forma de práticas discursivas, são utilizadas como dados (corpus textual), dos quais extraímos os significados-em-uso através da técnica de análise predicativa de discurso. Essas manifestações são majoritariamente informais (entrevistas, declarações públicas em meios não oficiais, escritos biográficos), mas contamos também com documentos de forma suplementar. A análise aponta para alguns sentidos inéditos no Brasil em relação aos sentidos globais atribuídos a norma. Apontamos que esses novos sentidos emergem de práticas também inovadoras e intensamente atreladas às experiências individuais anteriores dos atores interessados na norma imersos no contexto brasileiro de aplicação da norma de justiça de transição. / [en] This thesis aims to answer the following question: How does the construction of meaning of the transitional justice norm occur in Brazil? Starting from the conceptual framework of critical constructivism of norms, especially the logic of contestation and the framing of transitional justice as a complex norm configured as a group of norms, we argue that the meanings attributed to the norm of transitional justice in Brazil are inherent to the practices adopted about it, that is, its meaning-in-use. To identify and describe the meanings of the transitional justice norm in Brazil, we initially raised the meaning of the transitional justice norm within the UN. This strategy serves the objective of determining a global meaning parameter to which the meaning in Brazil is established by default. Since to determine the meaning of the norm we must recognize the meaning-in-use, the structure that gives meaning to the norm and is revealed in practice, we adopted the praxeographic strategy on research. This strategy points out the entry points of practices and suggests how to investigate them. Based on this orientation, certain manifestations of actors interested in the norm (stakeholders), most in the form of discursive practices, are used as data (textual corpus), from which we extract the meanings-in-use through the predicative discourse analysis technique. These manifestations are mostly informal (interviews, public statements in unofficial media, biographical writings), but we also rely on additional documents. The analysis points to some new meanings in Brazil concerning the global meanings attributed to the standard. We point out that these new meanings emerge from practices that are also innovative and intensely linked to the previous individual experiences of actors interested in the norm immersed in the Brazilian context of application of the transitional justice norm.

本論文重要的目的，瞭解捷克轉型正義的特色與淨化法的施行。捷克轉型正義，發生在蘇聯解體、中東歐國家政治、經濟轉型的脈絡下。去共化和處理過去共遺緒問題，是中東歐國家轉型正義的重要任務，淨化法在如此政治環境下產生。捷克的淨化政策，由於國內政治非制度淨化，加上民主選舉過程，導致黑函滿天飛，所造成嚴重的政治問題，因而訂定的立法規範。這樣的背景下，淨化政策是一種特殊、臨時的政策工具。反映出當時轉型政治所面臨的困難，以及共黨政治轉型到民主政治之間，體系轉換的矛盾。此外，淨化政策也代表，當時捷克政治環境危機的解決方式。回到歷史的脈絡下來看，淨化政策是一種人事改革的手段，也是推動整體改革的基礎。解構舊有的權力結構，讓新民主有機會發展。 淨化政策在施行上，仍有許多爭議，包括可能侵害個人政治權力，以及被認為是一種對於共黨的報復手段，但淨化政策最重要的目標，是為建立特殊時期的改革基礎，也沒有具體的資料顯示，淨化政策會造成政治民主發展的傷害，相反的，淨化政策的施行得當，對於新民主的發展是有助益。 / The most important purpose of this thesis is to understand the characteristics of the Czech transitional justice and Lustration Law. The Czech, as a Central and Eastern European countries, transitional justice occurred in the Post-Soviet with the political, economic restructuring context. Both "de-communism" and "the dealing with the past" is important task of the Transitional Justice in Central and Eastern European countries, and the Lustration Law implement in this background. Czech Lustration Law is result from wild lustration, because of democratic electoral system, leading to blackmail over the place, caused a serious political problem. Therefore, the legislators decided to make the law. Based on the above, the Lustration Law is a special, temporary policy tool. The situation reflects the challenges of political transition, and the communist political transition to a democratic system, is facing tremendous contradiction. In addition, the Lustration policy also represents a solution choice of the Czech political environment crisis. Lustration policy is a kind of a personnel reform policy, and promotes the overall reform. Destroy the former power structure, so that the new democracy has a chance to develop. Examining the Lustration policy, there is a lot of controversy. Including it may infringe the personal political right, and it’s considered as retaliation to the former political elite. However, the Lustration policies the most important goal is to establish the basis of a special period of reform. There is no specific evidence to show that Lustration Law will result in damage to the development of political democracy. On the other hand, lustration policy is implemented appropriately; it would be beneficial for the development of new democracy.

This research seeks to establish a methodology by which transitional justice strategies ought to be incorporated within the International Criminal Court (ICC) framework. The study is based on the situation in Uganda as an example of the state that has a situation and cases before the ICC. The aim of the thesis was achieved through the adoption of a combination of theoretical legal research and the non -doctrinal approaches. This research establishes that the primary responsibility to prosecute persons suspected of violating international law lies with the states. The importance of the concept of individual criminal responsibility, the idea that every person suspected of committing the most serious offences must be held accountable regardless of status. The principle of individual criminal responsibility is further developed with the creation of the ICC. This research clarifies that there are limitations in terms of what prosecutions can achieve during transitional periods; further, that trials in the ICC and national courts can be undertaken together with proceedings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions or indigenous mechasims. Such an approach will allow for confines of prosecutions to be addressed. Despite the existence of principles and institutional framework that are intended to ensure individuals are held accountable for the most serious offences of international concern, the majority of individuals are not held accountable. In order for the ICC to operate effectively it would need to seek to go beyond deterrence and retribution. This would require post – conflict states to devise transitional arrangements that compel with the ICC structure. Thus the research recommends that it would be better for judicial and non- judicial measures to be adopted in states that have cases before the ICC. Particularly Uganda must adopt the mato oput method formally as a tool to address the past human rights abuses in Uganda. All persons regardless of whether they have been granted amnesty or not must be held accountable under the mato oput measures. This implies all persons with exception to those that the ICC has issued the warrants of arrest against. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D.

