Rooted in the theories of urban entrepreneurialism, this dissertation employs a political economy framework as a means of analyzing urban governance and economic development in the contemporary US city. This case study of Orlando adds to our understanding of how entrepreneurial narratives are being applied to transportation infrastructure projects in pursuit of local economic development. The empirical case study explores the relationship between planning narratives, urban governance and economic development in the establishment of the SunRail commuter rail system in central Florida. I present the political history of economic development and the role of local boosters in shaping the sociospatial distribution of urban infrastructure and public investment in Central Florida. Utilizing a qualitative research methodology, the case study is based on a series of extended interviews with transportation planners, urban policymakers and community leaders in the Orlando area. The empirical data was complemented with official documents and archival records concerning the planning of transit-oriented developments along the SunRail system. This research presents the current efforts of Central Florida boosters to apply governance approaches to reshape the urban form and to direct the ensuing flows of capital investment through the restructuring of the region’s transportation infrastructure and employing planning narratives that draw heavily on creating amenity growth strategies. Local boosters expect that by providing dense development corridors through the region, including transit-oriented development centers, the city will have met the pre-conditions for attracting private capital investment. Specifically, local leaders are seeking to attract investment by the type of firms that will provide high-wage jobs to the region to balance the glut of low-wage service sectors jobs found in the region’s theme park industry. In the case of Central Florida, early private investment in SunRail adjacent property has come from local firms that tend to have a high level of local fixity and existing investments in the Orlando market.

Michelin est une firme multinationale présente sur tous les continents, elle détient près de 70 sites à travers le monde, qui emploient au total 108 000 salariés. En ce sens, l’entreprise a la capacité de valoriser divers territoires d’implantation dans le cadre de la mondialisation de ses activités, en s’émancipant des contraintes spatiales pour répondre à une consommation globale. Or, la multinationale du pneumatique a toujours maintenu son siège social dans la ville où l’entreprise industrielle est née à la fin du XIXème siècle, Clermont-Ferrand, signe qu’un degré élevé de mondialisation peut coexister avec un ancrage territorial centenaire. Il convient alors de s’interroger sur les ressorts, nécessairement évolutifs, de l’enracinement clermontois de Michelin. De la fin du XIXème siècle jusqu’à la Seconde guerre mondiale, l’entreprise a mis en place à Clermont-Ferrand un système paternaliste d’encadrement social de la force de travail qui accompagnait l’existence de l’ouvrier du « berceau à la tombe ». Cités-jardins, écoles, équipements médicaux, sportifs, œuvres sociales, etc. ont ainsi été conçues pour attirer, fidéliser et finalement assujettir une main-d’œuvre généralement issue du milieu rural auvergnat. S’ajoutant à l’emprise spatiale des sites industriels, tous localisés sur la commune de Clermont-Ferrand et composant un « espace Michelin » s’étalant entre les centres anciens de Clermont et de Montferrand, l’ensemble des équipements du système paternaliste dessine un « monde Michelin », défini comme une entité socio-spatiale autonome par rapport au reste de la société urbaine locale.Cette organisation sociale spécifique a une finalité essentiellement productive. Confrontée à l’absence de tradition industrielle qui caractérise la région clermontoise au début du XXème siècle, la firme façonne un milieu économique progressivement soumis à la croissance d’une mono-industrie, celle du caoutchouc, puis à une seule entreprise, Michelin. Cette dernière devient alors le principal moteur de l’économie locale, le puissant leader d’un bassin qui s’industrialise brutalement.Enfin, les relations de l’entreprise avec les pouvoirs publics locaux sont déterminantes pour comprendre comment un acteur privé a pu conformer une ville à ses logiques économiques. En effet, le déploiement d’une initiative sur l’espace ne se peut se réaliser sans lien avec le pouvoir institutionnalisé des élites politiques, celles-ci maîtrisant des ressources réglementaires indispensables à la mise en œuvre de l’aménagement urbain. Le concours de Michelin à la fabrique de la ville est ainsi indissociable des initiatives publiques, menées notamment par la municipalité de Clermont-Ferrand. Au final, on peut considérer qu’on assiste, dans la première moitié du XXème siècle, à la construction, par une entreprise, d’un territoire formé de quatre dimensions interdépendantes : une emprise spatiale, une organisation sociale, une fonction économique et une régulation politique. Une fois posées les modalités de la constitution de ce « territoire Michelin », l’objectif de ce travail est d’analyser comment cette construction territoriale évolue dans le temps, selon un cycle de « territorialisation / déterritorialisation / reterritorialisation » qui renouvelle les conditions de l’ancrage territorial d’une firme mondiale et renseigne sur la dialectique entre local et global, le territoire pouvant alors être considéré comme une clé de lecture du capitalisme et de ses conséquences sur l’évolution des sociétés urbaines. / Michelin is a multinational presents on all the continents, it holds 70 sites worldwide, which employ all in all 108 000 employees. This way, the company has the capacity to value diverse territories within the framework of the globalization of its activities, by becoming emancipated spatial constraints to answer a global consumption. Yet, the multinational of the tire always maintained its head office in the city where the industrial company was born at the end of the XIXth century, Clermont-Ferrand, sign when a high degree of globalization can coexist with a hundred-years-old territorial anchoring. It is then advisable to wonder about reasons, inevitably evolutionary, of the presence of Michelin in Clermont-Ferrand.From the end of the XIXth century to the Second World War, the company set up in Clermont-Ferrand a paternalistic system of social frame of the working strength which accompanied the existence of the worker of the "cradle in the grave". Garden cities, schools, medical, sports equipments, charitable works, etc. were so designed to attract, develop loyalty and finally subject a workforce generally stemming from the rural environment from Auvergne. Being added to the spatial influence of the industrial sites, all located on the municipality of Clermont-Ferrand and composing a "space Michelin" spreading out between the old centers of Clermont and Montferrand, all the equipments of the paternalistic system draws a "world Michelin", defined as an autonomous socio-spatial entity, compared with the rest of the local urban society.This specific social organization has an essentially productive purpose. Confronted with the absence of industrial tradition which characterizes the clermontoise region at the beginning of the XXth century, the firm shapes an economic environment gradually subjected to the growth of a mono-industry, that some rubber, then to the single company, Michelin. The latter becomes then the main engine of the local economy, the powerful leader of a pond which becomes industrialized brutally.Finally, the relations of the company with the local public authorities are determining to understand how a private actor was able to shape a city to his economic logics. Indeed, the deployment of an initiative on the space cannot come true without link with the power institutionalized by the political elites, these mastering statutory resources indispensable to the implementation of the urban planning. The participation of Michelin to the urbanization is so inseparable public initiatives, led in particular by the municipality of Clermont-Ferrand. In the end, we can consider that we attend, in the first half of the XXth century, in the construction, by a company, of a territory structured by four interdependent dimensions: a spatial influence, a social organization, an economic function and a political regulation. Once put the modalities of the constitution of this "territory Michelin", the objective of this work is to analyze how this territorial construction evolves during the history, according to a cycle of "territorialization / deterritorialization / reterritorialization" which renews the conditions of the territorial anchoring of a world firm and informs about the dialectic between local and global, the territory which can then be considered as a key of reading of the capitalism and its consequences on the evolution of the urban societies.

