This study utilises Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine media discourses on rent increases in the Swedish rental housing market and their reflection of crises within neoliberal regimes. Proceeding from newspaper articles from Dagens Nyheter, the largest newspaper in Sweden, two separate time periods are analysed, with one functioning as a control group. The analysis implements three levels of CDA: text, discursive practice, and social practice.The findings illuminate the complex nature of rent increases, with different perspectives from tenants, landlords, and policymakers. Power imbalances are evident, providing certain actors with more legitimacy and influence. The analysis confirms the influence of neoliberal forces in the Swedish rental market, reflected in language, values, and individual representation. Three of philosopher Michael Brie's identified crises— overaccumulation, integration, and representative democracy—are evident in the discourses on rent increases, with varying positions over time. The crisis of overaccumulation is more evident in the second period, potentially influenced by global economic conditions, while the crises of integration and democracy are consistent in their evidence. This analysis shines light on the interaction between discourses, ideology, and power dynamics, providing insights into the challenges posed by the process of neoliberalization.

I denna studie analyseras bilderböcker med fokus på hur riskfylld lek och maktrelationer skildras. Analyserna sker med hjälp av narratologiska begrepp. Viktiga begrepp i analysen av bilderböckerna, utöver riskfylld lek, är makt, motstånd och förhandling. Tidigare forskning visar att riskfylld lek är gynnsam för barnens både fysiska och kognitiva utveckling och deras förmåga att bedöma risker. Analysen är en kvalitativ bilderboksanalys med syfte att belysa hur riskfylld lek och barns självständighet gestaltas i bilderböcker för barn i förskoleålder. Det framkom att den riskfyllda leken gestaltas på olika vis i de olika bilderböckerna, men med ett övergripande tema där leken är lustfylld för barnen. I de analyserade bilderböckerna är i vissa fall de vuxna inte närvarande, när de vuxna finns med i berättelserna så har de övergripande ett negativt synsätt kopplat till de risker barnen möter i leken. Att arbeta pedagogiskt med samtal och aktiviteter kring litteratur som gestaltar riskfylld lek kan medföra att representationerna i bilderböckerna samt i de normer barn och pedagoger möter i förskolan skulle kunna ändras för att bättre överensstämma med utbildningsteori och barns egna erfarenheter. Samtalen, med fokus på ämnen som riskfylld lek, makt och delaktighet kopplat till förskolans verksamhet, kan möjliggöra för barn att genom dessa samtal påverka sin egen situation. / This study looks at how “risky play” and children’s independence is portrayed in picture books aimed at children ages 3-6. The picture books are analyzed using narratological concepts, focusing on how power relations are portraited. Some of the key concepts dealt with in the analysis, in addition to risky play, are power, resistance and negotiation. Research shows that risky play in ECEC is important for children to develop not only physically, but also their cognitive development and ability to assess risks. Although it was concluded that risky play is portraited in different ways in the books analyzed, an overarching theme of the play portraited as joyful was identified. In some of the picture books analyzed, adults were absent throughout. When the adults were included in the stories, they generally had a negative view on the potential risk children face in risky play. By working pedagogically in ECEC with conversations and activities around literature that portrays risky play, representations could shift to better align with educational theory and children’s own experience. The conversations, with a focus on topics such as risky play, power and participation connected to the ECEC context, can enable adults and children to, through conversations, give the children the opportunity to influence their own situation in the ECEC settings.

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In this interview study involving the analysis of narratives collected from Japanese American professionals teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL) who have lived more than ten years in Japan, I focus on how the participants negotiated their often contested identities in the TESOL context in Japan. I use the notion of identity negotiation narrowly defined as "struggles which occur when certain identity options are imposed or devalued, and others are unavailable or misunderstood" (Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004, p. 20). Most Japanese Americans share similar phenotypes with the majority of Japanese nationals, creating many misconceptions about our linguistic competence in Japanese and English and ability to act appropriately within Japanese cultural norms. Educational settings are also an arena contributing to a simplistic Japanese/non-Japanese, native speaker/non-native speaker (NS/NNS) framework within which such encounters are defined. I intend to illuminate the underlying assumptions responsible for the misconceptions that continue to challenge their authenticity. This is in line with inquiry into the role of race in TESOL (Curtis & Romney, 2006; Kubota & Lin, 2006). The six participants were two men and four women, including myself. I conducted multiple interviews individually and in groups over a period of four years. I transcribed the narrative data into numbered lines and reworked selected parts into stanza form (Gee, 2005) or used block quotes to analyze the identity negotiation processes. For the autoethnography, I used intensive reflective writings done throughout the course of this project in addition to interview data in which I am the interviewer who also shares stories. Through multi-layered analyses (Sorsoli, 2007), I hope to illuminate what the individuals' narratives reflect about the contested nature of values held about language, ethnicity, race, and identity in the context of English teaching, learning, and use in Japan today. I suggest that the findings and conclusions from this study can be applied to other contexts in the world as well. It is therefore important for the TESOL professional to become an actively critical observer of how her work is affecting all the stakeholders, including her own self. / Applied Linguistics

