In this article, the author makes a critical analysis of the political regime in the 1993 Constitution. He begins analyzing the institution of the Presidency of the Republic, along with its vices and defects, criticizing the concentration of power in the figure of the President and the authoritarian management of his attributions, characteristics that are meaningless in a republic system. Thus, he concludes with a new vision of the figure of the President of the Republic and his attributions in order to achieve an improvement in the functioning and efficiency of the State, without affecting the democratic balance. / En el presente artículo, el autor realiza un análisis crítico del régimen político en la Constitución de 1993. Comienza analizando la institución de la presidencia de la República, junto con sus vicios y defectos, criticando así la concentración de poder en la figura del Presidente y el manejo autoritario de sus atribuciones, características que carecen de sentido en un Sistema Republicano. Así concluye con una nueva visión de la figura del Presidente de la República y sus atribuciones para lograr una mejora en el funcionamiento y eficiencia del Estado, sin afectar el equilibrio democrático.

Esta tese de doutoramento trata da disputa entre o PSDB e o PT nas eleições presidenciais ocorridas no Brasil entre 1994 e 2006. O objetivo principal é identificar quais são as variáveis que estão associadas ao voto nos dois partidos que nos permitem prever com alguma precisão as chances de voto em cada um deles. A análise será procedida com auxílio de bancos de dados representativos dos eleitores brasileiros. São observadas diversas variáveis, classificadas em dois grupos: no primeiro estão as variáveis relacionadas a aspectos de longo prazo que incidem sobre o comportamento eleitoral, as características demográficas, sócio-econômicas e político-ideológicas dos eleitores, no segundo estão as variáveis ligadas diretamente ao processo eleitoral, as avaliações dos governos e dos candidatos. A hipótese mais importante a ser testada é que as variáveis de curto prazo têm impacto muito maior sobre as chances de voto nos partidos do que as variáveis de longo prazo. Isso indica que o contexto eleitoral afeta mais o resultado das eleições presidenciais do que qualquer aspecto estrutural, seja social, econômico ou político. Os resultados obtidos com a utilização de regressões logísticas corroboram a hipótese e apontam para diferenças importantes entre o voto no PSDB e no PT. / This Ph.D. thesis is about the dispute between the PSDB and PT for presidential elections ran in Brazil between 1994 e 2006. Its main objective is to identify the variables linked to votes given for both parties which would lead us to predict under a certain precision degree the chances each one has against other. The analysis is based on relevant databases from brazilian electoral activities. Several variables were observed and separated in two different groups: the first contains the ones related to long term aspects linked to the voters behavior as well as demographics, socio-economic, and political-ideological variables, while the second one contains the variables directly linked to the electoral process, to candidates evaluations and the country issues. The most important hypothesis to be tested is the one of short term variables making a bigger impact over each party vote chance when compared to the long term ones. Considering the hypothesis valuable, this presents the scenary of the electoral context with a bigger effect over presidential election than any other voter structural aspect either social, economic or political. The given result corroborates with the hypothesis and came from logistics regressions, pointing out relevant differences between votes given in favour of PSDB and PT.

Este trabalho procura compreender como funcionam as coalizões que sustentam o Executivo no Brasil, com um olhar direcionado ao processo legislativo, ou seja, à forma como leis são processadas no interior do Poder Legislativo. Acredito que a formação de coalizões implica na divisão de poder e de responsabilidade sobre o conjunto de políticas, ou seja, implica que todos os partidos que compõem a coalizão participam e influem no resultado final do processo decisório. Pretendo, através da análise do processo de produção das leis, identificar em que moldes se dá o acordo entre os partidos no tocante a políticas específicas. Privilegio as medidas introduzidas e vetadas pelo Executivo para, por meio destas, mostrar como se dá concretamente este acordo. / This work seeks to understand the coalitions that support the Executive Power in Brazil, focusing the legislative process, which means, focusing how the laws are produced inside the Legislative Power. The assumption is that forming coalitions implies sharing power and responsibilities over the broad set of policies. In other words, it implies that the parties composing the coalition participate and influence the results of the decisionmaking process. By analyzing the legislative process, the aim is to identify the terms of the parties agreement concerning policies. The emphasis is on the bills introduced and vetoed by the Executive, assuming that they reveal this agreement.

