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沙士比亞在《露克麗絲的強暴》中所預呈的悲劇理念 / A foreshadowing of Shakespeare's tragic vision in the rape of lucrece蘇照容, Su, Chao-Jung Unknown Date (has links)
本文旨在探討莎士比亞在其早期的敘事詩--露克麗絲的強暴--中所吐露的悲劇理念。湯馬斯賽蒙曾說,在該首詩中莎士比亞首次論及他的悲劇理論。更精確的說,那只是賽蒙自己的悲劇理論,因為莎士比亞不似亞里斯多德把他的悲劇理論筆諸於書,故以往每位批評家從本詩中所得到的莎翁悲劇觀都不盡相同。傳統閱讀經驗裡,僅只透過本首詩和莎翁四大悲劇表面的雷同及戲劇上的相似,粗略檢視露克麗絲的強暴。筆者企圖借助女性主義,形式主義,及心理主義各自關懷的重點,將本詩視為包含有豐富莎翁悲劇主題及悲劇意像的方式來閱讀。
本文共分為一篇序言及五篇章幅。序言總括的介紹各方學者對本詩的評價,列舉本詩的幾種閱讀方式,以及筆者對主題研究所欲採取的觀點與方法。首章試圖依據不同種類的衝突、矛盾來探討呈現在露克麗絲中的莎士比亞悲劇概念。第貳章討論邪惡真實存在背後所隱藏的哲學意含,與本詩中邪惡所具有的幾項特徵。第三章剖析男主角塔昆的內心。強調他具有莎士比亞悲劇英雄所特有的分裂心智。第四章描繪女主角露克麗絲所承受的痛苦,並且探索在她非應得的苦難中和怎樣的一個世界秩序產生關聯。最後一章論述女主角身為古羅馬人所必然採取悲劇死亡的行動為本詩畫下句點,同時亦探討潛藏於露克麗絲心湖中激烈的女姓復仇願望。 / In the thesis, I aim to delineate Shakespeare's concept of tragedy as revealed in The Rape of Lucrece. R.T. Simone remarked that in the poem Shakespeare states for the first time his theory of tragedy. To be exact, it is Simone's theory of tragedy because Shakespeare has never written a theory of tragedy as Aristotle has. So, the tragic visions that critics acquire from this poem are not altogether in accordance with each other. Traditionally, it is examined roughly by analyzing the external resemblance or dramatic parallels between Lucrece and his Great Four. I intend to read the poem as a storehouse of Shakespeare's tragic subjects and imagery with the assistance of feminist, formalistic, and psychological concerns.
My thesis is composed of an introduction and five chapters. The part of introduction sums up scholarly evaluations and various readings as well as includes the perspective I would apply to this research on the topic. In Chapter One, I would like to scrutinize Shakespear's concept of tragedy in Lucrece in the light of different kinds of conflicts. In Chapter Two, I will discuss philosophical implications behind the existence of evil and several features of evil. Chapter Three dissects the mental state of Tarquin. An emphasis is put on his divided mind that characterizes Shakespear's tragic figures. The fourth chapter delineates the suffering of Lucrece, the victim, and explores its significance in relation to a world order. The last chapter will concentrate on the pagan heroine's necessary action that ends up in a tragic death and explores the violent undercurrent of female revenge.