Proyecto FONDECYT de iniciación N°11150789 “Glocal urban governance between neoliberalism, risk and resilience: re-assembling urban strategies in three chilean cities” Memoria para optar al título de Geógrafo / Memoria para optar al título de Geógrafo / “Urbanya Ciudad Global” y “Praderas de Lo Aguirre” en Pudahuel serán las urbanizaciones privadas más grandes que se desarrollarán en Chile, y al mismo tiempo, son megaproyectos inmobiliarios cuyos procesos de aprobación han tomado largos 24 años, pasando por la participación de asociaciones públicas-privadas y por desarticulaciones en niveles de gobierno regional y local. En esta investigación, se realiza un análisis cualitativo de la evolución de las formas de gobernanza en Pudahuel asociado a estos megaproyectos inmobiliarios, a través del lente de la gobernanza urbana analítica (Pierre, 1999; DiGaetano & Strom, 2003; Martí-Costa & Tomás, 2016, Lukas, 2018) y las relaciones de poder (Lukes, 2007; Howarth, 2010), concebidas como micropolíticas y macrodiscursos. Se identifican en los resultados cuatro grandes fases de gobernanza entre 1994 y 2018, en las cuales es posible reconocer una transición desde un régimen urbano (Stone, 1989) y un régimen pluralista de carácter corporacionista a escala local, en los que existe una fuerte presencia de la Comisión Mixta como asociación pública-privada, hacia una forma de gobernanza de carácter regional, con mixturas entre formas gerencialistas y clientelistas, donde la burocracia estatal y las diferentes visiones de los servicios públicos implicados retrasan el proceso. Se concluye que existen tres lógicas transversales que articulan los 24 años de gobernanza en Pudahuel: i) una fragmentación en los espacios de toma de decisiones de carácter multiescalar, ii) diferentes estrategias escalares de los desarrolladores inmobiliarios para afrontar las fases de gobernanza y iii) una improvisación de carácter reactiva por parte del diseño institucional chileno en lo que respecta a planificación y gestión urbana en Pudahuel. / "Urbanya Ciudad Global" and "Praderas de Lo Aguirre" in Pudahuel will be the largest private urbanizations to be developed in Chile, and at the same time, are real estate megaprojects whose approval processes have taken 24 long years, with the participation of public-private partnerships and several disarticulations at regional and local government levels. In this research, a qualitative analysis of the evolution of the ways of governance in Pudahuel associated with these real estate megaprojects is made, through the lens of analytical urban governance (Pierre, 1999, DiGaetano & Strom, 2003, Martí-Costa & Tomás, 2016, Lukas, 2018) and power relations (Lukes, 2007; Howarth, 2010), conceived as micro-politics and macro-discourses. In the results, four governance stages are identified between 1994 and 2018, in which it is possible to recognize a transition from an urban regime (Stone, 1989) and a pluralist corporatist regime at local scale, with a strong presence of the Comisión Mixta as a public-private partnership until 2003, towards a form of regional governance since 2004, with mixtures between managerialist and clientelist forms, where the state bureaucracy and the different visions of the public services involved delay the process. It is concluded that there are three transversal logics that articulate the 24 years of governance in Pudahuel: i) a multi scalar fragmentation in decision-making spaces, ii) different scalar strategies from real estate developers to face the governance stages and iii) the presence of a reactive improvisation on Chilean institutional design in both urban planning and urban management in Pudahuel.

