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京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第24026号 / 地博第305号 / 新制||地||118(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科グローバル地域研究専攻 / (主査)教授 藤倉 達郎, 教授 D'SOUZA Rohan Ignatious, 教授 中溝 和弥, 准教授 池亀 彩 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

This Thesis investigates China's utilization of social media for nation branding and its role in soft power projection in the digital era. Through an analysis of China's strategies on platforms like Weibo, WeChat, and Twitter, the study explores how digital communication shapes China's global influence and perceptions. Key factors influencing China's impact include cultural exchange, adaptability to technological changes, and strategic engagement with diverse audiences. The research highlights China's proactive approach to digital diplomacy, crisis management, and narrative control, emphasizing the country's efforts to enhance its soft power presence. The thesis provides valuable insights for policymakers, scholars, and practitioners navigating the complexities of global diplomacy and influence in the digital age.

This paper maps out the public perception of TEMUs entry into the European market since its establishment in 2023. We do so through a qualitative data analysis technique and analysis of 36 articles which are authored by 17 of the largest European newspapers published since 2023, each reflecting a unique aspect of how this event is interpreted within European media. Our research categorizes the media coverage into five distinct areas: economic benefits, economic risks, geopolitical concerns, innovation & consumer impact, and regulatory & security concerns. Each category comprises specific frames that encapsulate different aspects of TEMU’s market presence, providing insights into how the company’s activities are perceived across diverse cultural and political contexts within Europe. The findings reveal a pronounced focus on regulatory & security concerns, reflecting deep media engagement with issues related to TEMU's adherence to European regulations, data security practices, and environmental impacts. Conversely, geopolitical concerns received the least media attention, indicating a potential underrepresentation of TEMU’s role as an instrument of Chinese soft power in European media discourse. Through this analysis, the study offers a nuanced understanding of the varying media perspectives that influence public discourse and perception related to TEMU’s integration into the European economic and cultural milieu.

Internationally, China’s promotion of its cultural heritage has gained much attention as a means to gain soft power and exert influence. In 2021, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), released the 14th Five-Year Plan stating the country’s overarching ambitions in the coming years. In contrast to previous plans, this year’s policy document contains strong wordings concerning enhancing soft power, socialist culture and for the Chinese people to ‘inherit and carry forward’ Excellent Traditional Culture, signifying that China’s approach to soft power and cultural promotion may be of increased importance also in the domestic context. Against this backdrop, this paper aims to explore the discourse used to promote ‘Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture’ within China.   By applying thematic analysis to articles from The People’s Daily seven dominant themes emerged regarding promotional efforts. Between the time interval of 2021-2022, the promotion of ‘Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture’ emphasized the following themes: Leadership of Xi Jinping, Integration of Marxism and Chinese Characteristics, Combining Tradition and Modernity, Cultural Self-Confidence and Nationalism, Creativity and Innovative Transformation, National Rejuvenation and Inheritance, and China’s International Cultural Soft Power. As previous research on soft power in the Chinese context suggests, discourse and narratives seem to build on the notion of building a united and cohesive nation. Instilling a cultural and ideological basis that should permeate all of Chinese society.

This bachelor thesis explores how Dubai, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia are portrayed on Instagram through posts by celebrities, aiming to understand the messages they convey and their impact on soft power. By using a multimodal method and semiotic analysis, the study reveals that through celebrity marketing, each country presents distinct messages and images to a broader audience. The study finds that each country uses celebrities in unique ways to promote themselves. Dubai, through the swedish influencer Kenza, showcases luxury and modernity, while Saudi Arabia, with Ronaldo's help, highlights its culture and history. Qatar, partnering with Beckham, emphasizes its role in sports and community. These efforts are seen as strategies to enhance their global image and influence. The study also discusses the concept of “sportswashing”, where countries use sports events to improve their reputation. Overall, celebrity endorsements play a significant role in shaping how these countries can be perceived internationally, ultimately contributing to their soft power.

Indépendant depuis 1971, le Qatar a longtemps fait partie des micro-États. Le pays a ensuite vécu une forme de révolution avec l’accession au pouvoir de Hamad ben Khalîfa al-Thânî en juin 1995. Le nouvel émir a alors entrepris une politique volontariste de reconnaissance internationale. Le périmètre de son action diplomatique s'est renforcés dans un contexte où l’augmentation de la rente pétrolière a permis à la famille royale de satisfaire les demandes sociales des nationaux. Comme de nombreux États du monde arabe, le régime qatarien devait se doter d’une légitimité prenant en partie appui sur le socle religieux. Cette formule de légitimité a trouvé une part de sa réponse dans la relation nouée avec Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî.Figure majeure de la scène islamiste contemporaine, cet ouléma a mené une intense activité de prédication. Sa longue présence dans l’émirat lui a permis de tisser un lien particulier avec la dynastie au pouvoir. Souffrant d’un déficit en matière de légitimité religieuse, celle-ci a cherché à utiliser le charisme de l’ouléma au service d’un dessein politique. Se faisant, quels ont été les mécanismes de cette relation originale entre les deux partenaires ? En mobilisant plusieurs concepts de la sociologie politique comme la théorie des champs ou celui des transactions collusives, notre thèse expliquera comment cette interaction a pu produire un dispositif complexe où le Qatar a tiré profit du réservoir de légitimité dont Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî était le récipiendaire tout en assurant à ce dernier un large périmètre de liberté lui permettant de mobiliser, au profit de l’émirat, ce que nous avons qualifié de « soft power islamique de complémentarité » / Independent since 1971, Qatar has been part of the micro-States. The country then experienced a form of a revolution with the accession to the power of Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani in June 1995. As a matter of fact, the new Emir undertook a determined policy, internationally recognized, ignoring Saudi Arabia’s role in the region. His diplomatic action was strengthened in a context in which the increase in the oil rent enabled the royal family to satisfy the social demands of the nationals. Like many states in the Muslim world, the Qatari regime had to acquire a legitimacy based on the religious foundation. A legitimacy that found its way into the relations forged with the Islamic scholar Yusuf al-Qaradhawi. Major figure in the contemporary Islamist scene, the ulema has carried out an intense activity of preaching by impelling strong faith-based media coverage with a political aim. His long presence in the emirate allowed him to weave a particular link with the dynasty in power. Suffering from a religious legitimacy deficit, this latter sought to use the charism of the ulema to serve a political purpose whose aim was to diminish the Saudi cultural impact while embodying a competing social model. What were the mechanisms of this original relationship between the two partners? By utilizing several concepts of political sociology such as field theory or collusive transactions, our thesis will explain how this interaction produced a complex mechanism where Qatar exploited Yusuf al-Qaradhawi’s legitimate religious authority figure by enabling him to mobilize, for the benefit of the emirate, what we have called « Islamic soft power for complementary »