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中共對台「三戰」之研究(2003~2009)—以輿論戰為例楊情偉 Unknown Date (has links)
中共「三戰」概念的形成,主要是因1991年及2003年二次波灣戰爭中,美軍靈活運用輿論戰、心理戰、法律戰的成功實例,促使中共在2003年12月新修訂的「中國人民解放軍政治工作條例」中,明確提出「三戰」為戰時政治工作之重點,開展輿論戰、心理戰、法律戰相關的研發與演訓工作。
中共對台「輿論戰」之用意,在於傳達北京當局處理兩岸問題之能力和決心不容動搖,目的在於營造中共保土衛國之決心不變,凸顯台灣是中國一部份的事實。而「輿論戰」既可用於戰時,亦可用於平時,沒有固定的模式、場域與戰場,不受時空限制,更不限於軍事行動相配合。
中共「輿論戰」開展已提升到國家戰略體系中,在實際操作上,透過政治、經濟、軍事、資訊等作為,對我國展開舖天蓋地的攻擊。中共這種戰略思維,確實指導著國家戰略層級與軍事戰略層級的建立、用力與造勢。因此,我國應該仿傚其做法,動員全國整體力量,進行反制、造勢與佈局,才得以竟全功。
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選民的政治矛盾態度與分裂投票:2012年總統暨立法委員選舉的實證研究 / Political Ambivalence and Ticket Splitting: A Study of the 2012 Presidential and Legislative Election in Taiwan李崑斌, Li, Kuen Bin Unknown Date (has links)
鑑於我國分裂投票研究多數著重於縣市層級的地方首長與民意代表選舉,本文探討台灣首次於同日舉行的2012年總統暨立法委員選舉,援引「政治矛盾」(political ambivalence)做為研究架構,分析選民的一致與分裂投票。作者假設,選民的政治矛盾程度愈高,愈可能進行分裂投票;反之,民眾的政治矛盾態度愈低,愈可能採取一致投票。作者擷取「2009年至2012年『選舉與民主化調查』三年期研究規劃(3/3):2012年總統與立法委員選舉面訪案」調查資料,運用「勝算對數模型」(Binary Logit)與「多項勝算對數模型」(Multinomial Logit)進行檢證。資料顯示,在總統與區域立法委員選舉,以及總統與不分區立委選舉的分裂投票實證模型中,在控制其他變數的效應之下,選民的政治矛盾態度對於分裂與一致投票,確實具有顯著影響。此外,選民的省籍、制衡觀與政策平衡等因素,也與一致與分裂投票有關。在結論中,本文摘述分析要點,並提出政治矛盾態度的研究意涵。 / In light of many election studies on straight and split ticket voting for the head of local government and councilors in Taiwan, I focus on people's ticket splitting of the 2012 presidential and legislative campaign which is the first election holding on one day. This article introduces political "ambivalence" to explain why people vote split or not. I assume the voters who have more ambivalent about KMT and DPP, more ticket splitting; and the straight ticket voters should be less ambivalence. My dates are based on "Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study, 2012: Presidential and Legislative Election," and analyzed with Binary Logit and Multinomial Logit. When controlling other variables, party ambivalence intensively affects voters' straight and split ticket voting not only for president and constituency legislators but for president and party block legislators, and nearly all coefficients are statistically significant. By the way, provincial origin, cognitive Madisonianism, and policy balancing on independence issue or social welfare correlate to straight and split ticket voting in models. I conclude the major findings and research limitations at the end.
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徐世昌與南北議和之研究林桶法, LIN, TONG-FA Unknown Date (has links)
第一章:筡世昌家世及其早年之事蹟。將徐氏由一翰林學士到參與清末各項重要政治
活動作介紹。
第二章:南北議和之醞釀,以歷史背景及時代環境作架構,將南北分裂到政局的轉變
情形作一分析。
第三章:徐世昌推動南北議和之原因,和平思想之根源及政治決策之考慮(包括列強
之壓力、輿論之要求)是促使徐氏積極推動議和展開之要因。
第四、五章介紹南北議和之展開到破裂之經過,並分析何以議和延宕時日終無所成之
因。
第六章:南北議和之檢討及其影響,將民八年之議和與民元年之議和作比較並探討議
和破裂後之影響。
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我國中央層級分立政府成因之初探研究王宏忠, Hongu -chung, Wang Unknown Date (has links)
我國中央層級分立政府成因之初探研究
摘 要