Initially, urban renewal focused mainly on promoting better physical environments, living conditions and economic activities, by upgrading derelict neighbourhoods. But since the 1990s in Europe, the urban renewal approach emphasising the physical, environmental and economic spheres has been replaced by a more comprehensive and integrated approach, which links the stimulation of economic activities and environmental improvements with social integration, inclusion and cultural elements. The former pathway, marked by massive rapid demolition and reconstruction, is regarded as the dominant urban renewal approach in China. Driven by the unprecedented urbanisation, it has brought enormous economic benefits but at the cost of aggravating social and environmental problems, resulting in unsustainable cities. Therefore, China has entered a new stage by transforming into a more sustainable avenue – the small-scale stepwise urban renewal. Since 2009, the Chinese government has launched experimental actions in many pilot cities to cultivate the new approach. This trend can be noticed in different fields involving policies, movements, institutional settings and academia. Government and scholars expect small-scale urban renewal to simultaneously enhance physical infrastructures, reinforce cultural diversity and foster social cohesion, leading to sustainable and socially integrative cities. However, it can be questioned if the new urban renewal approach genuinely has a better performance in this regard. Therefore, the guiding research question (RQ) asks: How does urban renewal contribute to socially integrative cities in China? The author first sought insights to build a holistic conceptual framework: urban renewal towards socially integrative cities. It helped understand the urban renewal evolution in China, and the concept of social integration and inclusion both in international and in the Chinese context, especially regarding urban renewal projects. By conducting a literature review, three research gaps were identified: 1) A lack of systematic studies that integrate and summarise fragmented urban renewal approaches and concepts in China; 2) Social integration and inclusion in China have a relatively narrow perspective of “assimilation”; 3) Systematic and multi-faceted evaluation of experimental urban renewal in China, especially in social aspects, is too inadequate to make suggestions for improving current Chinese urban renewal approaches. To fill these gaps, this dissertation firstly scrutinises the differences between these co-existing two renewal approaches in China, massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal; secondly, it examines to what extent these two approaches have contributed to socially integrative cities, and thirdly, analyses the strengths and weaknesses of these two approaches and the rationales behind them. The 'socially integrative cities' (SIC) analytical framework, jointly proposed by Chinese and European scholars, is applied to examine the accomplishments in two urban renewal cases. The author defines 26 indicators corresponding to 12 characteristics, grouped into five dimensions: collaborative urban planning and design, urban environment and living conditions, local economy and labour market, socio-cultural development and social capital, institutional development and urban finance. The methodology comprises descriptive documents analysis and literature research, followed by qualitative comparative case studies. Two typical cases were selected, representing massive rapid reconstruction (Wuhan Tiandi) and small-scale stepwise urban renewal (Tanhualin). Both are traditional inner-city and run-down areas in Wuhan, a frontrunner prefecture-level city in China. During the fieldwork, semi-structured in-depth interviews have been conducted on identified stakeholders. After the fieldwork, a thematic content analysis and a stakeholder analysis were performed to analyse the interview data collected from online databases, documents, and project plans. Results firstly suggested that the differences between massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal exist in the aspects of the intervention levels, the actors and strategies, the scales of coverage, the planning goals, the renewal targets, the housing types and the sources of funds. An urban renewal project can combine both approaches in a hybrid model or adopt different approaches in different periods. The assessment of the implementation and impact of both urban renewal cases reveals that massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal have genuinely contributed to socially integrative cities in all five dimensions but to a varying degree. Massive rapid reconstruction has unique advantages in improving living and environmental conditions in urban areas, upgrading the physical environment in distressed areas, and strengthening the economy and labour market on a large regional scale, but it does not respect the social and cultural dimension. In contrast, small-scale stepwise renewal prevails in the adaptive reuse of existing buildings, revitalising cities and older towns, keeping people in the original neighbourhoods, stabilising housing prices and affordability, strengthening the economy and labour market on a small local scale, preserving cultural heritage, fostering the identity of neighbourhoods, as well as fostering social capital and the engagement of local stakeholders. However, it suffers from a comprehensive but limited effectiveness. The study also shows that many strengths and weaknesses of both urban renewal approaches are antithetical. Based on this finding, the author discovers their rationales behind the two different approaches, investigates the underlying causes that precipitate these antitheses, and proposes possible solutions to the challenges and dilemmas facing current Chinese urban renewal. Overall, this research concludes fragmented urban renewal approaches and concepts in China, summarised into two paradigms: massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal. Besides, it develops a more comprehensive and analytical framework that adapts to the Chinese context - “socially integrative cities”, to examine urban renewal projects. Finally, it elucidates in-depth empirical knowledge of the urban renewal paradigm shift in China and makes recommendations for government, practitioners and scholars to promote a more socially integrative urban renewal.:CONTENTS 1 Introduction 1.1 Problem overview 1.2 Study design and thesis structure 2 Conceptual framework: urban renewal towards socially integrative cities 2.1 Urban renewal in China 2.1.1 Basic Chinese terms and concepts 2.1.2 Massive rapid demolition and reconstruction 2.1.3 Small-scale stepwise urban renewal 2.1.4 Urban renewal evolution in China: initiating, testing and promotion 2.2 Social integration and inclusion 2.3 Influence of urban renewal on social integration and inclusion - socially integrative cities 2.4 Typical practices of urban renewal in China 2.5 Raised research questions 3 Research design and methodology 3.1 Overall research design 3.2 Framework to examine the accomplishment of socially integrative cities in urban renewal projects 3.3 Comparative case studies 3.3.1 Case study selection 3.3.2 Interview design 3.3.3 Data analysis 4 Exploring the context: Wuhan city and its two cases 4.1 Urban renewal in Wuhan 4.2 Planning documents of Wuhan concerning urban renewal 4.3 Massive rapid reconstruction case: Wuhan Tiandi 4.4 Small-scale stepwise urban renewal case: Tanhualin 5 Differences between massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.1 Classification criteria for urban renewal approaches 5.2 Intervention levels 5.2.1 Redevelopment, rehabilitation, and conservation 5.2.2 Intervention levels