Pasitelkus tris teorines prieigas, darbe analizuojama Japonijos klimato kaitos politika. Siekiant atskleisti tiek šios sudėtingos sferos detalumą, tiek bendras tendencijas, tyrimo objektas suskaidomas į tris tyrimo laukus, kiekvienas iš jų analizuojamas taikant atskirą teoriją. Tai atitinkamai: klimato kaitos fenomenas, kuris analizuojamas rizikos visuomenės teorijos pagalba tiriant Japonijos atvejį; tarptautinės ir valstybinės interesų grupės, tiriamos pasitelkiant dviejų lygių žaidimų teoriją ir analizuojant Japonijos dalyvavimą penkioliktojoje Jungtinių Tautų Kopenhagos konferencijoje; valstybinės institucijos, nagrinėjant Japonijos ministerijų ir aukšto rango pareigūnų požiūrį į klimato kaitos politiką, remiantis švelniosios galios teorija. Darbe tiriamas 1992-2011 metų periodas, plačiausiai naudojamas kokybinės turinio analizės ir lyginamasis metodas. Pirmojo tyrimo lauko analizė parodė, kad Japonija gali būti priskiriama prie vėlyvojo modernizmo valstybių, turinčių rizikos visuomenę ir reflektyviai žvelgiančių į savo išsivystymą. Tai viena iš pagrindinių priežasčių, kodėl tokie reiškiniai kaip klimato kaita sulaukia dėmesio ir yra įtraukiami į šalių politinę dienotvarkę. Išnagrinėjus viešą valstybinę retoriką, Japonijos pozicija atitiko 8 iškeltus kriterijus, pradedant globalinio atšilimo reiškinio pateikimu kaip visuotinės neigiamus padarinius sukelsiančios grėsmės ir baigiant siekiais keisti nusistovėjusį gyvenimo būdą tiek vykdant programas šalies viduje, tiek ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / By using three theoretical approaches, this thesis analyzes Japan's climate change policy. With the aim to reveal both the details and main tendencies of this complicated field, the object of the research is divided into three fields and each of them is analyzed by using separate theory. It is correspondingly: climate change phenomena, which is analyzed by using risk society theory focusing on Japan’s case; domestic and international interest groups, that are studied by two-level game theory concentrating on Japans’ participation in COP15 to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change; state institutions, looking at Japan ministries’ and high-ranking officials’ perception of climate change using soft power theory as theoretical basis. The time frame of the work is from year 1992 to 2011. The main methods used are content and comparative analysis. The analysis of the first field shows that Japan can be considered as one of late modernity states distinguished by risk society and reflectivity on its development. It is one of the main reasons why such phenomena as climate change becomes important and included into country’s political discourse. After analyzing public rhetorics, Japan’s position corresponds to eight criteria used in the work, ranging from global warming presentation as a global risk that will have negative consequences to aspirations to change current lifestyle by implementing domestic programs and participating in creation of international institutions. The... [to full text]

根據Joseph Nye的定義:軟實力是透過吸引和説服，而非以強迫或收買，使你得到想要的東西的能力。最近，為了推動他們的「和平崛起」，中國政府致力於軟實力的發展。其焦點是採用非威脅的、基於文化的方法以迎合世界其他國家，進而達到展現中國是新興超級強國的目的。 已知電影為強而有力的文化工具，而在二十一世紀美國好萊塢的電影產業一向穩占世界主導地位。但在世紀之交，中國把本土的電影業市場化，將此媒介從純粹的宣傳工具變成一個文化產業。根據胡錦濤二零零七年的敦促，中國需要進一步發展文化上的軟實力以因應國家快速的崛起。發展至今，固然中國電影業的軟實力尚未能與美國電影業相比擬，但它在過去十年的進步仍然令人難以置信。 若中國確實將電影業視為國家重要的軟實力資源之一，則仍然有許多障礙需要克服。 但所謂的障礙究竟是什麽？本論文將評論中國電影業的軟實力發展。我們將蒐集與評估現有的資料以研究其進化與現況。更將進一步分析， 在針對中國特定的軟實力目標上，該產業的成功與不足。 / According to Joseph Nye, “Soft power is the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments” (2004, 256). Recently, China has been making a soft power push to promote its “peaceful rise,” focusing on a non-threatening culture based approach, with the aim of ingratiating themselves as an emerging super power to the rest of the world. Film remains a powerful cultural tool, one that the U.S. industry in Hollywood has dominated throughout the twenty-first century. But as China marketized its own film industry at the turn of the century, the medium there has moved away from being purely a propaganda apparatus to more of a cultural industry. Upon Hu Jintao’s urging in 2007, China must better develop its cultural soft power to accommodate its meteoric rise. While the Chinese film industry’s soft power development has not yet reached the ranks of the U.S.’s, it has made incredible strides over the past decade. There are still many hurdles for it to surpass if it truly intends to become a significant soft power resource for the country, but what are they? This thesis will evaluate the Chinese film industry’s soft power development by surveying existing material, data, and research on the subject, by examining its evolution, by reviewing its current environment, and by analyzing its successes and its shortcomings against the framework of China’s specific soft power objectives.