M. Ed. (Psychology of Education) / This study investigated stress prevalence among high school adolescents in Maseru, the capital city of Lesotho. The aim was to suggest guidelines on how to deal with adolescents’ stress. A total of 300 respondents were purposively chosen from 5 high schools in Maseru. The subjects completed a self adopted instrument based on reviewed literature and Adolescence Stress Questionnaire (ASQ). The results showed that most adolescents in the sample experienced stress. There was no significant difference in the experience of stress between female and male adolescents. The adolescents in the higher grade reported more stress than those in the lower grade. Home problems were perceived as the most stressful factors while academic and other factors were seen as lesser concerns. Availability of money was considered as the least important source of stress. Most adolescents preferred to be alone when they were under stress and a few used drugs. Implications of the findings for adolescents, parents, teachers and educational psychologists are discussed. / Teacher Education

State of Objectives: This paper addresses the question of how the presumption-rent system has developed during ten years of its introduction to the rental market, with a particular emphasis on the investors’ perspective. The study has three focus areas, firstly an emphasis on how the real estate investors within the private and public sectors reacted to the introduction of the presumption-rents. Secondly, it examines whether the trends have changed during the course of these ten years. Finally, it observes how the presumption-rent system, as a rent-setting method for new residential rental constructions, is perceived and evaluated by the investors. Methodology: The empirical study focuses on the rent market in Stockholm, and it is articulated through a holistic multiple case-study of six public-and private real estate companies with rental dwellings in Stockholm. In order to examine the developments of the presumption-rent structures in these companies, a numerical analysis of the rent structures through a quasi-experimental design is as well conducted. Empirical Findings: The results in general prove that the rent-setting within the presumption rent system is unpredictable and subjective, because it is influenced by conflicting interests and different perceptions. The implication of this for the application of the presumption-rents is that it is depended on a complex, ambiguous and vague negotiation structure, rather than being based on a systematized rent-setting procedure. Furthermore, it is noted that the collective bargaining system, which sets the standards for the rent negotiations, is undergoing a slow process of change, as the law amendment in 2011 has caused paradigm-shits within the rental market. One dimension of this is that the rent-negotiations noticeably do not influence the investment decisions anymore, but the rent negotiations certainly have an impact on the rent-setting method. The implication for the application of the presumption-rentsystem, including its negotiation framework, is that it is applied when it meets the criteria for the investment decision, otherwise it is ignored. Finally, it is showed that nor the public neither the private companies perceive the presumption-system as a long-term and sustainable solution to the prevailing challenges with the Swedish rent-setting system. What is clear is that the system is mainly considered as a temporality solution to a course of disorders that have emerged from prolonged institutional negligence and error that have impaired the rental markets.

This thesis seeks to explain the outcomes of trade negotiations between the European Union (EU) and seventy-six of the world’s smallest developing countries in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific (ACP). Puzzlingly, in spite of its vastly greater economic size, the EU was, for the main, unable to realise its objective of concluding six broad and deep free trade agreements with these countries. Deploying first historical institutional analysis then statistical modelling and finally by scrutinising a wealth of primary documents and transcripts of interviews with negotiators, the thesis reveals three factors that influenced outcomes. First, coercive pressure applied by the EU on countries dependent on EU for trade preferences and aid. Second, tactics within the negotiating process, with some ACP countries and regions manoeuvring more effectively than others. Third, differences in the underlying preferences of ACP governments, with most opposing major aspects of the EU’s proposals, but a minority embracing the EPA approach. Probing the underlying reasons, the thesis finds that, contrary to the prevailing literature, lobbying by domestic economic interest groups only provides part of the answer – the analytical and ideational processes within ACP government institutions also exerted an influence. The analysis shows that structural factors, particularly the depth of economic and political dependence on the larger state, establish the range of likely outcomes from a given negotiation. However the preferences of small states and the way in which they interact strategically with the larger state can definitively shape the final outcome. In particular, small states can exercise a degree of resistance and blocking power that is often underestimated. It also sheds light on the formation of trade preferences in small developing countries and shows that in addition to lobbying by external groups, information and ideas within government bureaucracies appear to play an important role.

Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1998. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The perception exists that the South African transitional negotiations were initiated by events during 1990. This study challenges such a perception and argues that prior to formal contact there existed a crucial period of informal bargaining. This period, known as prenegotiation, saw members of the National Party government and the African National Congress (ANC) attempt to communicate in order to gauge the possibility of a negotiated settlement. By utilising a phaseological approach to bargaining/negotiation, this study analyses the transition in order to ascertain the structure and functions of South African prenegotiation. The following three negotiation phases are identified: bargaining about bargaining, preliminary bargaining and substantive bargaining. Both of the first two phases are regarded as part of prenegotiation. This study argues that the first phase started as early as 1985 under conditions of immense secrecy and stayed that way until its conclusion in 1990. Three different avenues of communication were established during this time. The first avenue existed between government officials and the imprisoned Nelson Mandela. Regular meetings were held in an attempt to create an understanding of what was needed to normalise South African politics. The second avenue operated mostly on international soil, through intermediaries, and became an indirect channel of communication between exiled ANC officials and officials in the government's National Intelligence Service. The third avenue consisted of independent efforts by extra-governmental role-players to establish communication with the exiled ANC leadership. All three avenues impacted differently on the negotiation process, yet all are regarded as part of the bargaining about bargaining phase. The second phase was initiated by F.W. de Klerk's opening of parliament speech in 1990. In this phase new negotiators came to the fore and it signified an ongoing attempt by the government and the ANC to establish a contract zone for substantive bargaining. Prominent agreements included the Groote Schuur Minute, the Pretoria Minute, the D.F. Malan Accord and the National Peace Accord. The establishment of a multi-party negotiating forum, Codesa, ended preliminary bargaining, but only temporarily. After deadlock occurred in May 1992 it became necessary to revert back to prenegotiation issues before further progress could be made. The bilateral discussions that ensued between the government and the ANC saw the most prominent bargaining relationships of the transition develop, notably between Roelf Meyer and Cyril Ramaphosa, and between Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk. With the signing of the Record of Understanding and the establishment of the Multi-P~ Negotiating Process ·m1993, ~ ,--· .. . ~ ~-- prenegotiation came to an end. In focussing primarily on prenegotiation, this study attempts both to refine existing prenegotiation theory and to identify possible recommendations for other deeply divided societies. For the success of a negotiation process it is an imperative that lasting good faith and a workable contract zone are established prior to any form of substantive bargaining. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling. Volgens hierdie studie het die eerste fuse so vroeg as 1985 onder uiters geheime omstandighede begin, en het dit so voortgeduur tot met die finalisering daarvan in 1990. Drie verskillende kommunikasiewee het ontstaan gedurende hierdie tydperk. Die eerste weg was tussen regeringsamptenare en die gevange Nelson Mandela. Gereelde ontmoetings is gehou in 'n poging om 'n verstandhouding te kweek oor wat nodig sou wees om Suid-Afrikaanse politiek te normaliseer. Die tweede weg het meestal op internasionale grondgebied afgespeel deur middel van tussengangers, en het 'n indirekte kommunikasiekanaal tussen uitgeweke ANC lede en amptenare van die regering se Nasionale Intelligensie Diens bewerkstellig. Die derde weg het bestaan uit ona:thanklike pogings deur rolspelers buite die regering om kominunikasie te bewerkstellig met die uitgeweke ANC-leierskap. Alhoewel die wee op verskillende vlakke die onderhandelingsproses beiinvloed het, word al drie as deel van die eerste fase beskou. Die tweede fase is ingelei deur F. W. de Klerk se parlementere openingstoespraak in 1990. In hierdie fase het nuwe onderhandelaars na vore getree en dit is gekenmerk deur 'n deurlopende poging van die regering en die ANC om 'n kontraksone vir substantiewe onderhandeling te skep. Prominente skikkings het ingesluit die Groote Schuur Minuut, die Pretoria Minuut, die D.F. Malan Verdrag, en die Nasionale Vredesverdrag. Die totstandkoming van 'n veelparty-onderhandelingsforum, Codesa, het die einde van voorlopige onderhandeling aangedu~ alhoewel slegs tydelik. Na 'n dooiepunt bereik is in Mei 1992 het dit noodsaaklik geword om terug te keer na voorlopige onderhandeling. Die daaropvolgende bilaterale ontmoetings tussen die regering en die ANC is gekenmerk deur die ontwikkeling van prominente onderhandelingsverhoudings, veral tussen RoelfMeyer en Cyril Ramaphosa, en tussen Nelson Mandela en F.W. de Klerk. Met die ondertekening van die Rekord van Verstandhouding en die totstandkoming van die Veelparty-onderhandelingsproses in 1993, het vooronderhandeling tot 'n einde gekom. Deur hoofsaaklik op vooronderhandeling te fokus, probeer hierdie studie om beide bestaande vooronderhandelingsteorie te verfyn, asook moontlike riglyne vir ander diepverdeelde samelewings te identifiseer. Vir 'n onderhandelingsproses om suksesvol te wees is dit noodsaaklik dat blywende goedertrou en 'n werkbare kontraksone tot stand gebring word voor die aanvang van enige vorm van substantiewe onderhandeling. / Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa)