in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.3 Actors and strategies 5.3.1 Government-led, property-led, comprehensive model, and community-oriented mode 5.3.2 Actors and strategies in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.3.3 Sources of funds in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.4 Scales of coverage 5.4.1 Macro-level, medium-level, micro-level 5.4.2 Scales of coverage in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.5 Planning goals 5.5.1 Physical, social, economic, and morphological integrated 5.5.2 Planning goals in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.6 Renewal targets 5.6.1 Old city, old factory, old village 5.6.2 Renewal targets in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.7 Summary 6 Contributions to socially integrative cities by massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 6.1 Collaborative urban planning and design 6.1.1 Reducing urban sprawl and appropriate access to urban land 6.1.2 Involving different stakeholders in collaborative and participative planning and design on the different politico-administrative levels 6.1.3 Reflections 6.2 Urban environment and living conditions 6.2.1 Improving urban environment and living conditions in Wuhan Tiandi 6.2.2 Improving the urban environment and living conditions in Tanhualin 6.2.3 Reflections 6.3 Local economy and labour market 6.3.1 Strengthening the local economy and labour market 6.3.2 Strengthening technical and social innovation in cities and neighbourhoods opening up new possibilities for the local population 6.3.3 Reflections 6.4 Socio-cultural development and social capital 6.4.1 Fostering proactive education and training policies for children and young people in disadvantaged neighbourhoods 6.4.2 Preserving cultural heritage and fostering the identity of neighbourhoods and their inhabitants 6.4.3 Fostering social capital and engagement of local stakeholders 6.4.4 Reflections 6.5 Institutional development and urban finance 6.5.1 Supporting adequate institutional conditions and mechanisms 6.5.2 Supporting adequate financial conditions and mechanisms 6.5.3 Reflections 6.6 Summary 7 Strengths and weaknesses of massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise renewal and their rationales 7.1 Collaborative urban planning and design 7.1.1 Rental-sales rights inequality 7.1.2 Paternalistic Danwei system 7.1.3 Lack of channels for public participation 7.1.4 Lack of vertical and horizontal integration between government sectors 7.1.5 Lack of clear collective goals 7.2 Urban environment and living conditions 7.2.1 Housing prices and affordability 7.2.2 Low-rent housing programmes and two innovations 7.2.3 Monetisation strategy 7.2.4 Efficiency versus quality 7.3 Socio-cultural development and social capital 7.3.1 Cultural heritage protection 7.3.2 Aesthetic concept cultivation 7.3.3 Open community versus gated community 7.3.4 Understandings of social integration and inclusion 7.4 Institutional development and urban finance 7.4.1 Establishment of urban renewal bureau 7.4.2 Transition from management-oriented government to service-oriented government 7.4.3 Human-centred, people-oriented design 7.5 Summary 8 Conclusion References Annexes Annex 1: Interview guidelines Annex 2: Dates of interviews Annex 3: Collected data Annex 4: Example of consent form / Ursprünglich zielte Stadterneuerung in erster Linie darauf ab, Infrastruktur, Lebensbedingungen und wirtschaftliche Gegebenheiten durch die Aufwertung baufälliger Stadtviertel zu verbessern. Seit den 1990er Jahren jedoch wurde in Europa der Ansatz der hauptsächlich materielle, ökologische und ökonomische Aspekte betonenden Stadterneuerung durch eine ganzheitlichere Herangehensweise abgelöst. Diese verbindet die Stimulation ökonomischer Aktivitäten und ökologischer Verbesserungen mit sozialer Integration und Teilhabe der Bewohner sowie Rücksichtnahme auf kulturelle Gegebenheiten (Dixon et al., 2009, p. 3). Ersterer Ansatz, gekennzeichnet durch großflächigen und schnellen Abriss und Neubau städtischer Areale, wird meist als die in China übliche Vorgehensweise bei Stadterneuerungen angesehen. Getrieben von einem Prozess beispielloser Urbanisierung, ging sie einen enormen wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung einher. Dieser brachte allerdings gravierende soziale und ökologische Problemen mit sich, welche zu einer nicht-nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung führten. Deshalb beschreitet China zunehmend einen nachhaltigeren Weg: die schrittweise Stadterneuerung in jeweils kleinerem Umfang. Seit 2009 initiierte die chinesische Regierung verschiedene experimentelle Pilotprojekte für den neuen Ansatz. Dieser Trend macht sich in verschiedenen Bereichen wie Planungs- und Baustrategien, institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen und der Wissenschaft bemerkbar. Sowohl chinesische Regierungsinstitutionen als auch zahlreiche Wissenschaftler gehen davon aus, dass eine kleinteiligere Stadterneuerung nicht nur die physische Infrastruktur verbessert, sondern auch das Gefühl der Identität, die kulturelle Entwicklung und den sozialen Zusammenhalt unter den Bewohnern verstärkt. Damit geht allerdings die Frage einher, ob der neue Ansatz der Stadterneuerung tatsächlich per se besser zur Verwirklichung dieser Absichten beiträgt. Die zentrale Forschungsfrage lautet daher: Auf welche Weise trägt Stadterneuerung zur sozialen Integrativität chinesischer Städte bei? Zunächst entwickelte die Autorin den konzeptionellen Rahmen: Stadterneuerung im Sinne sozial-integrativer Stadtentwicklung. Dieser hilft beim Verständnis chinesischer Stadterneuerung und der Einsicht in den städtebaulichen Bezug von Konzepten sozialer Integration und Inklusion sowohl international als auch spezifisch in China. Bei der Recherche in Dokumenten und Fachliteratur zeigten sich weiterhin folgende drei Forschungslücken: 1) Ein Mangel an systematischen Untersuchungen, die die einzelnen Herangehensweisen und Konzepte der Stadterneuerung in China integrieren und zusammenfassen; 2) Ansätze der sozialen Integration und Teilhabe folgen in China einem relativ engen Verständnis von „Assimilierung“; 3) Der gegenwärtige Bestand systematischer Analyse und Bewertung experimenteller Stadterneuerungsprojekte ist hinsichtlich sozialer Aspekte unzureichend für eine Verbesserung aktueller Ansätze der Stadterneuerung in China. Um diese Forschungslücken zu füllen, sollen in der vorliegenden Dissertation zum Ersten die Unterschiede zwischen den beiden in China angewendeten Vorgehensweisen der Stadterneuerung – großflächiger und scheller gegenüber kleinteiligem und schrittweisem Stadtumbau – erforscht werden; zum Zweiten soll untersucht werden, inwiefern beide Ansätze zur sozial integrierten Stadtentwicklung beitragen, und zum Dritten soll eine generelle Analyse der Stärken und Schwächen beider Ansätze und ihrer inneren Logik erfolgen. Zur Untersuchung zweier Fälle von Stadterneuerung bezüglich des Ziels einer sozial-integrativen Stadtentwicklung kommt der Analyserahmen „Socially Integrative Cities“ (SIC), der gemeinsam von chinesischen und europäischen Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftlern vorgeschlagen wurde, zum Einsatz. Die Autorin definierte 26 Indikatoren aufbauend auf 12 Charakteristika aus vorausgegangenen Forschungen, die fünf thematischen Dimensionen zugeordnet wurden: kollaborative Stadtplanung und Stadtgestaltung, urbane Umwelt- und Lebensbedingungen, wirtschaftliche Situation und Arbeitsmarkt vor Ort, soziokulturelle Entwicklung und soziales Kapital und schlussendlich institutionelle Entwicklung und städtisches Finanzwesen. Das methodische Vorgehen vereint beschreibende Analyse von Dokumenten und Literaturrecherche, gefolgt von qualitativen vergleichenden Fallstudien. Für