Within both academic environment and political circles internationally too much emphasis is placed on military and economic power and too little to soft power. While, according to Nye, out of the three modes of political power soft power has the greatest potential to deal with critical global issues and foster multilateral co-operation among states its application is usually severely restricted to co-ordination issues due to various preconceived positivistic assumptions on the part of both political scientists and political decision-makers. This descriptive-analytical MA thesis aims at re-interpreting and therefore extending the legitimacy of soft power by means of thoroughly analysing South Korea’s soft power wielding experience. In order to achieve the objective above the paper sets itself the following tasks: (a) to provide a concise introduction into Nye’s discourse on soft power; (b) to provide a concise historical overview of the development and spread of South Korea’s popular culture; (c) to reveal the uniqueness of South Korea’s soft power content; (d) to highlight the singularity of South Korea’s soft power wielding strategies; (e) to practically apply South Korea’s soft power wielding experience in terms of revising the existing soft power theory. The most thought-provoking aspects about South Korea’s soft power wielding with special reference to South Korea’s soft power content are the following: (a) as its crucial soft power resource South Korea chose the most... [to full text] / Šis magistro darbas „Pietų Korėjos švelniosios galios ypatumai: Pietų Korėjos dramos ir filmo kaip Pietų Korėjos populiariosios kultūros bangos segmentų vaidmuo“, kuris pasitelkia diskriptyvų ir analitinį tyrimo metodus, tyrinėja Pietų Korėjos dramas ir filmus Pietų Korėjos populiariosios kultūros bangos kontekste per švelniosios galios prizmę. Tiek akademiniuose tiek politiniuose diskursuose tarptautiniu mastu pernelyg daug dėmesio yra skiriama karinei ir ekonominei galiai ir per mažai švelniajai. Džozefas Nai teigia, kad būtent pastaroji galios rūšis, t.y. švelnioji galia, turinti neišnaudoto politinio potencialo, kuris gali būti panaudotas spręsti įvairias opias tarptautines problemas. Šio darbo tikslas yra remiantis sėkmingu Pietų Korėjos švelniosios galios akumuliacijos pavyzdžiu pamėginti iš naujo interpretuoti švelniosios galios sąvoką ir išplėsti jos politinį legitimumą. Atitinkami išsikelti uždaviniai yra šie: (a) sintezuoti Džozefo Nai diskursą apie švelniąją galią; (b) išanalizuoti Pietų Korėjos populiariosios kulūros vystymąsi ir plėtrą iš istorinės perspektyvos telkiantis ties populiariaisiais Pietų Korėjos drama ir filmu; (c) atskleisti populiariųjų Pietų Korėjos dramos ir filmo kaip esminių Pietų Korėjos švelniosios galios resursų unikalumą; (d) atskleisti Pietų Korėjos vyriausybinių strategijų siekiant akumuliuoti švelniąją galią unikalumą; (e) pasiūlyti konkrečias konceptualias kryptis, kurių laikantis būtų galima papildyti Džozefo Nai diskursą apie... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