Nesta pesquisa, nosso propósito consistiu em examinar o papel retórico e referenciador da metáfora e em observar como se constituem e se articulam os processos referenciais promovidos pela associação de domínios díspares nas várias etapas dos discursos presidenciais, dirigidos a líderes políticos mundiais especificamente. Para alcançar esse propósito, propusemo-nos aos seguintes passos de investigação, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos dados: examinamos as metáforas centrais selecionadas e detectamos o momento em que elas apareceram nos pronunciamentos; observamos as redes referenciais relacionadas a essas metáforas; analisamos a função argumentativa da articulação dessas redes metafóricas, na organização discursiva, levando em conta as condições específicas de produção de cada discurso. Nosso corpus constitui-se de dez discursos do ex-presidente da República Federativa do Brasil Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, proferidos: em Davos (2003 e 2005), na Assembleia Geral das Organizações das Nações Unidas, em Nova Iorque (2004), na China (2004), em Portugal (2003 e 2005), na Índia (2004), no Quênia (2010) e na 39º Reunião de Cúpula do Mersocul, na Argentina (2010). As análises permitiram detectar a existência de metáforas centrais inter-relacionadas e articuladas à argumentação dos discursos. Depreendemos ter havido muitas ocorrências de redes referenciais específicas dessas metáforas, que foram, principalmente, estruturadas pela lógica dos contêineres. Tais resultados levaram-nos a entender que a metáfora conceptual é tanto recurso de referenciação, que pode ser selecionado estrategicamente para fins argumentativos, quanto elemento estruturado e estruturante dos processos referenciais. Nosso trabalho adotou como referencial teórico: i) estudos sobre a referenciação, a partir de Mondada e Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi e Koch (1998), ii) reflexões em torno da argumentação, em que se destacam os trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 [1958]) e Aquino (1997); iii) investigações sobre a metáfora conceptual, realizadas por Lakoff e Johnson (1980, 2003), Kovecses, (2005), e a respeito do discurso político, a partir de Charteris-Black (2011), Chilton (2004). / The aim of this research was to examine the rhetorical and referential role of metaphors, and to analyze the constitution of the referential processes promoted by the association of different domains in the various stages of presidential speeches given to world political leaders. In order to achieve such a goal, the following research steps were carried out, subsequent to the qualitative analysis of the data: selected central metaphors were examined and the moment when they occurred in the speeches were detected; the referential networks related to those metaphors were observed; the argumentative role of the articulation of those metaphorical networks in the discursive organization were observed, taking into account the production conditions that are specific to each speech. The corpus is formed by ten speeches by the former president of the Federative Republic of Brazil, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, which were given in Davos (2003 and 2005), at the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization, in New York (2004), in China (2004), in Portugal (2003 and 2005), in India (2004), in Kenya (2010) and at the 39th Mercosul Summit, in Argentina (2010). The analyses have allowed the detection of central metaphors inter-related and articulated to the argumentation of the speeches. Specific referential networks of those metaphors have been noticed to be pervasive and structured according to the container logic. These results suggest that conceptual metaphors are both a referential resource, which might be used for argumentative purposes, and an element that structures and is structured by the referential processes. This work has as its theoretical reference: i) the studies on referentiation by Mondada and Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi and Koch (1998); ii) reflections on argumentation by Perelmand and Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 [1958]), and Aquino (1997); iii) research on conceptual metaphors carried out by Lakoff and Johnson (1980, 2003), Kovecses, (2005), and on political discourse, by Charteris-Black (2011), Chilton (2004).

Esta dissertação trata do estudo da volatilidade eleitoral nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras no período de 1989 a 2006 na escala dos municípios brasileiros. Foi calculada a volatilidade eleitoral em quatro períodos: 1989/1994, 1994/1998, 1998/2002 e 2002/2006. Os cálculos foram feitos por meio do índice de volatilidade entre blocos de partidos (Bartolini e Mair 1990). A geografia eleitoral da volatilidade eleitoral municipal desses períodos é apresentada através de tabelas e mapas. Os municípios brasileiros são Identificados e classificados em cinco grupos pelo número de vezes em que eles apresentaram taxas altas de volatilidade no período de 1989 a 2006. Por fim é analisada a possível correlação entre essa classificação e algumas variáveis socioeconômicas. Os resultados obtidos sugerem que altas taxas de volatilidade eleitoral durante as eleições presidenciais nos municípios brasileiros estiveram correlacionadas a índices baixos de condição de vida e educacionais. / This dissertation is on the electoral volatility in Brazilian presidential elections between 1989 and 2006 on Brazilian municipalities scale. The electoral volatility of four periods was calculated: 1989/1994, 1994/1998, 1998/2002, and 2002/2006. The calculations were made using the inter-bloc volatility index (Bartolini and Mair, 1990). The electoral geography of municipal electoral volatility is presented through maps and tables. The Brazilian municipalities were identified and classified into five groups according to the incidence of high volatility in the period 1989 to 2006. Finally, there is an analysis of the possible correlation between this classification and some socioeconomic variables. The results indicate that high rates of electoral volatility during presidential elections in Brazilian municipalities were correlated with low rates of education and life condition.

The purpose of this project is to examine the visual political ad hominem arguments used on Instagram during the 2016 presidential campaign. Using Walton’s (2007) five subtypes of ad hominem arguments, this study analyzes the “attack ads” posted on Instagram from five of the 2016 presidential candidates into each subtype. This project seeks to understand how ad hominem arguments within political rhetoric function when they are visual. This study uses Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) theory of modality and Rose’s (2012) compositional interpretation to analyze compositional structure of the image and parallels this analysis with ad hominem subtypes. Findings reveal the abusive (direct) subtype as the most commonly used which aligns with traditional or popular uses of Instagram as a social networking site aimed at sharing personal events and stories. The abusive (direct) subtype is an ad hominem that attacks a respondent’s moral character, or ethos, rather than their argument or biases or inconsistencies. The visual abusive (direct) arguments used by the candidates largely targeted their opponents personally which parallels the popular uses of the medium Instagram.