die Untersuchung wurden zwei typische Fälle von Stadterneuerungsprojekten ausgewählt, die einerseits eine großflächige und schnelle (Wuhan Tiandi) und andererseits eine kleinteilige und schrittweise (Wuhan Tanhualin) Vorgehensweise repräsentieren. In beiden Fällen handelt es sich um traditionelle innerstädtische, jedoch baufällige Viertel in Wuhan, einer aufstrebenden chinesischen Bezirkshauptstadt. Im Laufe der Feldforschung wurden unter anderem semistrukturierte vertiefende Interviews mit Vertretern von Einrichtungen geführt, die vorher als Stakeholder identifiziert wurden. Für die Auswertung des Interviewmaterials schloss sich während und nach der Feldforschung die inhaltliche Analyse und die Stakeholderanalyse an. Weitere Daten hierfür wurden von Online-Datenplattformen, Dokumenten und Projektplanungen generiert. Zunächst einmal legen die Resultate nahe, dass die Unterschiede zwischen großflächiger, schneller und kleinteiliger, schrittweiser Stadterneuerung hauptsächlich bei den Aspekten Interventionsebene, Akteure und ihre Strategien, Größe der Baufläche, Planungs- und Erneuerungsziel, Gebäudetypen und Finanzierung liegen. Dabei besteht die Möglichkeit, dass Projekte der Stadterneuerung beide Vorgehensweisen in einem hybriden Modell kombinieren oder verschiedene Ansätze in unterschiedlichen Abschnitten zur Anwendung bringen. Die Auswertung der Umsetzung und Folgen der beiden Stadterneuerungsprojekte offenbarte, dass sowohl die großflächige und schnelle als auch die kleinteilige, schrittweise Stadterneuerung in unterschiedlichem Ausmaß einen spezifischen Einfluss auf allen fünf o.g. Dimensionen des Konzepts der sozial-integrativen Stadt haben. Großflächige und schnelle Stadterneuerung bietet unbestreitbare Vorteile für die Verbesserung der Lebens- und Umweltbedingungen, bei der baulichen Aufwertung in baufälligen Stadtbereichen sowie für die Stärkung der regionalen Wirtschaftstätigkeit und des überregionalen Arbeitsmarktes. Allerdings nimmt sie wenig Rücksicht auf soziale und kulturelle Aspekte. Im Gegensatz dazu zeichnet sich eine kleinteilige, schrittweise Stadterneuerung durch flexible Umnutzung existierender Gebäude, eine Wiederbelebung von Stadtkernen und Altstädten und stabileren und erschwinglicheren Immobilienpreisen aus. Menschen können in ihrem angestammten Viertel bleiben, die Lokalwirtschaft und der Arbeitsmarkt vor Ort werden gestärkt, baukulturelles Erbe bewahrt und sowohl das Identitätsgefühl der Quartiersbewohner mit ihrer Umgebung als auch Sozialkapital und Engagement lokaler Stakeholder gestärkt. Gleichwohl leiden diese zwar umfassenden Ansätze unter einer begrenzten Effektivität. Darüber hinaus wurde in der Studie deutlich, dass die Vorteile des einen Ansatzes in vielen Fälle die Nachteile des anderen spiegeln und umgekehrt. Darauf aufbauend beschrieb die Autorin die zu Grunde liegende Logik beider Wege, untersuchte die Ursachen, die zu deren Widersprüchen führen und bietet mögliche Lösungswege für die Herausforderungen und Dilemmata an, denen gegenwärtige chinesische Stadterneuerungsprojekte gegenüberstehen. Diese Forschungsarbeit fasst verschiedene bislang fragmentarische Ansätze und Konzepte der Stadterneuerung in China zu zwei Paradigmen zusammen: Dem des großflächigen, schnellen Stadtumbaus und jenem der kleinteiligen, schrittweisen Erneuerung. Daneben wurde ein breiter gefasster und an den Kontext der chinesischen „sozial-integrativen Stadt“ angepasster Analyserahmen für Stadterneuerungsprojekte entwickelt. Schlussendlich erläutert die vorliegende Forschungsarbeit ausführlich empirische Erkenntnisse im Zusammenhang mit dem städtebaulichen Paradigmenwechsel, der sich in China vollzieht, und gibt Empfehlungen für entsprechende Regierungsinstitutionen, Fachleute und Wissenschaftler zur Förderung einer sozial–integrativen Stadtentwicklung.:CONTENTS 1 Introduction 1.1 Problem overview 1.2 Study design and thesis structure 2 Conceptual framework: urban renewal towards socially integrative cities 2.1 Urban renewal in China 2.1.1 Basic Chinese terms and concepts 2.1.2 Massive rapid demolition and reconstruction 2.1.3 Small-scale stepwise urban renewal 2.1.4 Urban renewal evolution in China: initiating, testing and promotion 2.2 Social integration and inclusion 2.3 Influence of urban renewal on social integration and inclusion - socially integrative cities 2.4 Typical practices of urban renewal in China 2.5 Raised research questions 3 Research design and methodology 3.1 Overall research design 3.2 Framework to examine the accomplishment of socially integrative cities in urban renewal projects 3.3 Comparative case studies 3.3.1 Case study selection 3.3.2 Interview design 3.3.3 Data analysis 4 Exploring the context: Wuhan city and its two cases 4.1 Urban renewal in Wuhan 4.2 Planning documents of Wuhan concerning urban renewal 4.3 Massive rapid reconstruction case: Wuhan Tiandi 4.4 Small-scale stepwise urban renewal case: Tanhualin 5 Differences between massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.1 Classification criteria for urban renewal approaches 5.2 Intervention levels 5.2.1 Redevelopment, rehabilitation, and conservation 5.2.2 Intervention levels in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.3 Actors and strategies 5.3.1 Government-led, property-led, comprehensive model, and community-oriented mode 5.3.2 Actors and strategies in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.3.3 Sources of funds in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.4 Scales of coverage 5.4.1 Macro-level, medium-level, micro-level 5.4.2 Scales of coverage in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.5 Planning goals 5.5.1 Physical, social, economic, and morphological integrated 5.5.2 Planning goals in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.6 Renewal targets 5.6.1 Old city, old factory, old village 5.6.2 Renewal targets in massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 5.7 Summary 6 Contributions to socially integrative cities by massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise urban renewal 6.1 Collaborative urban planning and design 6.1.1 Reducing urban sprawl and appropriate access to urban land 6.1.2 Involving different stakeholders in collaborative and participative planning and design on the different politico-administrative levels 6.1.3 Reflections 6.2 Urban environment and living conditions 6.2.1 Improving urban environment and living conditions in Wuhan Tiandi 6.2.2 Improving the urban environment and living conditions in Tanhualin 6.2.3 Reflections 6.3 Local economy and labour market 6.3.1 Strengthening the local economy and labour market 6.3.2 Strengthening technical and social innovation in cities and neighbourhoods opening up new possibilities for the local population 6.3.3 Reflections 6.4 Socio-cultural development and social capital 6.4.1 Fostering proactive education and training policies for children and young people in disadvantaged neighbourhoods 6.4.2 Preserving cultural heritage and fostering the identity of neighbourhoods and their inhabitants 6.4.3 Fostering social capital and engagement of local stakeholders 6.4.4 Reflections 6.5 Institutional development and urban finance 6.5.1 Supporting adequate institutional conditions and mechanisms 6.5.2 Supporting adequate financial conditions and mechanisms 6.5.3 Reflections 6.6 Summary 7 Strengths and weaknesses of massive rapid reconstruction and small-scale stepwise renewal and their rationales 7.1 Collaborative urban planning and design 7.1.1 Rental-sales rights inequality 7.1.2 Paternalistic Danwei system 7.1.3 Lack of channels for public participation 7.1.4 Lack of vertical and horizontal integration between government sectors 7.1.5 Lack of clear collective goals 7.2 Urban environment and living conditions 7.2.1 Housing prices and affordability 7.2.2 Low-rent housing programmes and two innovations 7.2.3 Monetisation strategy 7.2.4 Efficiency versus quality 7.3 Socio-cultural development and social capital 7.3.1 Cultural heritage protection 7.3.2 Aesthetic concept cultivation 7.3.3 Open community versus gated community 7.3.4 Understandings of social integration and inclusion 7.4 Institutional development and urban finance 7.4.1 Establishment of urban renewal bureau 7.4.2 Transition from management-oriented government to service-oriented government 7.4.3 Human-centred, people-oriented design 7.5 Summary 8 Conclusion References Annexes Annex 1: Interview guidelines Annex 2: Dates of interviews Annex 3: Collected data Annex 4: Example of consent form