邇來,行政部門與立法部門分屬不同政黨所掌控的「分立政府」(divided government)似乎逐漸成為台灣地區縣市政府的常態。我國自2000年總統大選過後,中央層級政府亦首度呈現分立政府型態。鑑於分立政府之意涵及其對我國實際政治運作具有相當的重要性,本論文嘗試探討造成我國中央層級分立政府的成因。分立政府的形成主要源自選民的「分裂投票行為」(split-ticket voting),儘管諸多研究者試圖運用各種學說,加以解釋選民為何採取分裂投票行為,但迄今仍莫衷一是,無法對其成因提供周延的解釋。本論文嘗試回顧相關文獻著作,綜合各家觀點,為其整理出研究脈絡,以作為探討我國中央層級分立政府之基礎。本論文嘗試藉由「2001年台灣選舉與民主化調查研究:民國九十年立法委員選舉全國大型民意調查研究」所釋出的資料,針對選民「分立政府」心理認知與投票行為進行分析。在影響因素方面,本文認為選民的制衡觀念、多重政黨認同、投票習性,以及憲政制度的規範等因素,可能是形成我國中央層級分立政府的重要變數。
關鍵詞:分立政府、分裂投票、投票穩定度、分權制衡、政黨認同
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中共對臺心理戰策略與臺澎防衛作戰因應之研究 / Research for the response of Taiwan and penghu about China's psychological warfare strategy黃素芳 Unknown Date (has links)
心理戰不論在軍事與非軍事領域中,都是國家戰略中極為重要的一部分,兩岸自開放大陸探親二十餘年來,交流日益密切,中共一方面積極與我經貿合作,一再強調兩岸未來應朝向協商與和平談判方式進行,另方面又以《反分裂國家法》之法律將兩岸關係縮限為內政問題,並以武力威嚇為後盾,其「軟、硬兼施」之手法,處處蘊藏中共對臺心理戰之手段。本論文針對心理戰之定義、中共對臺心理戰案例及戰法進行分析,筆者以三次臺海危機歷程為例,解析中共對我軍事行動中所施行之心理戰策略;此外,我國軍正值兵力結構調整轉型期,國防部規畫建構量少質精之作戰部隊執行國防戰略,因此,筆者試圖探討臺澎防衛作戰現況、國軍心戰專業能力構建及心理戰反制作為等課題,期能知己知彼更明瞭我方所處之境遇。
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胡錦濤時期中共對臺政策的持續與變遷─以「反分裂國家法」為例王演慶, Wang,Yen-ching Unknown Date (has links)
胡錦濤於2002年11月中國共產黨第十六屆全國代表大會出任中共中央委員會總書記,象徵著中共由第四代領導人開始正式接班。胡錦濤隨後於2003年3月出任國家主席,2004年9月中共十六屆四中全會出任中共中央軍委主席,自此掌控中共黨政軍權於一身,亦代表胡錦濤時代的到來。歷經三年執政,雖然胡錦濤對臺政策大致延續鄧小平、江澤民定下的基調,但在策略、手法上更為靈活彈性,使兩岸關係產生些許結構性變化。
為了解胡錦濤的對臺政策傾向,既要分析胡錦濤有關臺灣問題的公開講話,更要分析胡錦濤執政後中共對臺的實際政策和措施。但在了解胡錦濤對台政策前,則必須針對中共過去歷任領導人的對台政策加以探討,才能了解中共對台政策之持續與變遷。
回顧中共過去歷任領導人的對臺政策,均主要以領導人的談話作為對臺政策方針。毛澤東時期是在國共內戰的思維下,將兩岸關係定位為「內戰的延續」,強調「解放臺灣」。鄧小平時期主要確立了「改革開放」的政策發展方針,在對臺政策上則是主張「和平統一、一國兩制」。江澤民根據鄧小平「和平統一、一國兩制」基本方針,針對臺灣局勢,兩岸關係和國際形勢變化提出「江八點」,主要在解決兩岸統一之前的問題,政策重心在於防獨、促和與增進兩岸交流溝通。
胡錦濤時期以「四個決不」取代「江八點」,成為胡錦濤時期中共對臺政策的指導思想,並藉由「法治」來突顯自己與前人之不同,甚至在對臺政策上,胡錦濤以《反分裂國家法》來貫徹其「胡四點」,建立「依法涉臺」原則來處理臺灣問題。《反分裂法》的提出,亦具有下列特點:政策的法律化、維持現狀的承諾並無改變、對臺採取「非和平手段和必要措施」三條件、兩岸協商與談判的要求明確化、「共議統一」的提出、對臺工作法制化、鞏固胡錦濤領導地位、分裂臺灣深綠版圖、強調立法之必要性、避免國際的干預等。從前述特點中亦可發現胡錦濤對臺「軟的更軟、硬的更硬」,落實在對臺政治、軍事、經濟各層面具體作為,亦可歸納為「爭取談、準備打、不怕拖」。
據此,筆者提出本論文主要研究發現,首先,中共對臺政策戰略目標清楚,戰術行為彈性:中共對臺政策的持續與變遷,亦可詮釋為「對臺目標的持續與操作手段的變遷」。其次,胡錦濤時期對臺政策強調「以和為貴」:中共方面表示,除非到了和平完全絕望的時刻,否則中共將不輕言對臺動武。第三,從「江規胡隨」到「江規胡超」:胡錦濤接替中共中央對臺領導小組組長職務後,不論是「五一七聲明」,或是《反分裂國家法》,其對臺作為的廣度與深度遠超於江澤民時期,其對臺作為可說是更為全面靈活彈性,在統戰手法上更注重能「入島、入戶、入心」,遠超於江澤民時期的作為。
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從整合理論分析反分裂法對兩岸統一之影響江敏勳 Unknown Date (has links)
國民政府遷台後,兩岸分治五十幾年是客觀的事實,長期以來各自發展不同的政治體系,經濟行為,意識形態。台灣早期的威權時期,對大陸政策固然保守,大陸方面尤其毛澤東時代更是封閉,兩岸關係在動員戡亂時期是全然隔離,軍事的敵對,影響了經濟、人文的聯繫。兩岸關係解凍後,政治緊張的現象依然存在,國際上互相拉扯,舉世皆知,外交競爭更是激烈。
二十一世紀開始,中國大陸累積實力,國家生產力大增,經濟發展向前跨越,外貿吸引各國,外匯增加速度實不容小視,不論是和平崛起還是霸權抬頭,已足以影響世局。兩岸關係也因而突顯其重要性,政界、國內學者莫不投入精力研究。
從整合理論的角度切入,探討兩岸發展,應有其意義。雖然整合理論最初被運用在1950年代,主要涉及對象是二次世界大戰後的歐洲,而南、北韓交流的互動模式來看也頗類似。整合理論具有規範性,它是以國家的統合作為目標,和分裂國家有很大的相似點。
而中共的反分裂國家法出爐後,引起國際間的關切,儘管事後加以解釋,世界各國大都抱著存疑的態度。我們可以看到「反分裂國家法」對兩岸政治爭議問題,依然沒有理性科學的解構和整合。「反分裂國家法」的訂立,對台灣人民的感情期待與實質認同,究竟是正面的還是負面的,甚或是否直接影響到台灣人民的感情,及是否會產生不利因素?都是非常值得關注問題。
雖然反分裂國家法橫立兩岸之間,我們是否可以試著從整合理論分析兩岸統合策略及面臨的困難。兩岸關係又具有相當錯綜複雜的特性,分歧問題甚多,如何找出一個平衡點,努力以新的觀念思維和智慧來化解的對立衝突危機,是我們應該深思的。