This thesis aims to analyse the use of stereotypes about the Latin-American minority in the rhetoric of presidential candidates, using the single case of the 2016 US Presidential Campaign. The primary focus is the binary relation Self-Other established by the candidates through the use of stereotypes about the minority group and themselves. The analysis is performed in a framework that combines representation theory, constructivism and post colonial theory. The speeches and debates of the candidates, which served as data, demonstrate that stereotypes are present and help represent the Latin-American group as a negative Other, a threat or victimized burden. At the same time, through the representation of this specific Other, the candidates are creating their Self political persona, which in this case is a hero who will protect the American society from the threat, or a hero who will rescue the poor from their own victimized situation. Both candidates show similarities in the use of generalized stereotypes to mention LatinAmericans or in the context in which they refer to them. While they differ in the way that they create the Other, their position to confront the problem yields a similar political persona, as both want to be rescuers. Trump portrays LatinAmericans as a threat to security or as a poor victim, while Clinton also refers to the group as a victim, but also as an asset to economy. The intention of this thesis is to contribute to the field of stereotypes in political discourse in relation to the establishment of binary oppositions.

In this thesis, the author examines the last 131 days of the 2016 election cycle. This analysis focuses on how sentiment is present on Twitter when people engage in political communication on social media. With the increasing online political discussions created on social media such as Twitter, an analysis of sentiment is critical. The data could be obtainable for candidates to estimate the electorate’s opinion of each candidate. A shift of sentiment offers a deeper insight into tracking changing attitudes toward candidates. Because Twitter only allows each tweet to be 140 characters there is a simplicity that offers statements to be concise. Trends for each candidate throughout the final days of the election cycle are correlated with national polls to assess if there is a relationship present. This study applies sentiment to recognize trends that may estimate a candidate’s chance of winning the election and offers indications as to how the intended electorate may vote when a relationship is established between sentiment and national polls.

Dans l’espace africain francophone comme ailleurs, les élections présidentielles, potentiellement sources de crise, sont contrôlées par les juridictions constitutionnelles. En se servant des crises électorales comme fil d’Ariane, force est de constater que des liens existent entre ces dernières et les juridictions constitutionnelles. Ainsi, les Cours constitutionnelles se retrouvent parfois à l’origine des crises électorales lorsqu’elles rendent des décisions partiales, en se mettant au service des autorités politiques ayant désigné leurs membres. Cependant, elles peuvent se montrer efficaces lorsque leurs décisions permettent de prévenir des crises électorales en gestation. Toutefois, cette efficacité peut être contrariée. En tout état de cause, lorsque les crises électorales sont manifestes, le juge constitutionnel se retrouve sans aucun doute engagé dans un processus de sortie de crise où sa présence s’avère utile. / In the francophone African area as elsewhere, the presidential elections, potential sources of crisis, are controlled by the constitutional jurisdictions. By using the electoral crises as an Ariadne’s thread, we are forced to admit that there are links joining those crises to the constitutional jurisdictions. Thus, constitutional courts can sometimes be the starting point of electoral crises, especially when they make biased decisions serving the political authorities who have appointed their members. Nevertheless, they can be effective when their decisions are able to prevent future electoral crisis in preparation. However, this efficiency at times happens to be thwarted. In any event, when the electoral crises are evident, the constitutional judge finds himself, without any doubt, involved in a crisis exit process where his presence proves to be useful.

Cette thèse a pour but d’étudier le traitement de la communication du Parti Apriste Péruvien, représenté et incarné par Alan García Pérez, par les médias de communication massive péruviens, La República et El Comercio (presse écrite) et Panorama et El Francotirador (magazines télévisés) dans le cadre des trois campagnes présidentielles de 1984-1985, 2001 et 2005-2006. L’analyse se base sur les articles des quotidiens péruviens, La República et El Comercio, ainsi que sur des reportages et des interviews des magazines télévisés Panorama et El Francotirador ; elle étudie aussi bien la perception de la communication du Parti Apriste Péruvien par les médias péruviens cités que la stratégie de communication mise en place par le Parti Apriste au cours des trois campagnes présidentielles. Cette thèse met ainsi en lumière l’évolution de la communication du Parti Apriste et l’information politique des médias de communication massive péruviens au cours d’une période dite charnière, la campagne présidentielle. / This doctoral thesis aims to define the treatment of the communication of the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana, represented and personified by Alan García Pérez, by the peruvians medias of massive communication, La República and El Comercio (press) and Panorama and El Francotirador (television magazines) during the three presidential campaigns, 1984-1985, 2001 and 2005-2006. This analysis is basically base on the articles of La República and El Comercio and on the reports and interviews of Panorama et El Francotirador ; it analyses also at the same time the perception of the communication of the Apra by the peruvians medias and the strategy of communication set up by the Apra during the three presidential campaigns. This doctoral thesis illustrate the evolution of the communication of the Apra and the political communication of the peruvian medias of massive communication during an intense period, the presidential campaign.