À travers des projets d’une échelle inégalée, les acteurs chinois contribuent à la transformation des villes africaines. Le développement urbain constitue un secteur émergent des relations sino-africaines.Combinant aide publique et capitaux privés, plusieurs catégories d’acteurs – instituts d’urbanisme, entreprises de construction, promoteurs privés – y conçoivent et construisent des projets de nature variée à différentes échelles : routes urbaines, résidences de logements, villes satellites,zones économiques spéciales conçues comme des villes nouvelles. Les productions urbaines chinoises en Afrique accélèrent la métropolisation des plus grandes villes du continent et densifient leurs espaces périurbains : elles contribuent à la formation d’une nouvelle strate urbaine. Les projets chinois accompagnent l’émergence des classes moyennes africaines en facilitant l’accession à un meilleur confort de vie. Parallèlement, l’exportation de pratiques chinoises d’urbanisme véhicule une image de réussite et participe au renforcement de la puissance chinoise. / Urban development has become a growing sector within China-Africa relations. The Chinese contribute to the urbanization process in Africa. By combining development aid and business, a number of Chinese stakeholders – urban planning and design institutes, construction firms, and real estate developers – design and build there, on various scales, a great variety of projects such as urban roads, housing estates, satellite-towns, special economic zones planned as new cities. Chinese urban development projects in Africa have sped up the metropolization processin the largest African cities by making suburban areas denser and denser. This has contributed to the development of a new urban stratum in Africa. Chinese projects have been boosting the rise of the African urban middle class by facilitating access to better standards of living. At the same time, the export of Chinese urban development practices conveys an image of success andallows China to strengthen its soft power. / 中国对非洲城市发展的贡献: 中国城市规划式对非洲城市化的影响城市发展已成为中非合作越来越重要的行业。中国对非洲城市化进程作出了贡献。众多中国城市建设专业机构(城市规划设计研究院，施工企业，房地产开发商)在非洲设计和建造各类的城市发展项目: 城市道路、住宅区、卫星城市和经济特区。中国在非洲城市发展项目对加快特大城市的大都市化和密集化作出了贡献。这些项目已经推动一些非洲城市开始产生新的城市阶层。在非洲的中国项目推动非洲中产阶层的崛起，帮助他们方便获得更好的生活条件。同时，中国城市规划设计的走出去传达中国城市发展的成功形象，有利于中国加强自己的软实力。关键词：中非合作，城市发展，城市发展实践，大都市化，城市阶层，房地产，全球化，软实力，援助，新兴国家和发展中国家。

