網路恐怖主義（Cyberterrorism）為「網際網路」（Internet）與「恐怖主義」（terrorism）相互結合之產物，指恐怖份子為求引發嚴重破壞，並造成平民死傷，透過網際網路入侵國家關鍵基礎設施（critical infrastructures），並以之要脅政府或人民完成其政治性、宗教性或社會性目標。至2012年7月為止，對於網路恐怖主義相關議題之討論雖已持續約30年之久，然而各界對於網路恐怖主義之「定義」及「威脅性」兩項基本問題，仍然眾說紛紜，無法取得一致共識，而全球各地缺乏網路恐怖攻擊之實際案例之情況，亦使爭辯益加激烈。 　　在美國政府方面，經過2001年911事件的重大衝擊，其對於恐怖主義相關議題之敏感程度已大幅提高，並陸續制定多項反恐政策。美國是當前國際反恐行動的領導者，既為軍事與科技大國，同時也是諸多國際恐怖組織策劃攻擊之主要目標，有鑑於此，美國政府致力於防治網路恐怖主義，保護國內關鍵基礎設施不受侵襲，以維持社會安定及國家安全，其因應方式足以成為世界各國制定類似政策之重要參考對象。 　　本論文經由探討網路恐怖主義之基本意涵，比較「網路恐怖主義」、「網路犯罪」及「網路戰爭」三個概念之間的差異，嘗試針對網路恐怖主義形成明確之界定；接著綜整各界針對網路恐怖主義威脅性之爭論，以了解網路恐怖主義之真實威脅程度；最後觀察美國自柯林頓（Clinton）政府至今，有關防治網路恐怖主義政策之一系列發展、美國政府如何評估網路恐怖主義之威脅，以及在當前的政策架構之下，為保護國內關鍵基礎設施，其相對應之具體措施為何，試圖對於其整體政策建立客觀評價。 / Cyberterrorism, the convergence of “Internet” and “terrorism,” refers to the specific terrorist activities that were intended to cause massive destruction and casualties, proceeded by intruding the supervisory control and data acquisition (SCADA) systems of national critical infrastructures via the Internet. Even though the discussion of the related issues of Cyberterrorism has continued for nearly 30 years now, neither the definition nor the evaluation of potential threat concerning Cyberterrorism has been settled. No consensus has been achieved. Furthermore, the lack of actual cases of Cyberterrorism attack around the world makes the debates even more intense. After the significant impact of September 11, 2001, the U.S. government has substantially raised the degree of sensitivity of the issues related to terrorism and developed a number of counter-terrorism policies. As the leader of the Global War on Terror and the greatest Power in the world, the U.S. is also the main target of many terrorist groups. With its military and scientific capabilities, the practices of the U.S. government on preventing Cyberterrorism, protecting its domestic critical infrastructures from intrusion, and maintaining social stability and national security would be excellent examples to other nations for the development of their own policies. To clarify the explicit definition of Cyberterrorism, this research refined the basic meaning of Cyberterrorism and distinguished differences among three related concepts: Cyberterrorism, Cybercrime, and Cyberwar. Moreover, this research sought to induct major arguments brought up by scholars in many intense debates on the extent of Cyberterrorism threat. Last but not least, by observing development of the U.S. related policy frameworks, how the U.S. government evaluates the extent of Cyberterrorism threat, and the corresponding measures for protecting the U.S. domestic critical infrastructures, this research presented an objective assessment on the U.S. overall counter-Cyberterrorism policies.