The study aims to describe and analyse how case managers reflect and act in the regards to self-determination when caring for residents with dementia diagnosis. Our main questions dealt with how the case managers handle the right to self-determination in relation to the residents’ relatives’ opinions when a person has dementia. To find answers to our questions, we interviewed seven care takers within elderly care in four different municipalitys in the Southern Sweden. We used qualitative interviews based on a semi-structured interview guide and two vignettes. The vignettes were based on two fictive narratives which both included persons with dementia but with different relatives and opinions. The purpose of the vignettes were to investigate whether there was different perceptions among the case managers in terms of consideration the residents’ self-determination in relation to their relatives. The results of the study were analyzed using Hasenfeld’s theory on Human service organizations, Lipsky’s street-level bureaucracy and Strauss’ negotiation-perspective. We displayed similarities to previous research showing that the case managers work with the residents’ best interest in mind even though relatives can be very obstinate. Our main conclusions are that the interpretation of self-determination is fluidity according to the case managers is fluidity and the case managers at some occasions try to persuade the person with dementia to apply for care and welfare. Furthermore can the relatives of the person with dementia be both beneficial and disadvantageous depending of the relation between them.

本研究之目的可分為二，第一個是希望探討具有不同特性之仲介員，在交易過程中是否有某些特性對於議價能力有顯著影響。第二個目的，希望探討在不同房屋類型之交易案件中，是否由更為適任之仲介員經手交易，能獲得更好的成果。透過模型設計，將特徵價格模型配合本研究目的加以修改，以實證迴歸分析那些仲介員特性更能夠在交易過程中，展現議價能力使買家提高願付價格（willingness to pay），讓委託人取得更好之賣價，同時也為公司創造更高價值。 根據實證結果顯示，仲介員性別、年齡對於議價達成率所產生的影響並不顯著，教育水準、年資與血型才是影響議價達成率的關鍵。仲介員教育程度越高議價能力越強，也越能達成委託人所委託之目標。同時本研究也發現年資高之仲介員容易產生代理人問題（agency problem），年資高之仲介員傾向於利用訊息優勢，左右買賣雙方之交易決策，使交易價格降低，不但背離委託人初衷，亦對公司造成負面影響。另一方面，血型為AB型之仲介員在議價能力上的表現最佳，該類仲介員普遍具有好的協商能力、邏輯分析能力，其次是順從、負責的A型仲介員，表現最差的反而是一般認為積極熱情的B型與O型。 / There are two purposes of this article. The first one is to identify the correlation between characteristics of a real estate agent and power of negotiation/bargain. The second one is to find if there are some characteristics of a real estate agent that are more suitable for dealing certain type of housing, including apartment, mansion and high-rise. Using the method of hedonic house pricing as a basic model, the article takes a bargain rate as dependent variable instead of housing prices, while characteristics of real estate agents are included in independent variables. It should be noted that higher bargain rate means greater power of negotiation. The results of this article are (a) education, blood type are positively significant, (b) seniority is negatively significant, (c) gender, age, astrology are not. It is also found that there are agency problems in housing markets since agents with more seniority are more likely to have poor power of negotiation, which is opposite of our expectations. The study findings may serve as a guide for further research on management and leadership of real estate industries.