The purpose of this study is to investigate the storytelling processes taking place in the network here called the Partnership, founded by three actors in Malmö, Sweden. The Partnership has its roots in WorldPride 2021 and aims to work with inclusion. The storytelling processes in question deal with the Partnership’s geographical position, history as well as attempts to form a common present and future. Our theoretical framework combines a new institutional approach towards organizations and their context with David M. Boje and Barbara Czarniawska’s theories on organizing through storytelling. The main theoretical concepts used in this study are Boje’s antenarrative and Tamaraland together with Czarniawska’s actor net. As for empirical approach, the study uses qualitative interviews to investigate the storytelling processes taking place in the Partnership as well as the organizational context around it. The results of the study show that the Partnership is actively working with storytelling as a legitimizing factor for the collaboration. However, the Partnership struggles with formulating antenarratives that will bring together their geographical position in the city, the lived stories of today and their aims for the future. The study’s results provide insights on the collective sensemaking dynamics that take place in network-based organization and how they can be used in city branding and urban governance contexts. / Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka de berättandeprocesserna som äger rum i ett specifikt nätverk som i vår studie kallas för Partnerskapet, grundat av tre aktörer i Malmö. Partnerskapet har sina rötter i WorldPride 2021 med syfte att arbeta med inkludering. Berättandeprocesserna i fråga handlar om Partnerskapets geografiska position, historia samt försök att forma en gemensam nutid och framtid. Vårt teoretiska ramverk utgår ifrån ett nyinstitutionellt synsätt på organisationer som kombineras med David M. Bojes och Barbara Czarniawskas teorier om organisering genom storytelling. De centrala teoretiska begreppen som används i denna studie är Bojes antenarrativ och Tamara-land tillsammans med Czarniawskas handlingsnät. Vad gäller studiens empiriska material har vi använt oss av kvalitativa intervjuer för att undersöka berättandeprocesserna som pågår i Partnerskapet och dess organisatoriska omvärld. Studiens resultat visar att Partnerskapet arbetar aktivt med storytelling som en legitimerande faktor för samarbetet. Partnerskapet brottas däremot med att formulera antenarrativ som kan föra samman deras geografiska position i staden med de levda berättelserna i nutid och deras avsikter inför framtiden. Studiens resultat bidrar till förståelse kring de kollektiva meningsskapande dynamikerna som tar plats i organisering genom nätverk och hur dessa kan användas i city branding och urban governance sammanhang.

La participation populaire existe-elle dans un régime non démocratique comme la République populaire de Chine? Si la réponse est affirmative, comment la population chinoise participe-t-elle et quelle en est la portée? C'est en s'appuyant sur l'expérience de la ville de Guangzhou que la thèse entend répondre, concrètement à ces questions, en s'appuyant sur une méthode comparative: il s'agit d'observer les pratiques participatives chinoises en les confrontant à des expériences réalisées dans les pays occidentaux ainsi qu'aux éthiques et valeurs démocratiques libérales. À partir de différents angles d'observation - historique, juridique, politique et sociale- la recherche se propose de déterminer dans quelle mesure la nature d'un régime et son agencement institutionnel conditionnent, voire façonnent, le cadre, le contenu, les procédés et la portée de la participation populaire. Contrairement aux idées reçues, le Parti communiste chinois a toujours accordé une grande attention à la participation populaire: il se montre adaptatif et ouvert à l'évolution de la conjoncture sociale, ce qu'il manifeste par sa constance à conduire des innovations ou des réformes. Cette ouverture et ces adaptations s'avèrent cependant partielles: derrière elles, le pouvoir du Parti reste inchangé et intouchable; toutes les réformes engagées visent en fin de compte à défendre et à consolider tant l'autorité que l'influence du Parti. Il en va ainsi, de la mobilisation des masses à l'époque maoïste au court passage du grand débat sur " la pratique comme unique critère de la vérité", initié par Deng Xiaoping à son arrivée au sommet du pouvoir, jusqu'à la promotion de la "participation ordonnée", induite depuis les années 2000 par l'intensification des contestations sociales, et qui se traduit par la mise en place de plusieurs dispositifs destinés à l'expression directe des citoyens aux processus décisionnels: au lieu d'être un moyen de démocratisation, la participation apparait surtout comme un outil de renforcement du régime; elle est mise au service de la légitimation du pouvoir du Parti. Faute d'une volonté de redistribution ou de partage des pouvoirs entre l'Etat et la société, la portée de la participation populaire reste très limitée. / Can popular participation occur in an undemocratic regime like China? If the answer is affirmative, then how do the Chinese people participate and what are the significances of their participation? It is based on the experience of the city of Guangzhou that this thesis attempts to answer to these questions by a comparative approach: we try to observe the participative practices in China, and compare them with those conducted in the Western countries. We proceeded from different angles of view, namely historical, legal, political and social. Our research intends to determine to what extent the nature and institutional arrangements of a regime can condition or shape the content, processes and scope of its popular participation. Contrary to common belief, the Chinese Communist Party has always paid great attention to citizen participation: it shows itself to be open and adaptive to the changing social circumstances, and manifests a constant intention to drive innovations or reforms. However, this openness and these adaptations prove merely partial: behind them, the Party's power has remained unchanged and untouchable. All reforms are designed to ultimately defend and strengthen the authority and influence of the Party: from the mass mobilization in the Maoist era, followed by the short passage of the major debate on the “practice as the sole criterion of truth" initiated by Deng Xiaoping at the summit of his power, to the much more recent promotion of the "orderly participation", the latter induced by the intensification of social protests since the year 2000: Instead of being a mean of democratization, the popular participation of the nation appears primarily to be an instrument to strengthen the regime, being served in legitimizing the power of the Party. For as long as there exists this lack of a real will to redistribute power between the state and society, the scope of popular participation in China remains very limited.