「沙皇亞歷山大一世之研究」主要以歷史分析法(History Analysis Method)為主軸，針對俄國沙皇亞歷山大一世（Tsar Alexander Ⅰ）從出生(24 Dec 1777)一直到逝世(26 Dec 1825)的一生事蹟，包括了少年成長時期、執政時期(1801-1825年)的社會情況、內政外交、軍事行為等加以研究分析，以提出對此段歷史的分析解釋以及對其後歷史的影響。 由於凱薩琳大帝精心設計的教育歷程，使得亞歷山大一世成為俄國皇室中有史以來第一位具有啟蒙思想的沙皇並且懷有著改革俄國的夢想。然而亞歷山大一世經常在言行上出現不一致的狀況。舉例來說，少年時代的他曾不只一次地表明本身並不適於擔任沙皇，然而日後他卻在一場弒父的流血政變中登基﹔他宣稱自己熱愛憲政，但卻未能實踐他對憲政主義的理想；他一再地表示對農奴制度極端地憎惡，但卻沒有對這項制度有較為激烈的改革﹔他在外交上表示別無所求只願歐洲和平的想法，卻一再地與法國以及瑞典、顎圖曼土耳其帝國等發生戰爭。因此，為了解釋這種矛盾性，大部分的史家經常將亞歷山大一世描寫為一個謎題一般神秘而且矛盾的人物，或者將他描繪成詭計多端、不真誠的乃至於白癡與精神分裂，以提出對於亞歷山大一世如此矛盾不協調的統治的解釋。除了以這種方式來解釋亞歷山大一世的統治歷程外，本篇文章旨在更進一步地深入瞭解沙皇的性格與人格特質，以及將外在條件的制約納入分析思考的範圍中，以對此段歷史提出更為全面而廣泛地解釋。 終亞歷山大一生，他耗費了相當多的時間在國內改革與外交事務的參與上。1801年即位之始，他便汲汲營營地進行各項改革，然而由於國內改革事務存在的艱困阻礙加上拿破崙的壓力，逐漸促使他遠離內政改革而將心思轉向外交事務上。在提爾斯特條約暫時地解脫亞歷山大一世在外交與軍事上的壓力之後，亞歷山大一世又回到內政改革上，他任命了麥克海爾•史普蘭斯基為國務卿，並且命他進行憲政計劃的草擬。由於許多的原因，史普蘭斯基所提出的計劃沒能夠全盤被執行，而憲政改革又再次陷入了停擺。1812年，俄國面臨了拿破崙侵略的威脅，最終又捲入與法國的戰爭中。在拿破崙經歷了征俄戰爭以及最終受到聯軍的圍剿而徹底失敗之後，亞歷山大一世成為歐洲最有勢力的統治者，他的功績在此時達到最高峰，並且要將歐洲改造成新的局面，最終藉由神聖同盟的設立而完成他的志願。在回到國內之後，亞歷山大一世似乎已經準備好再次面對內政的改革。然而沙皇對於革命的畏懼更勝於他對改革的熱情，1820年代俄國國內的不安以及國外的革命騷亂終究使得他的改革劃下了句點。雖然亞歷山大一世未能完成他的改革理想，但無可置疑地，他仍是19世紀裡俄國與歐洲歷史上的重要角色。 本文第一章緒論針對研究動機與目的、研究途徑與架構、文獻分析與研究限制與問題提出說明。第二章係對亞歷山大一世之成長背景，主要探討十八世紀末俄國現況，凱薩琳二世及保羅一世對亞歷山大一世成長的影響。第三章則對亞歷山大一世的內政改革，包括農奴政策、憲政改革、以及其他經濟文教的改革加以研究論述。第四章論述亞歷山大一世的外交與軍事作為，包括俄法戰爭、維也納會議、歐洲協調、四國同盟與神聖同盟等問題。第五章針對亞歷山大一世晚期的作為提出綜合檢討與回顧。第六章為結論。 / The Study of Tsar Alexander I mainly explores the history of the whole life of the Russian Tsar Alexander I (1801-1825). This article basically use the historical analysis method to describe and analysis the history from Alexander I's birth (24 Dec 1777) until his death (26 Dec 1825), which covers his childhood, youth, and his behaviors after his ascended to the throne. And finally provides the explanation and analysis of the history about this period of time, and it’s influence for later history. Due to Catherine II’s delicated education, Alexander I was the first tsar who had the enlightened thoughts and had dreams to reform Russia. But his behaviors were usually contradictory to his words. More than once he professed he was unsuitable for the exercise of power, yet he ascended to the throne in a bloody coup which involved the murder of Paul I; He claimed to love constitutions, yet he failed to realize his ideal to implement the constitutional reform; He frequently expressed his abhorrence of serfdom, yet he did little to challenge this institution; He asserted that his only ambition is to promote the peace of the Europe, yet he fought not only with France, but also with Sweden and the Ottoman Empire. Historians usually explained the incongruities of his highly paradoxical reign by portraying Alexander as everything from scheming and insincere to idiotic to schizophrenic. In addition to this kind of explanation for his reign, This article aims at exploring the tsar’s personality and character more deeply and taking the outside constraints on his reign into consideration in order to analysis and explain the history of his lifetime more broadly. Through his lifetime, Alexander I spent most of his time in domestic reforms and diplomatic affairs. After his coronation, he eagerly engaged in domestic