關鍵詞:整合理論、歐盟整合、德國統一、反分裂國家法、兩岸統一 / Upon the relocation of the Nationalist Government to Taiwan, the separate governances on both sides of the Taiwan Strait for over fifty years were an objective fact. For decades, different political systems, economic behaviors, and ideologies had been separately developed. For the authoritative period in Taiwan at the early stage, although a conservative stance was instituted by Taiwan on the Cross-Strait policies, it was a much more explicitly closed society on Mainland China during the Mao Tse-Dong Period. The Cross-Strait relations were thoroughly frozen during the Communist Rebellion Period. The military antagonism toward one another had impacted the economic and human contacts. Upon the liberation of the Cross-Strait relations, the unsettling political struggles are still observed to be in existence. The political wrangling between both parties at the global stage is well known by the international community. The diplomatic competitions are even far more severe.
Since the beginning of the 21st Century, Mainland China has been accumulating competencies and increasing the national productivity profoundly. Many forward strides have been achieved in the economic developments; the foreign trade has attracted other countries, with the foreign reserve increasing at a staggering rate that cannot be easily ignored. Whether China is rising peacefully or as a super power, it is already capable of influencing the world. It has thus projected explicitly the significance of the Cross-Strait relations. Politicians and domestic scholars are unable to not to devote any energy and efforts in this area of discipline.
Investigating the Cross-Strait developments from the perspective of the integration theories should be accompanied with the relevant implications. Although the integration theories were initially applied in the 1950’s, with the post-World-War-II Europe as the main entity involved. Further, the interactive exchange model adopted by North and South Koreas also exhibits a certain degree of similarity. The integration theories are characterized by the normality, which positions the integration at the national level as the objective and exhibits points of profound similarity with the secession of the country.
The disclosure of the Anti-Secession Law enacted by Communist China caused concerns from the international community. Although further elaborations were instituted afterwards, a majority of the members of the international community still exhibit suspicious attitudes. It is observed that the Anti-Secession Law still lacks the rational scientific deconstruction and integration in the controversial Cross-Strait political issues. Whether the enactment of the Anti-Secession Law, in terms of Taiwanese people’s expectations for and substantial identifications with Mainland China, would indeed be a positive or negative impact or even directly affect the feelings of the Taiwanese people or generate any disadvantageous factor is a relatively critical issue for concern.