孔子學院是中國軟實力政策的展現。它創設的是目的為了向世界推廣中國文化與漢語，增進世界各國對中國的瞭解，目前全球已設有443所孔子學院與648間孔子課堂。 俄羅斯是中國最友好的朋友之一，也是重要的政治、經濟、戰略夥伴。因為兩國的關係不斷地發展，俄羅斯人對漢語的興趣也越來越高。為滿足俄羅斯人的需要，中國遂把在俄羅斯設立孔子學院列為積極推動的項目。俄羅斯目前已經有18所孔子學院與5間孔子課堂。 本論文的題目是『孔子學院在莫斯科：國家的形象與在地認知』，旨在瞭解在俄羅斯漢語教師與學生對孔子學院的觀感為何。 本論文所採用用的研究方法為面對面訪問跟次級資料分析。 分析的結果顯示，大部分受訪者持正面的看法，並對孔子學院給予高度評價，以及認為孔子學院對中俄關係的發展產生很重要的作用。雖然有一些人認為，孔子學院是中國政府情報機關的部分，但是總的印象是正面的。中國在俄羅斯成功地建立其自身的良好形象，而孔子學院是它以達到其目的使用的工具之一。 / Abstract Confucius Institute (CI) is one of China's soft power policy initiatives. It aims to promote Chinese language and culture all over the globe, enhance the world's understanding of China. Today there are already 443 Confucius Institutes and 648 Confucius Classrooms in the world. Russia is one China’s closest friends and allies, as well as its important political, economic and strategic partner. Due to the continuous development of the bilateral relations, Russian people are more and more interested in Chinese language. To meet their need in studying Mandarin, China is actively promoting the establishment of the Confucius Institute there. Now there are already 18 Confucius Institutes and 5 Confucius Classroom 5 in Russia. The name of this thesis is: "Confucius Institutes in Moscow: national image and local perception." It aims at understanding what kind of attitude Russians, who teach or study Chinese either at the CI or somewhere else, have towards the Confucius Institute. Besides, it was also important to understand whether Sino-Russian relations play a crucial role in shaping people’s attitude towards the CI. Throughout the research the author used primary data sources (field work, interviews), as well as secondary data sources. Field research was conducted only in Moscow, the rest of the information about the development of the CIs in Russia is observed through the secondary data sources (reports, newspapers, journals). Results of the analysis indicate that the majority of Russian people, on the example of Moscow, have favorable attitude towards the Confucius Institute. Although in general there are also those who are skeptical about this initiative in Russia, stating that China is using the CIs as a part of its intelligence network, but the overall impression is positive. The PRC managed to create a favorable image of itself in Russia, and the Confucius Institute is one of the tools it uses in order to reach its aim.

近年來，經濟全球化不僅加深了國家間的經濟關係，而且也推進國家間的文化交流。研究軟實力與文化外交的議題成為國際關係的重點。文化外交在中國對外政策的地位也提升，文化外交戰略必將成為中國整體外交戰略的有機組成部份。因此中國開始實現中國文化「走出去」的工作，在國外舉辦「中國年」、「漢語年」、「旅遊年」，成立孔子學院。中國設立孔子學院和進行各種各樣的活動為了傳播漢語和中華文化。 目前學者關於中國對俄羅斯文化外交的研究較少著墨。因此，本論文試圖從文化外交角度來分析當代中國與俄羅斯關係，本研究目的在於瞭解中國文化外交內涵、目標與發展狀況，論文首先探討；其次探討中國對俄國的文化外交之具體實踐，包括政府層面交流和教育層面交往。最後研究中國文化外交在俄羅斯的成效以及中俄關係存在的問題。 研究發現雖然中國文化外交政策在俄羅斯有成效，但是中俄關係有還沒解決的問題：中國「威脅」、「擴張」的論調在俄羅斯仍然很有市場，中俄兩國之間深層互信還是不夠，而經貿合作水平遠低於兩國政治關係的高度。

