1941年7月28日，日本無視美國的警告，進駐中南半島南部。美國於7月31日凍結了日本在美國的資金，隔日並全面禁止輸出任何石油到日本。日本與美國隨即進行談判，然而一直無法達成共識。1941年12月8日，日本偷襲珍珠港正式向美國宣戰，展開了為期四年的太平洋戰爭。 直至1945年二戰結束，陸海軍一直都是與內閣有同等地位的機關，因此在決定許多重大政策時必須要採納陸海軍之意見。1941年10月東條英機出任內閣總理大臣兼任陸軍大臣後，陸海軍對政策的影響及發言權更為顯著。 戰爭影響人民的生命財產非常重大，展開太平洋戰爭應是慎思熟慮的結果，本論文研究戰前陸海軍的決策過程，以期了解其開戰的原由。 結果發現，太平洋戰爭的啟動，並非全然在周密計劃下執行；而是陸海軍在國內的立場、組織的存在意義、物資、預算、軍備、動員計畫等所謂的組織利益相互衝突下，所漸漸形成的。 / On July, 26,1941, ignoring the warning from the U.S., the advance of Japanese troops into Indo-China of French colony forced the U.S. to freeze the Japanese Capitals in USA few days later. On August 1, 1941, the U.S. imposed an embargo on the export of oil to Japan, who immediately started to negotiate with U.S. They, however, couldn’t reach any kind of consensuses. December 8,1941, Japan declared war against the U.S., and started the Pacific War that lasted for 4 years. Before the end of WWII in 1945, the Army and the Navy ranked as high as the prime minister. Therefore, for decision-making on many policies, the opinions of the Army and Navy must be taken into considerations. October 10, 1941, Tojo Hideki was chosen as the prime minister and the general of the imperial Japanese Army, which intensified the influence of armed forces on the decision-making processes. Wars have a very strong impact on people’s lives and properties. The decision of starting the Pacific War should have been a decision made after deliberation. Through analyzing the decision-making processes between the Army and the Navy, this thesis aims to understand the reason of waging war. The result revealed that the declaration of Pacific War was not well planned. It was the conflicts of organizational benefits between Amy and Navy, such as domestic political positions, the meaning of existence of the organization, raw materials, budgets, armaments, mobilization plan, etc. that gradually leaded to the Pacific War.

冷戰結束，適值全球因應國際體系解構與重建之時，2001年9月11日美國境內卻突然發生嚴重之恐怖攻擊事件震驚全球，此一事件除迅即引起全球強烈之反應，亦且挑戰當代國際安全研究規範，更將導引未來國際安全政策制訂之方向。 「戰爭」活動自歷史以觀，多以國家行為者行之，惟國家亦須按國際法規範使用武力。但「九一一」後，美國及恐怖主義組織在使用武力之具體實踐上，首先打破了戰爭僅能發生於國家之間的情況；其次，美國依「自衛原則」執行其特立獨行的「先發制人」反恐戰略，亦暴露出當代國際法無法有效規範武力使用之困境。 在恐怖主義犯罪日益猖獗及恐怖活動無所不用其極、危害不斷加重之情勢下，國際社會遂逐漸加大反恐力度，聯合國及相關國際組織亦針對恐怖主義犯罪制訂相關多邊公約，以遏制恐怖組織活動之蔓延，美國亦將反恐戰爭指導原則做為其國防政策執行重心，全力推動全球反恐行動，而境內擁有近二億穆斯林之東南亞地區，已成為美國在中東地區以外，首重之反恐戰場。 印尼為全球穆斯林信眾最多之國家，在印尼政治發展的過程中，伊斯蘭教與穆斯林組織一直扮演著極為重要的角色，另由於印尼境內多島嶼之地理特性，有利於恐怖分子藏匿及連結，為恐發展成為恐怖主義溫床，美國對東南亞反恐亟欲肅清印尼地區，故與印尼合作反恐則成為必然之趨勢。長期以來，美國與印尼保持廣泛之合作關係，但在1999年東帝汶事件後，便中斷軍事合作關係，直到2005年11月，美國基於全球反恐戰略利益之考量方始恢復。 基於「九一一」後之多極體系國際政治環境與全球反恐趨勢，並為前瞻國際安全研究及安全政策新方向，本論文透過美國與印尼反恐合作之政策與實踐，探討美國東南亞反恐戰爭對區域安全的影響，並進一步瞭解美國此際於印尼之反恐戰略佈局，在實踐過程當中產生之互動與影響。並藉由美國與印尼在反恐戰爭之結盟意圖，單邊與多邊合作之實踐，及印尼對美國之反恐合作態度進行探討，從而分析美國與印尼反恐合作之目的及評估美國與印尼反恐合作成效；最後亦對我國未來之安全政策與反恐機制相關規劃，提供新的思考方向。 關鍵詞：恐怖主義、東南亞反恐戰爭、反恐合作、地緣戰略、國家利益

