北美自由貿易區所要達成的一體化程度或許不如歐洲聯盟所企圖達成的目標，但以其做為第一個將南方國家－墨西哥納入經濟集團的「先軀」，以具有最典型的帝國主義色彩的美國、對美國市場高度依賴的加拿大與墨西哥、最典型的南方國家力圖發展經濟的墨西哥而言，北美自由貿易協定不啻為我們可以從中觀看、了解資本主義進展過程中帝國擴張的典範。

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(経済学) / 甲第19912号 / 経博第536号 / 新制||経||278(附属図書館) / 32998 / 京都大学大学院経済学研究科現代経済学専攻 / (主査)教授 劉 徳強, 教授 溝端 佐登史, 教授 IALNAZOV Dimiter Savov / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Economics / Kyoto University / DFAM

為何台灣居於部份農業貿易政策保護之位置? 本研究之目的係為了能解釋此原因。此可以被台灣歷史之理論上所施行的肉類貿易之例子所解釋。此農業貿易保護政策可被定義為選擇性之貿易保護。 / Why does Taiwan have in place a partially protectionist agricultural trade policy？ The goal of the research is to find a causal explanation to this question by looking at the case of meat trade. It can be explained under the premises of historical institutionalism theory. Its agricultural trade policy can be defined as selectively protectionist.

在毛澤東的極權主義政權之下，中共的中央與地方關係經過不斷地改變過程。不過，雖然經過「大躍進」和「文化大革命」時期的權力下放和中間的收權，中共的中央與地放一直屬於上傳下達的隸屬關係。到鄧小平時代，中共推動經濟改革政策，為了成功地實行經濟改革，在多方面採取權力下放的措施。其中最重要的措施是「放權讓利」的財政體制改革和計劃體制改革。其結果，在很多方面獲得成功，且給地方很大的自主性。不過也有負面的現象，而且這些現象成為阻礙經濟改革的主要素。其中明現的現象是「地方保護主義」、「諸侯經濟」等的現象。地方保護主義是指從狹隘的局部利益出發，採取不合理的干預手段和措施，人為地製造障礙、限制、封鎖區際間相互貿易，割裂區際間資源技術、市場等的經濟聯繫。地方保護主義對中央與地方關係的影響深大。地方的自主性擴大導致地方主義之抬頭，影響到中央宏觀調控能力之弱化。因此中共中央採取整頓措施，不過這些整頓措施反而阻礙經濟改革的速度，而且遭到地方的抵制與反抗。中共十四大以後提出「社會主義市場經濟」的概念，加強經濟改革的速度，中央與地方關係也隨著待重構。

The introduction of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) signed between China and Taiwan in 2010 has added a significantly important economic element to cross-strait relations. Little research has been done on cross-strait integration from an economic standpoint, and to analyze the potential for successful economic integration between the parties it is necessary to determine whether their political economies are compatible for integration. In this research comparative studies of the political economies of Taiwan and China are conducted with focuses on industrial orientation, market mechanisms, and the motivations driving major economic actors. This research focuses on Fujian and Guangdong, Taiwan’s closest economic partners on the mainland and the cornerstones of Beijing’s integration incentives, with a minor study conducted on Hong Kong-China integration due to similarities of economic integration mechanisms. This study uses models constructed by scholars on Chinese provincial protectionism and trade barriers to determine whether Taiwanese integration with the “Common China Market” will be mutually beneficial for the economies on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Economic indicators, trade trends, and economic policy incentives indicate that integration under ECFA is amplifying trade asymmetries and is stalling real economic growth in Taiwan. Findings also show that trade liberalization has allowed major trade barrier and protectionism-creating phenomena that were once limited to the mainland to contribute to cross-strait competition regime among the economies studied. This research contributes to the fledgling body of academic research on cross-strait economic integration and its impact on the parties directly impacted by it. Implications of this study show that it would be beneficial for the speed of ECFA integration to be reigned in, and for Taiwan to use the trade agreement as a counter to pursue bilateral regional trade that can ensure its competitiveness.