Comblant un fossé dans les études relatives à la diplomatie culturelle des pays émergents, cette thèse s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une analyse quantitative et qualitative de la diplomatie culturelle vietnamienne. Celle-ci est une partie intégrante de la politique étrangère en vue d’assurer une intégration internationale du pays et ce, au service du développement socio-économique. L’objectif primordial de cette stratégie, reconnue comme l’un des trois piliers de la diplomatie vietnamienne avec l’économie et le politique, est de présenter le Vietnam dans le monde entier afin d’attirer les investissements. Dans ce sens, elle constitue un outil de « marketing » pour le pays. L’histoire séculaire contre les invasions étrangères, une détermination de préservation de l’identité culturelle ainsi que la nature du régime politique sont à l’origine des particularités de cette stratégie qui articule diplomatie du parti communiste, du gouvernement et du peuple. L’élément étatique est indispensable dans la formulation de cette politique. L’observation des pratiques ainsi que le résultat de notre évaluation montre que cette diplomatie se concentre sur les activités évènementielles au détriment des projets structurels (éducation et information). Sa mise en œuvre constitue un défi pour le gouvernement, en raison d’une absence de véritable mécanisme de coordination d’une part, mais aussi d’une conception de la « culture » attachée à l’idéologie d’autre part. L’UNESCO est le partenaire principal du Vietnam car l’inscription au patrimoine mondial de sites ou de pratiques nationaux demeure l’un des sujets phare de cette diplomatie, contribuant à l’essor du tourisme. La Francophonie, elle, a des compétences spécifiques en particulier dans la diversité culturelle mais le Vietnam n’en a pas encore bénéficié. Si l’UNESCO est un forum où le Vietnam pourrait se présenter dans la communauté internationale, l’OIF, avec le dossier économique et la promotion du français, servirait de lieu pour promouvoir une recherche d’influence dans la région d’Asie du Sud-Est. / Filling a gap in studies on cultural diplomacy of the emerging countries, this thesis constitutes of a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the Vietnamese cultural diplomacy. This is an integral part of foreign policy in order to ensure international integration of the country and also for socio-economic development. The primary objective of this strategy, recognized as one of the three pillars of Vietnamese diplomacy with economy and politics, is to present Vietnam to the worldwide in order to attract investment. Thus, it is a “marketing” tool for the country. The secular history against foreign invasions, a determination to preserve the cultural identity and the nature of the political regime are the specific features of this strategy, articulating diplomacies of the Communist party, the government and the Vietnamese people. The element “state” is essential in the formulation of this policy. The observation of practices and the results of our evaluation show that this diplomacy focuses on event activities while seconding structural project (education and information). Its implementation is a challenge for the government, due to a lack of effective coordination on the one hand, but also a concept of “culture” attached to the ideology on the other. UNESCO is the main partner of Vietnam because inclusion in the World Heritage sites remains one of the major subjects of the Vietnamese cultural diplomacy, contributing to the development of tourism. La Francophonie has its specific expertise especially in cultural diversity but Vietnam has not benefited from that yet. If UNESCO is a forum where Vietnam could arise in the international community, OIF, with the economic issue and the promotion of French, would serve as a place to promote influence of Vietnam in the South-East Asia.

La stratégie culturelle est une composante essentielle de la stratégie globale de puissance d'un Etat au XXIe siècle. La France, puissance culturelle historique dotée d'un réseau diplomatique fort, structurant son action culturelle extérieure, voit une concurrence émerger sur la scène internationale. Pour garder son statut, elle défend la diversité culturelle, démarche complémentaire de celle d'exception culturelle, en conservant les acteurs traditionnels de l'influence. Or, dans une époque du tout numérique et de l'immédiateté, et de l'essor des acteurs privés, les codes de l'influence sont renouvelés, remettant en question la pertinence d'une action culturelle extérieure principalement publique. / In the 21st century, cultural strategy is a crucial component of a State’s overall strategies of power. France, a historically prominent cultural power whose strong diplomatic network structures its foreign cultural action, is being challenged by an emerging international rivalry. In order to maintain its status, France advocates for cultural diversity, as a process complementary to “cultural exception,” by retaining the traditional agents of influence. But in the age of the digital and of immediacy, and with the rise of private agents, the codes of influence are being renewed, which questions the suitability of a foreign cultural action that has largely remained publicly funded.