位於中國西北的青海，從清末至1949年9月5日，省府西寧為中共攻陷為止，其軍、政大權一直為馬姓回教家族所控制。當南京國民政府建立後，青海歸順於國民政府之下，至1945年為止，中央仍無法有效將勢力滲入青海地區。本文主要運用臺灣史政機構所開放的檔案，尤其是《蔣中正總統檔案》，探討當中央面對各地方實力派的挑戰、追剿中共，以及日本的進逼時，如何看待青海這樣一個多民族的邊疆省份，並從大背景中，探究中央在處理青海問題時的決策過程與考慮因素；而青海又是如何面對與阻擋中央勢力的滲入，以維持自身的自主性。

在現代中國高等教育史的研究之中，大學與政治的互動是一大課題。中央大學在1930-40年代有「首都大學」之稱，不只有獨領風騷的學術地位，另一意義是位於首都，而成為各股政治力量互相角力的場合。國共戰爭時期(1945-49年)的中央大學，依然深受現實政治的影響。政府自1947年12月實行憲法，訓政時期的「黨國」體制必須轉型，一方面國民黨在校內的組織活動轉為秘密方式，另一方面政府逐步建立「動員戡亂」體制，以新的合法方式打壓左傾勢力。此外，中共在1949年4月進佔南京以前，雖然未能影響校務運作，但在中大學生間已經建立其群眾基礎，並配合針對左傾教授的統戰工作，往往能從學生運動取得很大的政治利益。 本研究在前人的研究基礎之上，提出四個問題加以討論。第一、比較國、共兩黨在校內的組織活動。第二、考察校長與教授的互動關係，包括國民黨派系對校內人事情況的介入。第三、討論學生運動的性質及其變化。第四、探討1949年的變局。冀望透過本研究，以國共戰爭為時間範圍，對於中央大學與現實政治的互動情況有所認識，進而掌握到現代中國高等教育史的一些特徵。

人類進入21 世紀，原本應是強調多元、協調、和平、進步的氛圍，但竟然就 在連第一個十年的一半都尚未結束，就爆發了即使是戰亂頻繁的20 世紀也難 得一見的大規模戰爭─伊拉克戰爭；當然，伊拉克戰爭有著基督教世界與回教 世界對抗的歷史遠因，也有著美國遭受911 恐怖攻擊的近因，但其所造成的影 響可能會牽動21 世紀。 伊拉克戰爭自然是眾所矚目的重大國際新聞事件，過去一向遭質疑國際觀不夠 的台灣媒體並沒有在報導此重大新聞中缺席，甚至，許多媒體還派出記者親赴 戰區傳回第一手新聞，加上新傳播科技的助力，從統計分析來看，台灣主要報 紙媒體在報導21 世紀頭一場戰爭中的表現，較過去為醒目。但本研究分析國 內3 大主要報紙媒體有關伊拉克戰爭的報導，並在相同的基礎上對比美國專業 新聞標竿與輿論領導品牌Washington Post，再納入事件行銷概念，希望能以更佳的高度、廣度、和深度上，探究國內報紙媒體報導國際重大新聞事件的作為。 / As it ushered in the 21st century, the world was supposed to enter an atmosphere that focused on peace, diversity, harmony and progress. However, in less than half of the first decade of the century, the United States waged a war on Iraq. The large scale of the war was even rarely seen in the 20th century that was frequently troubled by wars and turmoil. Of course, the centuries-old conflict between Christianity and Islam is one reason, while the terrorists attacks on the United States on Sept. 11, 2001 is another. The Iraq war could have a profound impact on the rest of the 21st century. The Iraq war received the attention of the media worldwide, including those in Taiwan that had often been criticized for the lack of sufficient international news coverage. Many media outlets even assigned reporters to the war zone in Iraq for the first-hand reporting with the use of new technologies. Statistics collected for this paper show that major newspapers in Taiwan have provided improved coverage for the first war in the 21st century than previous wars. This paper’s analysis focuses on Iraq war-related reports in three major Chinese-language newspapers in Taiwan and compares them with those reports in the Washington Post, a leading and influential U.S. newspaper. To provide a wide-scope and in-depth analysis, this paper also aims to discuss the role of the concept of event marketing in the coverage of major international events by news media in Taiwan.