國際貿易會決定國內不同行為者的利益分配，促使國內產生主張自由貿易與支持保護主義的陣營，進而影響貿易政策的制訂。本論文以紡織品貿易為主題，首先闡述保護主義為何在貿易自由化浪潮中，依舊能夠貫穿20世紀後半葉的紡織品貿易，卻又在1990年代末期開始式微；其次，本論文分析當全球紡織品貿易於2005年全面取消配額之後，中國紡織品的大量出口，如何引發進口國內部保護主義勢力的反撲，令歐盟和美國先後和中國重新展開紡織品配額談判。最後，本論文分析歐、美境內自由貿易與保護主義兩個陣營，如何影響和中國的談判結果，並藉此比較具有不同制度的經濟體，如何回應國際經濟秩序的變化。 本文援引Robert Putnam所提出的「雙層賽局」分析架構，並進一步討論國內制度如何國際談判產生影響。經研究後發現，歐盟和美國內部的政治聯盟是影響談判結果的重要因素。這兩起談判雖然都源於本國紡織業者在受到中國紡織品的強力挑戰之後，進而要求政府必須出面解決這個問題，但是，由於歐盟和美國內部政治制度設計的不同，讓不同陣營有不同的施力空間，最後使得兩起談判結果有所差異。在歐盟方面，紡織產業和進口商之間的衝突，透過歐盟尊重多元的政治制度設計而有了旗鼓相當的局勢，因此歐盟執委會出面和中國談判之前，必須兼顧這兩個陣營的利益，令歐盟和中國的談判結果較有利於中國紡織品出口。但是在美國方面，儘管進口商和紡織業者之間的利益也是有所衝突，不過紡織業者最後透過政治運作而佔了上風，加上美國政府也希望藉由限制中國紡織品來降低對中國的貿易逆差，使得中美談判的結果對中國較為嚴格，具有濃厚的保護主義色彩。 / International trade distributes various interests to actors, who then form two camps supporting free trade and protectionism, respectively. Both two camps also influence the decision-making of trade policy. This thesis focuses on textile trade and analyzes why protectionism could prevail in the textile trade during the second half of 20th century, and why it declined in the end of 1990s. Second, this thesis analyzes how China’s considerable textile exports after 2005 incur resistances of protectionists in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). Those protectionists request their government to negotiate with China on textile products. However, those requests attract the counterpunches from supporters of free trade. By rendering the “Two-level Game Theory”, this thesis discovers that the domestic coalitions in the EU and the US significantly determine the results of negotiations. Although both negotiations result from powerful challenges of Chinese textile products, the EU and the US have their own institutional designs and then take different responses. In the EU, conflicts between textile industry and textile importers are of approximately equal strength. The European Commission has to hold an eclectic position between the supporters of free trade and protectionists. As a result, the results of EU-Sino negotiation favor China’s textile export to the European market. On the other hand, even though there are conflicts between textile producers and importers, producers get the upper hand by lobbying politicians. In addition, because the US government also intends to reduce the US’ tremendous trade deficit with China by limiting China’s textile product, the US-Sino textile quota negotiation is much more protectionism-oriented.

隨著人口增長以及人口老化速度加劇，全球藥品消費需求快速成長。生物藥品因其具有針對特定疾病之專一性，在治療病毒性肝炎、癌症及後天免疫缺乏症候群（Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome，AIDS）等重大疾病上擁有相當大的發展潛力。除了積極研發全新生物藥品之外，我國生技製藥廠商亦將注意力放到生物相似性藥品的研發上。 但因我國藥品內需市場規模較小，一旦成功研發出生物相似性藥品，若無法將其外銷至海外市場，恐不能弭平鉅額的前期投入。而進入國際市場之際，倘若未制定適宜的進入策略，卻又極可能會以失敗收場。 基於生物相似性藥品本身之特性與法律上之定義，其研發藥廠在進入市場的順序上係處於後進者之地位。但為了成為早期追隨者而搶占部分先驅者優勢，廠商必須選擇恰當的進入模式及進入時機並適時的調整之。而進入障礙對於進入策略之擬定有相當大的影響，尤其以生物相似性藥品市場而言，影響最為深刻的是制度性的進入障礙。 本研究以全球前二大藥品市場─美國、中國大陸為標的，探討我國生物相似性藥品研發廠商進入海外生物相似性藥品市場時，所需跨越的制度性進入障礙可能為何？其他跨國性藥廠在面臨上述制度性進入障礙時，係採取何種因應方法，以及如何調整其進入策略？並從中總結出，對於我國生物相似性藥品研發廠商而言，較為可行的市場進入策略。 經研究分析後，本研究認為，生物相似性藥品市場的制度性進入障礙係來自於東道國的保護主義、專利相關法規與解決專利爭議之機制有所缺漏或偏頗，以及藥品上市審查及藥價管理相關法律規範過於嚴苛或過於鬆散。 而跨國性藥廠因有較充裕的資金及專利訴訟經驗，因此在面對因專利所形成之制度性進入障礙時，可以訴訟或法定行政程序等合法方式克服該專利障礙。對於藥品上市審查法規之要求，則可透過加大投資以求符合法規標準。至於東道國的保護主義，則多藉由與當地企業進行合作、成立合資企業等方式，突破該進入障礙。 因我國生物相似性藥品研發廠商之規模較小，較難獨自克服各生物相似性藥品市場的制度性進入障礙，所以在進入策略上，本研究建議，可積極尋求與原廠或國際生物相似性藥品研發廠商合作，致力於發展全新生物藥品。或是透過兩岸合作研發，於奠定一定基礎後，進一步開拓生物相似性藥品的海外市場。

In the past two years, a Taiwan-based adhesive manufacturer confronted significant declines in sales for the U.S. market. The purpose of the study is to propose alternative strategies for the manufacturer in expanding the U.S. adhesive market and to assess the best strategies to be implemented. The Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix (QSPM), a managerial assessment tool that determines the relative attractiveness of different strategies based on a firm’s external and internal factors, was adopted as the methodology. The results revealed that working with alternative agents is the most suitable strategic decision. The selected strategy is two percent better than strategy one: Build a factory in the U.S., eight percent better than strategy two: Maintain and strengthen the existing ODM model, eleven percent better than strategy three: Acquire the current agent, and twenty percent better than strategy five: Supply from the JV factory in India. The study findings may serve as a guide for the management team to construct their market development plan for the U.S. market.