À la différence d’autres régions du tiers monde où l’influence de la France a été déterminante et ininterrompue (Moyen-Orient, Maghreb, les anciennes colonies françaises en Afrique centrale ou encore d'autres pays de l’Amérique latine), au Venezuela, il n’y a eu de véritable politique étrangère de coopération culturelle qu’à la fin des années 1950. L'avènement du boom pétrolier pendant l'entre deux guerres a fait décliner l'influence française. À la fin de la Seconde guerre, les diplomates français prennent conscience du potentiel énergétique du Venezuela, observant qu’il est possible de remédier la perte de l’influence économique en encourageant une véritable coopération culturelle. Cette coopération culturelle va utiliser les réseaux politiques intégrés par des élites francophiles, lesquelles revendiquent une histoire commune à la France et au Venezuela. L'étude sur la longue durée permet d'observer les permanences de l'histoire politique vénézuélienne, dans lesquelles s'insèrent les éléments qui ont servi à la construction du sentiment national vénézuélien et les influences des idées françaises sur le projet de modernisation de l’État. Notre étude soulève des questions telles que l'émigration, les échanges et les relations commerciales. Nous nous sommes particulièrement intéressés à l’étude des correspondances diplomatiques car la lecture minutieuse de celles-ci permet de soulever, en filigrane, bon nombre d’éléments liés aux représentations et à l’histoire politique des deux pays. De même, elle permet d’approcher ce que les élites considèrent comme identité et affinité culturelle. Nos sources se rapportent donc, pour la plupart aux correspondances diplomatiques conservées aux archives de La Courneuve et au Ministère des Relations Extérieures à Caracas. Nous les avons croisées avec d’autres sources documentaires, visuelles et littéraires ainsi qu’avec un certain nombre d’entretiens réalisés entre la fin de l’année 2010 et le début de 2011. Notre étude s’inspire des travaux de Pierre Renouvin et Jean Baptiste Duroselle en histoire des relations internationales, revisités par Robert Frank en 2011. Nous prenons en considération le poids des images, de la culture officielle et du rayonnement des modèles culturels, dans le but de tenter de mesurer « la puissance » des États (soft power). En ce sens, la valeur que les élites vénézuéliennes donnent au rayonnement culturel et scientifique français, au XIXe et au début du XXe siècle (1870-1935), permet d’expliquer en partie pourquoi la France a réussi à renforcer sa présence au Venezuela. En effet, le déclin de l'influence culturelle française, à une époque où les relations entre les deux pays s’étaient considérablement distendues (1936-1960), est concomitant à la perte de son influence économique et commerciale. Cette évolution a donné lieu à l'institutionnalisation progressive de la stratégie de la diplomatie culturelle (1961 à nos jours). Grâce à cette stratégie la France a récupérée le terrain qu'elle avait perdu devant la concurrence commerciale anglo-saxonne. Nous avons souhaité répondre à deux questions fondamentales : dans quelle mesure les élites vénézuéliennes, « influencées » par le modèle culturel français, ont réussi à opérer des appropriations/assimilations/adaptations de ce modèle au Venezuela ? Et, en contrepartie, dans quelle mesure la construction d’un « outil culturel » franco-vénézuélien a servi les intérêts de la politique étrangère française au Venezuela ? / Unlike other regions of the Third World, where the influence of France was decisive and uninterrupted (Middle East, Maghreb, former French colonies in Central Africa and other countries of Latin America), in Venezuela, there was only a real foreign cultural cooperation policy by the late 1950s. The advent of the oil boom during the interwar period caused the declining of French influence. By the end of the Second World War, French diplomats were aware of Venezuela’s energetic potential, remarking that it was possible to overcome the loss of economic influence by encouraging a genuine cultural cooperation.This cultural cooperation would use political networks joined by Francophile elites, who claimed a common history between France and Venezuela. The study on the long run allows observing the permanence of the Venezuelan political history, in which fits the elements used in the construction of the Venezuelan National sentiment and the influence of French ideas on the project of State modernization.Our study raises issues such as migration, trades and commercial relations. We are particularly interested in the study of diplomatic relationships, since a close up over these can highlight, watermark, many points related to their representations and the political history of both countries. Similarly, it allows approaching what the elite considered identity and cultural affinity. Our sources therefore relate mostly to diplomatic correspondence preserved in the files of La Courneuve and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Caracas. We cross checked with other documentaries, visual and literary sources as well as a certain number of interviews conducted by the end of 2010 and the beginning of 2011. Our study is based on the papers related to the history of international relations by Pierre Renouvin and Jean Baptiste Duroselle, revisited by Robert Frank in 2011. We take into consideration the contribution of images, official culture and the influence of cultural patterns, as an attempt to measure the "power" of States (soft power). On this matter, the value that the Venezuelan elites gave to the French cultural and scientific influence, in the XIX century and the beginning of XX (1870-1935), helps to explain to an extend the reason why France has managed to strengthen its presence in Venezuela. Indeed, the decline of the French cultural influence, at a time when relations between the two countries were considerably distended (1936-1960), is concomitant with the loss of its economic and commercial influence. This has resulted in the progressive institutionalization of the culturaldiplomacy strategy (from 1961 up to the present). Thanks to this strategy France has recovered part of the market share lost to the Anglo-Saxon competition.We wanted to answer two fundamental questions: To what extent the Venezuelan elites, "influenced" by the French cultural model, managed to operate appropriations / assimilation / adaptation of this model in Venezuela? And, in return, to what extent the construction of a "cultural tool" Franco-Venezuelan has served the interests of the French foreign policy in Venezuela?