Les situations d'après-guerre demandent plus qu'une déclaration officielle pour retrouver la stabilité et l'entente sociales. Les réflexions philosophiques portant sur les moyens d'atteindre une réconciliation sont nombreuses, mais il y a encore peu de recherches portant sur l'impact de l'art pour ressouder les liens sociaux et guérir les membres constituant la société. Après avoir démontré la légitimité d'une réflexion portant sur le rôle que pourrait tenir le théâtre pour la réconciliation et l'établissement de normes, nous justifions pourquoi les notions de récit, de performance publique, de travail de création et de transmission d'émotion deviennent des critères de validation du théâtre pour la réconciliation. Par l'usage du théâtre, les intervenants pourront ainsi mieux accompagner les victimes dans leur deuil et les aider à créer de nouveaux liens profitant au développement d'un contrat social sain pour la refonte de l’État. / Post-war situations ask more than an official declaration to find social stability and mutual understanding. The philosophic reflections concerning the means to reach reconciliation are numerous, but there is more research to be done concerning the impact of art to strengthen the social links and cure the members constituting society. Having demonstrated the legitimacy of a reflection concerning the role of theater in reconciliation and in the establishment of standards, we prove why the notions of narrative, public performance, creation process and transmission of emotion become criteria of validation of theater as a way towards reconciliation. By the use of theater, the community workers can better accompany the victims in their mourning and help them create new ties benefiting the development of a healthy social contract for the redesign of the State.

Individuals who have travelled from Sweden and affiliated to the Islamic State in Syria will, after the fall of the caliphate, return home to Sweden. The concept of ISIS returnees has begun to dominate the debate and there is a common concern that individuals who possess radicalized opinions should return to Sweden only to commit terrorist crimes. The study is based on a qualitative research method, specifically an interview methodology with semi-structured interviews. The study identifies the capacity Sweden possesses, according to experts, both socially and legally, to deal with the problems of Swedish citizens who wants to return from ISIS-controlled areas. The study also aims to examines measures that is the most suitable to apply to returnees from the expert’s perspective. An analysis based on the Transitional Justice framework identified the importance of applying both legal aspects, as well as social processes in order to handle the problems with returnees. Through a review of previous research, three courts were identified, because they previously had the ability to prosecute individuals who committed criminal acts, these are: The Ad-hoc Tribunal, the Hybrid Court and the International Criminal Court. It was therefore considered important to examine these in order to review whether the courts were a legal alternative in the discussion of returnees who committed terrorist crimes. All actors, both international and national, have lack of capacity and efficiency regarding how to handle the ISIS-returnees. The study therefore contributes to an understanding of the capacity Sweden possesses in order to handle the problem of individuals who are now returning from ISIS, and also proposes new ways to handle the problematic aspects about ISIS-returnees to Sweden.

Esta dissertação tem como objeto a análise do impacto da condenação do Brasil pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no caso Guerrilha do Araguaia sobre a atuação do Ministério Público Federal na persecução penal das graves violações de direitos humanos ocorridas na ditadura militar no Brasil. Considerando a existência de uma norma global de responsabilização penal individual, verifica-se que a demanda doméstica de responsabilização dos agentes da ditadura foi submetida ao Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos e retornou ao plano doméstico de modo a destravar a atuação institucional do Ministério Público Federal na pauta. Se antes da condenação pela corte internacional havia uma atuação de poucos procuradores, depois da sentença se verifica uma gradual institucionalização da pauta internamente no Ministério Público Federal, que tomou para si a determinação da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos de responsabilização dos agentes da ditadura. O estudo discute a movimentação institucional do Ministério Público Federal na pauta, as teses adotadas pelos procuradores, as vinte e seis ações penais ajuizadas desde 2011, os obstáculos encontrados, a recepção do Judiciário e os desafios para a persecução penal hoje no Brasil. Assim, a dissertação sustenta que o Ministério Público Federal tem tido uma atuação fundamental como ator judicial interno na mobilização do direito internacional dos direitos humanos para fazer avançar a cascata da justiça, configurando-se como um ator central para o processo de justiça de transição no Brasil, que sempre encontrou uma limitação no aspecto da responsabilização penal em razão da Lei de Anistia. / This thesis aims to analyze the impact of Brazil\'s conviction by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights regarding the Araguaia Guerrilla on Federal Prosecution Service\'s (MPF) action, namely in the penal prosecution of gross human rights violations that occurred during Brazil\'s military dictatorship. Bearing in mind the existence of an international law of individual penal responsibility, it was noted that the domestic suit against dictatorship agents was submitted to the Inter-American System of Human Rights; it returned to the domestic sphere as to unlock the institutional action of MPF. Before the international court\'s conviction there was little action in the hands of few prosecutors. After the sentence, one can observe a gradual institutionalization and internalization of this subject in the MPF, which took on the responsibilization of dictatorship agents determined by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The study discusses the institutional mobilization of MPF in the subject, prosecutors\' legal arguments, the 26 penal suits filed since 2011, obstacles found, Judiciary\'s reception, and challenges of criminal prosecution in Brazil. Hence, this thesis holds that the MPF has been crucial as a domestic judicial actor regarding the use of international human rights law to enforce the justice cascade, posing itself as a core actor for Brazil\'s transitional justice, which has been obstructed by the country\'s Amnesty law.