La déstabilisation qu'introduit la marche des territoires vers l'économie de la connaissance a fait évoluer les enjeux de l'aménagement. Passé le temps des stratégies fondées sur la construction d'autoroutes et de zones d'activités, le politique se penche sur le rôle des personnes et de leur capacité à innover, c'est-à-dire à imaginer la nouveauté.La thèse questionne ces évolutions à l'aune des villes intermédiaires, pour qui, dans ce contexte, il semble difficile d'exister autrement que comme périphérie des métropoles. En effet, elles doivent opérer de profondes mutations, tout en composant avec l'absence de certaines fonctions, avec la concurrence des villes de tous types, etc. Elles seraient aussi particulièrement sensibles aux enjeux du capital humain, dont la mobilisation stratégique pourrait leur permettre d'entamer à leur tour une trajectoire métropolitaine. Pour discuter ces hypothèses, la thèse propose des outils d'analyse novateurs : un cadre conceptuel autour du capital humain territorial¸ une analyse de projets par la cartographie ou encore une méthode pour caractériser de la gouvernance territoriale de l'innovation.Elle montre que davantage que l'effet-taille ou d'autres critères habituellement identifiés, c'est l'organisation territoriale du capital humain qui détermine les capacités d'innovation des villes intermédiaires. Angers et Reims offrent deux exemples de la variété des situations et des réponses apportées par l'action publique territoriale. Les différents résultats obtenus pourraient s'avérer utile tant pour contribuer à renouveler les réflexions du développement territorial que pour élaborer des outils d'aide à la décision pour l'aménagement. / The shift towards a knowledge-based economy seems to call for rethinking urban and territorial development. Strategies based on highways and business parks planning are not adequate anymore to cope with contemporary challenges. Policy-makers have to deal with people and their ability to innovate.This PhD research examines these challenges focusing on intermediate cities which, in this context, face difficulties to exist apart from being periphery of the core metropolises. Indeed, they have to operate profound transformations, while dealing with the absence of certain urban functions, with the interurban competition, etc. They are also particularly sensitive to the issues of human capital, whose strategic mobilization could allow them to begin to turn a metropolitan trajectory. Discussing these assumptions, the research uses innovative analytical tools: setting a theoretical framework for a territorial human capital approach, analyzing place-based projects by mapping, and modeling the regional governance of innovation.Findings show that territorial organization human capital is an important factor to explain innovative capacities of intermediate cities. In France, Angers and Reims provide two examples of the variegated situations and responses of local policies. The different results could help to stimulate progress in constructing a theoretical approach for conceptualizing challenges of intermediate cities and for developing decision-making tools.

La question de l'internationalisation des financements de la ville s'avère centrale pour comprendre le fonctionnement des marchés internationaux et l'évolution du rôle de l’État dans les modes de gouvernance urbaine. Elle se présente également comme une grille de lecture pertinente pour étudier les impacts sur la production urbaine des fonctionnements néolibéraux des pays en développement et de leur dépendance aux partenaires internationaux. Car l'un des enjeux de la financiarisation de la ville est celui du rôle des acteurs, notamment à travers les modes de gouvernance : lorsque l'équilibre des projets de développement urbain n'est pas garanti, qui sont les acteurs qui jouent le rôle de régulateurs? Comment le risque financier est-il distribué et absorbé, alors que le temps long entre vente et achat dans l'investissement immobilier fait exister deux temporalités différentes : celle de la finance globale, qui obéit à des logiques de court terme afin de dégager des marges de rentabilité rapides; et celle du construit urbain, davantage étalée dans le temps. Or, plus le temps de résolution du capital dans l'immobilier est long, plus le montant des valeurs excédentaires est bas. La question de la distinction entre secteur public et secteur privé est également centrale dans l'étude de ce sujet, puisque qu'elle renvoie à la signification du retrait de l’État de la gouvernance urbaine en tant que moyen pour donner davantage de pouvoir aux investisseurs privés. Étudier cette distinction est un moyen de comprendre quels sont les mécanismes de régulation et d'équilibre des marchés liés à la production de la ville. La fabrique du Caire avant et après le soulèvement populaire de 2011 dans la vague des Printemps Arabes est un laboratoire pertinent pour l'analyse de ces questionnements. Au Caire, les modes de gouvernance spécifiques basés sur l'accumulation des richesses par une élite ont été remis en question par la révolution de 2011. La succession des régimes transitoires et les nombreux procès qui ont visé les cessions de terrain frauduleuses par les hommes d'affaires les plus puissants du pays ont semblé être une avancée dans les revendications pour le droit à la ville des révolutionnaires. La lutte pour davantage de justice a provoqué une redéfinition de l'assabiya dirigeante, communauté d'acteurs publics et privés basée sur des liens de mariage et de sang. Mais elle n'a pas ébranlé le système néolibéral reposant sur les rouages de la corruption et du bakchich ainsi que sur la dépendance de la croissance égyptienne aux aides occidentales et régionales, bien au contraire. Le nouveau régime reproduit grâce à une main de fer le système néolibéral d'avant la révolution : enrichir un noyau d'acteurs privés faisant partie d'une élite proche du régime. Cette élite rassemble des proches de l'ancien régime de Moubarak, dont certains ont fait l'objet de sanctions post­révolution, appliquées, levées ou adoucies de manière arbitraire par l’État qui affirme ainsi son pouvoir sur la communauté d'acteurs privés. L'émergence de l'institution militaire comme pouvoir gouvernemental en apparence unitaire n'a pas remis en question la position d'un État centralisé, alors que les pays du Golfe sont devenus incontournables : ce sont des créanciers qu'il faudra rembourser, en liquide ou en nature, et leur poids dans l'économie égyptienne est croissant, en particulier dans le secteur immobilier. La fabrique du Caire semble s'orienter vers une urbanité exclusive et participe à la création d'un arrière-pays du Golf. [...] / The issue