reform. However, the difficulties he faced in domestic reforms and the oppressions from Napoleon gradually pushed him to turn away to diplomatic affairs. Until the temporary relief of Tilsit treaty, he proceeded to domestic reforms again. He appointed Mikhail Speransky as the state secretary, and ordered him to draft the plan of constitution. Due to a lot of reasons Speransky’s plan was canceled and the constitution reform was delayed again. In 1812, Russia faced the aggression oeagerly engaged in domestic reform. However, the difficulties he faced in domestic reforms and the oppressions from Napoleon gradually pushed him to turn away to diplomatic affairs. Until the temporary relief of Tilsit treaty, he proceeded to domestic reforms again. He appointed Mikhail Speransky as the state secretary, and ordered him to draft the plan of constitution. Due to a lot of reasons Speransky’s plan was canceled and eagerly engaged in domestic reform. However, the difficulties he faced in domestic reforms and the oppressions from Napoleon gradually pusArakachev to start oppressive and cruel rule until his death. Despite of his failure to fufill all the reforms, generally speaking, he still is a dominant figure in both Russian and European history in the nineteenth century. The construction of this article is as follows：The first chapter focuses on the tropics about motives and intentions of this study, study methods and construction, the article analysis and the study limits. The second chapter explores the background of Alexander I’s growth, which about the tropics of current situations of the end of 18 century, and the influence of Catherine II and Paul I on the growth of Alexander I. The third chapter explores the tropics about the domestic reforms which include the serfs question, the constitutional reform, and other reforms about economy and education. The fourth chapter explores the diplomatic and military behaviors of Alexander I, which includes the tropics of Napoleon’s invasion of Russia, the Vienna conference, the European settlement, the Quadruple Alliance and the Holly Alliance. The fifth chapter explores the last years of AlexanderⅠ’s rule, and provide the full analysis and overview. The sixth chapter is conclusion.

當經濟體在發展時，會因為經濟體與經濟體之間資本分配的失衡，或是資本配置的重心不同而引發不同的經濟危機產生，使得經濟體的運作失去效率。而經濟危機發生的成因很多，本研究針對以戰爭、全球工業化以及資本家投資等為主要的討論方向，造成匯率、利率以及金融體系的問題，造成經濟體物價高漲，投資降低，產出下降，最後會使得經濟體陷入成長的停滯或是衰退。本研究以2008年越南的高通膨為研究的對象，探討此次越南的經濟危機，將會對正在成長的新興市場造成什麼樣的衝擊。並提供提出一個可供參考的準則，讓未來希望投資於成長型的新興市場，一個評估的模式及依據。

本論文旨在探討中共海洋戰略發展之相關條件、環境、具體措施，以及對周邊國家所產生的影響。後冷戰時期國際情勢緩和，發生大規模戰爭的可能性已大幅降低，地區爭端和衝突反而浮現出來。因地緣政治環境的改變，台海、南海地區已成為區域衝突的引爆點。中共研析波灣戰爭之經驗，放棄「早打、大打、打核戰」時時臨戰之觀念，強調「質量建軍打贏高科技局部戰爭」之策略，故調整戰略方向由陸上走向海洋，以保障其國家利益、國防安全及完成統一中國之企圖。就整體國力言，中共自1978年實施經濟改革後．，經濟成長快速，國家競爭力上升，無庸置疑，已經成為亞太地區經濟大國。而蘇聯解體後，中共來自北方威脅降低，有利其海洋之發展。又因沿海海洋爭奪及領土紛爭問題亟待解決，更全力擴展其海軍武力。中共在 1998年就制定了「中國二十一世紀海洋議程」，提出中國海洋事業永續發展政策。同年中共國務院在國際海洋年會中提出《中國海洋事業發展白皮書》，其中明文主張「中國是發展中沿海大國」。中共大力發展海洋戰略，已為亞太地區安全投下一個變數，亞太各國均深感不安。加上區域內互信機制不夠健全，中共時時對台灣文攻武嚇，更增加地區衝突之危險性。故未來台海、南海問題最後是以和平方式或兵戎相見收場，中共的戰略作為就顯得十分重要。 關鍵字：亞太戰略；國家戰略；海洋戰略；海軍戰略；海軍現代化；海權；積極防禦；近海防禦；局部戰爭；太平洋島鏈；兵力展示，有生戰力；聯合國海洋法公約；戰區飛彈防禦系統；遏制點阻滯；海洋經濟；指管通情系統；亞太經合會；東協區域論壇；東南亞國家協會。