電影作為跨文化傳播的重要媒介，對國家形象的扮演有著重大作用。胡錦濤特別在2004的四中全會上提到中國一方面發展硬實力，另一面就是軟實力的培養。中國當局希望透過文化電影的發展超越西方國家。 　　中國旅法畫家高醇芳女士於2004年有感於法國人對中國電影的生疏，因而創立「巴黎中國電影節」，其宗旨就是向法國人推廣中國的電影，而此活動也逐漸受到中國當局的關注和協助。因此，中國政府採用「巴黎中國電影節」進行「公共外交」的策略。也希望影片中的意識形態能讓法國人接受。 　　中國在經濟上已逐漸與歐美並駕齊驅，在文化上更是希望與歐美國家抗衡。然而在西方影展得獎的中國片或是西方電影呈現的中國意象，這些影片經常出現很深的東方主義觀念。「巴黎中國電影節」的出現提供中國宣揚自身文化，以及利用此機會平反歐美國家對中國東方主義的觀點。 / Film is an important medium of cross-cultural communication, it plays major role in the shaping of national image. In 2004, Hu Jintao particularly referred to the development of China on Fourth Plenary Session. One is hard power; another is the training of soft power. Chinese authorities want to go beyond the western countries through the development of cultural films. 　　In 2004, Chinese painter in France, Ms. Gao Chunfang felt the French were unfamiliar on Chinese films, so she found “the Chinese Film Festival in Paris”. The purpose is to promote the Chinese Films to French public, and this festival is also gradually paid attention by Chinese authorities. Therefore, the Chinese government has adopted "Chinese Film Festival in Paris" to execute "public diplomacy strategy". The government also hopes the film's ideology could be accepted by French person. 　　Chinese economy has gradually reached Europe or American; it also wants to compete on culture. However, Chinese films won the reward on West Film Festival and the Chinese image on western films which often appear the concept of "Orientalism". The appearing of ''The Chines Film Festival in Paris" provides China to promote their culture, as well as they use this opportunity to vindicate the perspectives on Chinese Orientalism from United States and Europe. / 第一章緒論 1 第一節研究動機與目的 1 第二節研究架構 6 第二章文獻探討8 第一節軟實力和公共外交理論探討 8 第二節意識形態理論11 第三節國際電影節與中國電影節概略 12 第三章研究方法 16 第一節樣本取樣 16 第二節研究限制 28 第三節符號學分析 28 第四節鏡頭分析 32 第四章、分析 35 第一節中國夢VS.美國夢：《中國合夥人》、《北京遇見西雅圖》 35 第二節宣揚政府形象：《三個未婚媽媽》、《蝶吻》 46 第三節歌頌青春愛情：《情人節》、《青春派》、《我願意》 51 第四節演繹女性主義：《蕭紅》 76 第五節彰顯愛國情操：《黃金大劫案》 90 第六節營造民族融合：《唐卡》 97 第七節再現古老中國：《畫皮II》 110 第五章、結論 119 第六章、文獻參考 125

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

隨著中國在國際場域上地位的崛起，一方面為了消弭其他國際強權的防備之心，另一方面在經濟的驅動力之下，中國意識到國際形象的重要，於是近年來「軟實力」開始成為中國政府的重點政策。根據美國學者Joseph S. Nye，軟實力指的是一個國家對於國際公眾的吸引力，這樣的吸引力可能來自於文化資產、政治的意識形態以及形塑國際議題方向的能力。媒體通常在軟實力中扮演著重要的角色，像是CNN、Al Jazeera就分別為美國和阿拉伯國家帶來影響國際輿論的能力。2010年，新華社創立了一個新的國際新聞頻道CNC World，便是因應軟實力的需求而生，期許CNC World能和CNN、BBC、Al Jazeera等國際新聞頻道分庭抗禮，不僅僅有主導國際議題的能力，更能在國際事件中，將所謂的「中國觀點」傳播出去。因此新華社投入了巨額的資金在CNC World上，並且在財務結構上改革，允許49% 的私人投資，藉以昭示CNC World的新聞內容不受中國政府的檢查制度介入，旨在提供國際觀眾「公正」、「客觀」與具有「中國觀點」的國際新聞。 本論文欲探討，CNC World是否在軟實力的時代脈絡下，在建構新聞事件上真的有所調整。因此本論文比較CNC World和另外一個全然由中國政府出資的國際新聞台CCTV 9，以及國際主流新聞頻道CNN，在七件國際重大議題上的報導架構，去觀察CNC World如何平衡中國政府的偏好和國際觀眾的期待。研究結果發現，CNC World相較另外兩個新聞頻道，在修辭以及題材的選擇上都較為中立，而對於「中國觀點」CNC World也有獨樹一格的闡述方式。但是研究結果也反映，無論是CNC World、CCTV 9 或是CNN 都無法脫離其主要資金提供者那隻「看不見的手」來左右新聞的框架。 / CNC World is an international news channel of China established in July 2010 with a mission of the changing China. Under the current international political context of a rising China, the Chinese government started to emphasize on the development of its soft power. One of the abilities that China wants to obtain is the power to influence the worldwide audience’s conception of the major global agenda and their perception toward certain countries’ images. This is the context in which CNC World is established. The Xinhua News Agency has invested unprecedentedly in CNC World to ensure its success. In addition, to assure CNC World’s news credibility, the financial structure of CNC World is reformed to have a government hands-off editorial board. This thesis compares CNC World’s news reporting with CCTV 9 and CNN International, aiming to find out how CNC World adjusts its news coverage on the major global agenda under the soft power context. Seven current global issues are included in the study: South China Sea Dispute between China and Vietnam, US Currency Bill on China, Palestinian Statehood bin in UN, The Fall of Gaddafi, Arab Spring in Egypt, Greece Debt Crisis, and The Killing of Osama bin Laden. The result shows that CNC World tends to use a relatively neutral way to report these issues and it has indeed found a unique way to present the Chinese perspective. However, that the international news represents its funding providers’ positions remains the same.