對於一個國家而言，柔性權力的重要性和剛性權力同等重要。近年來，各國紛紛加強本國的柔性權力，以吸引外國公眾前來學習和認同本國的文化。美國學者奈伊，說明文化、政治價值觀和外交政策是國家所擁有的柔性權力的資源。因此，本文以柔性權力作為出發點，連接公眾外交與文化外交，進而探討俄羅斯從蘇聯時期到後蘇時期的對外文化政策之作為。 俄羅斯的對外文化政策從美蘇冷戰時期就已經開始，然而受限於意識型態的框架之下，兩國的文化交流深受到國家領導人外交政策風格的影響。普丁上任之後，俄羅斯開始積極向外拓展對外文化政策，其欲加強俄羅斯文化在世界上的影響力並且提高外國公眾對於俄羅斯文化價值的認同。俄羅斯於海外建立「俄羅斯世界基金會」和「俄羅斯合作」等文化推廣機構，以教授俄語和俄羅斯文化為主。希望讓外國公眾以不同的面向，瞭解俄羅斯。 本文的研究發現有下列幾點：第一、儘管俄羅斯近年來積極推廣俄羅斯文化在海外的發展，但是，俄羅斯的發展重心仍是以境外俄羅斯人為主。第二、俄羅斯國家內部的人權和官僚體系的議題和對外政策的實行方針，亦會影響俄羅斯柔性權力的發展。第三、俄羅斯的對外文化政策，與他國相比，仍然是以官方主導為主。因此，除了配合國家對外文化政策以外，俄羅斯應該要多增加非政府組織參與的比例和提昇國內相關文化產業的發展。 / For one country, soft power is as important as hard power. In these years, countries are enhancing its soft power to attract foreign public to learn to these countries’ culture and identify to their countries. American scholar, Joseph Nye , once indicated that culture, politic value and foreign policy are the resources of national soft power. Therefore, this paper discusses soft power, then connecting with public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy, and further probe into foreign cultural policy from Soviet Union era to Russian period . Russia’s foreign cultural policy started from the Cold War period, however , due to the ideology , the U.S-Soviet cultural exchange was deeply affected by the leaders of two countries. After the president Putin gained the power, Russia actively expanded its foreign cultural policy overseas, it wanted to strengthen the influence of Russian culture in the world and enhance the identity of Russian cultural values toward foreign public. The Russian government has established “Russkiy mir foundation ” and “Russotrudnichestvo” overseas to teach Russian language and Russian culture . By expanding the influence of Russian culture, foreign public is able to understand Russia from different aspects. The following are the research findings in my paper: First, the Russian government has actively developed Russian culture overseas in these years, but , the Russian government still focuses on compatriot . Second , the human rights and bureaucracy issue in Russia still deeply affect the development of soft power of Russia. Third, compared to other countries, Russian government plays an important role on foreign cultural policy. Therefore , besides its official policy, Russia should encourage on participation of NGOs and increase the development of the cultural industry.

品牌國家是近年來新興的議題。荷蘭籍學者彼得．范．海姆（Peter van Ham ）於2001年在《外交事務》上發表文章提出：「隨著全球化和媒體革命的發展，已使得每一個國家更明白自身的形象、聲譽及態度，簡言之，即為其品牌。過去的傳統性外交重要性已逐漸消失，在未來政治家必須訓練自己有更好的國家品牌資產經營能力。品牌國家將不僅與他們自己競爭，更需與世界性的超級品牌媲美。」如今許多國家政府對此已相當重視。 本文試圖經由非傳統外交、軟權力、公眾外交、國家行銷等學術探討，對品牌國家的定義及內涵作一個更全面性的研究及瞭解；並藉由芬蘭與諾基亞相互之間關係的案例分析，對品牌國家做更多闡述，期藉此為我國政府運行帶來一些新的想法。 / Brand State is an emerging issue in recent years. In the year of 2001, the Dutch scholar Peter van Ham talked about this concept in Foreign Affairs that “Globalization and the media revolution have made each state more aware of itself, its image, its reputation, and its attitude -- in short, its brand. The traditional diplomacy of yesteryear is disappearing. To do their jobs well in the future, politicians will have to train themselves in brand asset management. Brand states will compete not only among themselves but also with superbrands.” Nowadays, many countries have paid a lot of attention to it. This thesis attempts to illustrate the definition and content of Brand State more comprehensively by researching non-traditional diplomacy, soft power, public diplomacy, national marketing and other academic theories. Also, it examines the case of the relevance between Finland and Nokia to elaborate Brand State more and tries to bring new ideas to our government.

因應時代的改變，構成國家實力的資源也跟著改變。不同於自然資源、軍事力量、經濟或科技實力等有形的力量，文化資源以價值觀念為核心，是經濟發展的要素之一，也是柔性權力發展的重要基礎。創意產業，是目前全球新興的產業，透過創意產業對於外交上的幫助能強化國家的柔性力量，為國家塑造良好形象，並促進國家經濟利益。 本文以「創意產業作為俄國一項柔性權力」的角度為出發點，思考電影與文化觀光中所體現出的俄國價值與俄國文化，結合文化創意產業創新的概念，如何提升並發揮作用影響國家品牌形象。 透過國家品牌指數及相關國際指標可以得知，俄國成功藉由電影與文化觀光對外國公眾展現文化吸引力，傳達文化精神並提升國家品牌形象。因此，本文研究發現有以下幾點：第一，俄國創意產業作為一種柔性權力，以俄羅斯文化為因子散播並影響著世界。第二，文化吸引力為俄羅斯重要資產。俄羅斯的電影及文化觀光的文化吸引力使得外國公眾能受到吸引而心生嚮往，產生認同感；第三，國家扮演創意產業發展的關鍵推手。藉由俄國政府的主導，使得俄國創意產業能順利與國際接軌，發揮柔性力量；第四，柔性權力可建構出國家品牌形象，讓外國公眾對於俄國的印象不再只有軍事與核武等剛性力量，俄羅斯文化在國際上也具有不容小覷的影響力。 / In respond to the era of changes, the resources that constitute a nation's strength change accordingly. Unlike tangible forces such as natural resources, military power, economic or scientific technological strength, etc., cultural resources have sense of value as its core, and is one of the elements in economic development and also the important basis for the development of soft power. The creative industry is currently an emerging industry around the globe. Through the creative industry, the diplomatic assistance can help strengthen the country's soft power by adding a good image of the country and promoting national economic interests. This paper uses the perspective of "Creative industry as one of Russia’s soft power" as the starting point to reflect on how Russian values and culture expressed in film and cultural tourism, combined with the concepts of the innovation in cultural creative industry, can enhance and influence its national brand image. Through Nation Brands Index and the relevant international indexes we can have learned that Russia successfully exhibits its cultural attraction to the foreign public through cinema and culture, conveys its cultural spirit and enhances its national brand image. Therefore, this paper is meant to study and discover the following: First, Russia’s creative industry is used as a soft power to spread Russian culture as a factor and influence the world; Secondly, cultural attraction is an important asset for Russian. The cultural attraction of Russian films and culture tourism can attract the foreign public and create a sense of longing and a sense of identity; Thirdly, the country plays a key force behind the development of the creative industry. Being led by the Russian government, the Russian creative industry can thereby successfully connect with its international counterparts and bring soft power into play; Fourthly, the soft power can construct a nation’s brand image. It gives the foreign public an impression of Russia not only about hard power like military and nuclear weapon etc.; Russian culture also has influences, which are not to be underestimated internationally.