Although the Anti-Secession Law has been laid between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait, we may consider whether we could attempt to analyze the integration strategies and existing obstacles for both sides of the Taiwan Strait from the perspective of the integration theories. The Cross-Strait relations; moreover, exhibit relatively intertwined, complicated characteristics and myriad issues of difference. How to find a balance point to resolve the standoff, conflicts, and crises by applying the new concepts, thoughts, and wisdom is what we shall consider with profoundness.
Key Word: Integration Theory, European Union Integration, German Unification, Anti-Secession Law, Unification Across the Taiwan Strait
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マウス神経幹細胞Radial glial cell の維持と姉妹細胞の非対称性を生むNotch の活性化機構間瀬, 俊 23 March 2021 (has links)
京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(生命科学) / 甲第23337号 / 生博第455号 / 新制||生||61(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院生命科学研究科高次生命科学専攻 / (主査)教授 松崎 文雄, 教授 影山 龍一郎, 教授 見学 美根子 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy in Life Sciences / Kyoto University / DFAM
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年輕思覺失調症患者及其主要照顧者主體經驗探究:關係取向觀點 / Exploring the Subjective Experiences in Young Schizophrenic Patients and Their Caregivers: From Relational Approach林孟瑤, Lin, Meng Yao Unknown Date (has links)
本研究之目的:一為探究年輕思覺失調症患者,於荒野臨界中如何形塑其此際體態;二為探討患者主要照顧者面對精神分裂體驗,從何接應患者,如何賦予其心理照顧意義。而後,以對元結構方式,探討患者及其照顧者雙方的心理經驗。研究者將患者「生命經驗」及其主要照顧者「照顧經驗」並置於現象場脈絡中,透過深度訪談,進行現象還原,以接近患者的內在經驗,反思照顧者照顧行動意義。方法上,本研究採取立意抽樣,以年輕思覺失調症患者與其主要照顧者作為研究對象,以配對方式進行資料蒐集,共三對受訪者(6位)接受訪談,患者部分為三位男性,而雙親照顧者部分為一位男性、兩位女性。資料蒐集後,以Henri Ellenberger之現象學分析方法(林耀盛,2002)分析。研究結果發現,年輕思覺失調症患者與其雙親主要照顧者共構之置身結構經驗的定向軌跡為:(1)超常隱匿於日常偽裝之下;(2)超常現身,即特異性經驗被看見,包含病者與雙親照顧者;(3)芻思心緒,反覆思索當前之事件;(4)經驗賦義,理解所發生的事,並給出位置,將其涵容於自我之中;(5)存有的流變:希望與憂懼心思。研究貢獻為在臨床心理實務上可能的幫助:可協助狀態逐漸穩定之個案進行經驗之整理,使其看見自己的狀態,而非僅僅使其擁有病識感、願意配合醫療處遇。而對雙親做為主要照顧者,可協助其釐清對於疾病狀態的未知,及自我照顧技藝的發展。礙於現實收案狀況,難以擴大取樣具異質性的思覺失調症患者,資料豐富度較為不足,為未來研究可改善之處。 / Purpose: This study is exploring (1) how the young schizophrenic patient perceived who he/she is in “the wilderness”; (2) how their caregivers faced with the schizophrenic experiences and constructed the meaning of caring; and (3) disclosing the patients and their caregiver’s mutual situated experiences by the meta-dyadic structure.
Methods: Taking a qualitative approach grounded in phenomenological psychology, this study conducted in-depth interviews by which researchers strived to observe, analyze and understand, from their first-person perspective, how they live under such situation. The participants were recruited through purposive sampling. Three patient-caregiver dyads (three male schizophrenic patients with one male and two female caregivers) were interviewed. The analysis step is adopted by Henri Ellenberger’s existential-phenomenological method (Yaw-Sheng Lin, 2002).
Results: Five over-arching themes emerged in the analysis on the transformation of experiences of suffering and caring. (1) Camouflaging the “extra-normal” in daily life. (2) “Extra-normal” is understood through the singularity in the daily life, including the patient and caregiver can “encounter” the unique experience. (3) Ruminative reflection about what happening? (4) Make sense of schizophrenic experiences through blurry the boundary between the normal and abnormal to integrate self into life orientation. (5) Existential experience as becoming process through the state of mind of “hope” and “Angst”.
Conclusions: The outcome is implicated in clinical practice: (1) Return to young schizophrenic patients’ lifeworld beyond psychopathology comprehension to articulate the intersubjective understanding relationships. (2) Help caregiver to understand their uncanny situation and cultivate the caring ethics for self and the other. Limitation, future research agenda and suggestion are discussed and proposed.
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