Since its inception, Israel has wrestled with attempts by adversaries to keep her politically isolated in the international arena. To garner more friends and expand diplomatic reach, Israeli leaders initiated a strategy of sharing specialized knowledge with other nations. The technologies and knowledge shared were based on the experience gained from Israel’s distinctive security and developmental struggles. The transfer of technology developed into a foreign policy instrument in Israel’s overall international relations. Technical cooperation became part of a broader foreign relations drive that sought to deliver greater diplomatic recognition for Israel. This strategy, which continues to present times, was born mostly out of two major necessities for the young struggling state. The first, to boost Israel’s political stature in international forums. The second, to counterbalance efforts by Israel’s rivals to keep the Jewish State isolated in the Middle East and the rest of the world. In the early years of the initiative, the technology transfers were mostly confined in fields related to agriculture and the military. In more recent years, the rise of Israel’s hi-tech industry has attracted worldwide attention creating new opportunities for Israeli foreign policymakers to widen the scope of technologies to be offered as part of international partnerships. The dissertation examines the interplay of technology/knowledge transfers as a source of soft power for Israel in efforts to advance relationships even with seemingly unlikely partner nations. It explores the usefulness of know-how sharing in the making, growing and maintaining Israel’s relationships with two influential Asian countries. The study considers the multiple factors including the convergence of interests as drivers of Israel’s ties to India and China in both secretive and open relationships. Over the span of five decades, the Jewish State’s international cooperation efforts have grown in scope of expertise in areas like agriculture, defense, anti-terrorist training, and disaster relief. The study explores the weight of Israel’s technology transfers as tools of diplomacy in terms of propping up trade ties, gaining more favorable policies towards Israel in the context of the conflict with Palestinians and boosting bilateral exchanges in the form of official visits and treaties.

A globalização mudou o mundo e as relações entre os Estados. As mudanças, especialmente nos meios de comunicação e nos transportes, possibilitaram aos cidadãos do mundo conhecer os países distantes, seus governos, suas culturas, seus produtos e serviços. Devido à intensa profusão de informações sobre as nações e visando a estimular a aproximação dos povos, muitos Estados começaram a se preocupar com sua imagem no exterior. Passaram a desenvolver ações para aumentar a comunicação entre eles, informar a opinião pública, atrair empresas, investimentos e turistas, e estreitar relações de cooperação e confiança com outros países. Essa nova forma de agir dos Estados caracteriza a nova diplomacia pública, diferentemente da diplomacia tradicional. Surgiram novos atores internacionais que passaram a atuar, juntamente com os Estados, no cenário mundial. A marca país surgiu e transformou-se em um importante instrumento de diplomacia pública, contribuindo para divulgar e tornar conhecidas internacionalmente as nações, o que facilitou o diálogo entre os povos, e vem desempenhando um papel relevante na política externa dos países. O caso estudado nesta dissertação, a Argentina, é um exemplo da utilização da marca país pela diplomacia, cujos objetivos são o aumento do turismo receptivo, das exportações e dos investimentos estrangeiros no país. / Globalization has changed the world and the relations between States. These changes, especially in the mass media and transport made it possible for citizens of the world to know the faraway countries, their government, their culture, their products and services. Due to intense profusion of information about countries and aiming to stimulate the approach of people, many States began to worry about its image abroad. The States began to develop actions to enhance the communication between them, to inform the public opinion, to attract businesses, investments and tourists, and to narrow the relationships of cooperation and trust with other countries. This new way of acting of the States characterizes the new public diplomacy, differently from the traditional diplomacy. There were new international actors that began to act together with the States, on the world stage. The country branding emerged and became an important instrument of public diplomacy, helping to disseminate and to make known the nations, which has facilitated the dialogue between people, and has played an important role in countries' foreign policy. The case studied in this thesis, Argentina, is an example of using the country branding by the diplomacy, whose goals are the increase in receptive tourism, exports and foreign investment in the country.