Despite the importance of the visibility and accessibility of public archives repositories, various scholars agreed that these repositories in eastern and southern Africa are not known to and are accessed by few people. This study utilised the concept of soft power as a framework to examine the visibility and accessibility of public archives repositories in South Africa with the view to suggest ways to enhance it. A quantitative approach, informed by post-positivist paradigm was employed, using questionnaires, interviews, content analysis and observation of landmarks to collect data. Public archives repositories in South Africa, Friends of Archives, legislation, annual reports, and landmarks were the universe of analysis whereas archivists working in public programming sections, deputy director of Friends of archives, 2012 to 2016 annual reports, archival legislation, social media links and the public display signage of the Limpopo, Mpumalanga, National Archives and Records Services of South Africa (NARSSA), National Film, Video and Sound Archives (NFVSA), served as a unit of analysis or source of information. The study revealed that collaboration with a good partner, especially civil society, was a key for successful public programming at the lowest cost. Whereas the KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga and Western Cape landmarks are visible, the study found that NARSSA, NFVSA, Free State, Limpopo, Northern Cape, North-West and Eastern Cape archives repositories could not easily draw potential users to archives. Furthermore, only Northern Cape and Western Cape provincial archive are active on social media through their departments. The study recommended a visibility and accessibility framework that will provide a foundation and insight on how best public archives could develop and implement integrated and yet impactful public programming activities with less expenses. / Information Science / M. Inf. (Information Science)

Il s'agit d'étudier la tentative de la Turquie de se positionner comme une puissance sur les échiquiers eurasiens et caucasiens sous la présidence de Turgut Ozal / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The development of digitalisation of public administration, also referred to as E-government, effects all actors within today´s society. This thesis aims to analyse whether digitalisation of case management within municipalities contributes to a good interaction between the municipality and business industry. Our main research question is: Does digitalisation contribute to good interaction between the municipality and business industry?  The thesis consists of a qualitative multi-case study of the three municipalities: Gothenburg, Halmstad and Vetlanda, where representatives from both the public administration and local restaurants have been interviewed. The empirical data is furthermore analysed through the thesis analytical tool which is based on a theoretical framework that describes three dimensions of what makes a good interaction: exercise of soft power, interdependence and maintaining of public administration legitimacy.  The results show that digital case management contributes to good interaction between municipalities and the business industry, this through a facilitated interaction that is beneficial for both actors. However, the results also emphasize that digitalization has its challenges due to reduced personal interaction which the study shows valuable for good interaction. Thus, the thesis concludes that digitalization contributes to, but also challenges, good interaction between municipalities and the business industry.

Relying on framing theory, this study used The New York Times to explore how Chinese news was depicted before, during and after the Beijing Summer Olympics. The research regarding how the Chinese government tried to leverage the Olympics to enhance its image is often deliberated. However, there have only been a 3 few studies on the evaluation of the effects the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games had on the image of China, as depicted by The New York Times. This study generated an understanding of the impact the presentations of The New York Times had on the soft power used by China through the Beijing Summer Olympic Games. The study examined how the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics were associated with the depiction of Chinese news in The New York Times during the pre-, mid-, and post-Olympics years. Specifically, world and business sections within The New York Times were mainly influenced by the effects of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. In addition, there were no direct associations found between the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and how China was depicted photographically in The New York Times. In terms of the above factors; this study showed that China's national image did not improve in the New York Times after the 2008 Bejing Summer Olympic Games.

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