of internationalization of financial involvement in Cairo's urban environment is fundamental in understanding the increasing role that international actors play in the region. Additionally, it enables a clearer perception of the State's increasing role through directive urban governance and is also central to any analysis of recent development of the city's social geography. This broad perspective is also a key to understanding the impact of neoliberal policies in developing countries and their increased dependence on international partnerships for urban development. One of the main explanation factors of the financialization of the city's construction is the evolving role of its various actors, through changing governance modes: who are the actors of large-scale real estate, when the balance of urban development project is not secured? One way of addressing this issue is through the question: "how is the risk distributed and absorbed where there exists two timescales, because of the mismatch between selling and buying in real estate investment?" These are the temporality of global finance, which obeys short term logics to serve specific interests and the temporality of the urban fabric which is over a much longer period of time. The longer the period for real estate return on investment, the lower the amount of profit for the investor. Distinction (or the lack of) between public and private sector interests and motivations remains the key parameter, since it refers to the State's withdrawal for urban governance as a way to give more power to private investors. The complex interference between public and private sector is therefore part of the very definition of the city financialization. This study is a way to understand mechanisms of regulation and balance of the markets related to the city production. The urban production of Cairo, before and after the Arab Spring popular uprising of 2011 is also a highly meaningful laboratory to analyze mobilization against financialization of urban production. ln Cairo, specific governance based on wealth accumulation by elite had been called into question by the 2011 revolution. The succession of transitory regimes and the numerous trials targeting fraudulent sales of some of the most powerful businessmen of the country could be viewed as a progress, in citizen's right to the city, of the revolutionaries. The fight for more justice caused a redefinition of the ruling assabiya, a community of public and private actors related by blood or marriage. But it did not destroy the corruption-based system, nor the dependence of Egyptian growth on occidental and regional aids, quite to the contrary. The specificity of the Egyptian neoliberal system is based on refusal of the state to let the contractors take control and on the interference of the public elite in contractors' activities. The new regime replicates with a heavier hand, this system from before the revolution. This enriches a core of actors belonging to an elite close to the regime. [...]

As relações políticas existentes na construção do planejamento das cidades brasileiras constituem o objeto de pesquisa desta tese de doutorado. Apesar da criação do Estatuto da Cidade, em 2001, pouco se avançou na garantia do direito à cidade para aquelas pessoas que mais sofrem com as diversas desigualdades sociais, construídas historicamente sob um leque de privilégios de grupos dominantes nas cidades. Entre esses grupos estão os empresários que, reunidos em associações, pautam firmemente as ações estatais, sobretudo as políticas urbanas, desde as metrópoles até as pequenas cidades. Para analisar tal ação política, utilizaremos a teoria do rent-seeking, amplamente difundida na Economia e na Ciência Política. Esta tese busca provar a existência de um rent-seeking urbano, pois o que está em disputa na cidade é a renda a partir da terra urbana, maximizando lucros e expandindo as fronteiras da acumulação do capital, o qual está imbricado em uma extensa rede financeira global e se expressa nas cidades, lócus da reprodução da vida dos cidadãos. Aplicaremos essa tese ao caso da cidade de Joinville, situada no estado de Santa Catarina, detentora da terceira maior população da região Sul do país. Joinville possui uma grande articulação de entidades empresariais com poderoso capital político, capaz de influenciar os diversos grupos sociais e políticos locais. A partir da criação do Plano Diretor de Joinville, em 2008, coincidindo com o período da grande expansão do setor imobiliário brasileiro, novos interesses entram em disputa. Para garantir o rent-seeking urbano, a coalizão de empresários precisou realinhar conservadoramente as instâncias da democracia participativa, financiar campanhas eleitorais e exercer lobbies sob os principais marcos legais em discussão. Excluindo, assim, aqueles que contestam os privilégios políticos de alguns grupos e desmandos empresariais. / The existing political relations on construction of urban planning in Brazilian cities are the research object of this doctoral thesis. Despite the creation of the City Statute in 2001, little progress was made in guaranteeing city rights for those people who suffer most with several social inequalities, historically built under a range of privileges from dominant groups in the cities. Among these groups there are entrepreneurs who participate in associations and debate firmly on state actions, mainly urban politics, from metropolis to small cities. To analyze this political action the rent-seeking theory, which is widely used on Economy and Political Science, will be used. This thesis aims to prove the existence of urban rent-seeking, because what's on stake in the city is the wealth provision of urban land, maximizing profits and expanding the borders of capital accumulation, which is interwoven into an extensive financial network and this is expressed in the cities, locus of citizen's lives. This thesis will be applied in Joinville city, located in Santa Catarina state, with the third largest population of the country's southern region. Joinville has a great political business entities articulation with plenty political power which influences several social and political groups. With the creation of Joinville masterplan in 2008, coinciding with the expansion of Brazilian real estate industry, new interests are in disputation. To ensure the urban rent-seeking, the coalition of entrepreneurs needed realign conservatively the participatory democracy, fund election campaigns and lobby the principals legal frameworks in discussion. Thereby, excluding those who contest political privilege of some groups and business entities.

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