語言是文化的一部分，反映出一個民族的歷史傳統、生活方式與價值判斷，呈現其獨有的世界圖景，並與其他民族有所區別。生活環境的變遷會影響人的思維模式與價值取向，兩次世界大戰是至今為止人類社會所進行最大規模、傷亡最為慘重的全球性戰爭，長期處在戰爭的緊張情緒狀態之下，人的內心變得脆弱敏感，對事物的認知與感受力更加強化並且具體。 戰爭對俄羅斯民族與文化的影響可以從文學、電影、音樂等各方面探討。歌曲是大眾文化之一，歌詞的語言精練，篇幅不長卻具有完整的意境，而且帶有旋律，容易廣為流傳。歌詞的語言能夠概括地表達歌曲的意境與氛圍。本論文希望能透過歌詞文本的詞彙與概念分析，建構出俄羅斯戰爭歌曲的語言世界圖景。 本論文從俄羅斯戰爭歌曲中的關鍵詞彙探討俄羅斯語言文化的重要概念：祖國、勝利、愛、命運、生死與幸福，除了可以具體呈現抽象的俄羅斯民族心智，以語言學習的角度而言，理解這些概念所構成的語言世界圖景有助於了解俄羅斯民族的語言與文化，更能有效掌握重要詞彙的運用。本論文的語料來自俄羅斯戰爭歌曲的歌詞，除可作為語言學習者與教學者的語言文化、歷史主題課程補充教材，對於翻譯領域以及字典編撰領域也提供進一步的思考面向，更可為往後探討不同時代、類型或主題的歌曲中之語言世界圖景的研究提供參考與對照。

任何地區、國家，無論發生自然或人為災害，事故一旦發生都有其共通現象就是「形成災難」緊急救援，爾後再依相關情況研判是為自然或人為災害，災情是逐次明朗，風災、水災、震災如此，其他災害亦是如此；當一個國家之「國土安全」面對不安定的情勢或緊急狀況下，無法阻止或處理、甚至於潛在持續惡化之重大變故，其國家之軍隊可證明國家有持續(恢復)政府功能運作之能力。這些「非戰爭行為之軍事行動」包含：災難援助、反恐怖主義行動、人道救援協助、環境保護、大規模支援反毒行動、環境許可下的撤僑及維和行動等。 我國現階段國防政策以「預防戰爭、國土防衛、反恐制變」為基本目標；另在強化全民防衛理念上，兼顧「國防安全」和「危機應變」考量，積極配合各部會整合，建構完整之機處理應變機制，於發生重大危機、事故或緊急災難時，在不影響國軍戰備、不破壞國軍指揮體系、不超過國軍支援能力範圍之原則下，於第一時間投入國軍的人力與資源，依法提供國家社會及人民必要的災難援助支援。 觀察國內過去幾次重大災害的救災行動，由於「國軍」最具組織性、紀律化、機動快、效率高的特性，能使救災的行動更快速又有效。然而，歷經921大地震、八八風災後，發現國軍執行救災因國內救災體系、法制的不完備，使得國軍救災的能力受限，無法發揮該有的效用；因此，政府從各層面深入檢討，完成了一系列的精進措施，在馬總統出席民99年國軍重要幹部研習會時指示：「災害防救」是國軍中心任務，國軍要「超前部署、預置兵力，隨時防救，防災重於救災，離災優於。」在之後的幾次颱風來襲期間，國軍超前預置兵力有效降低災損發揮了相當的效果，也顯示出國軍遂行災害救援的重要性。 綜上，提昇國軍災害救援能力，符合國防政策基本方針，亦符合政府施政目標，確保人民生命財產安全，國軍應持續強化執行非軍事行動能力，俾利確保國土安全。 / No matter what regions, nations, natural or manmade disasters, it will soon come with disaster rescue. After that, it depends on what kind of disasters. When a country cannot deal with the national security, the armed forces can prove that a country can run their government continually. These MOOTW include disaster rescue, counter-terrorism, humanity rescue assistance, environment protection, anti-drug action, approval evacuation and peace keeping. The Defense Policy of our country is based on war prevention, national defense and anti-terrorism action now. It also concerns about defense security and crisis reaction to strengthen national defense idea, and cooperates with other departments in order to build a whole crisis reaction. When the crisis happens, the armed forces will send people and other resources to help them without affecting national combat readiness, violating armed forces command system, and overloading the armed forces supportive ability. According to the law, it will provide assistance for the disasters. According to the major disaster rescue in the past, the armed forces can do it effectively because of their buildup, discipline and mobility. However, during the natural disaster of earthquake, typhoon, we realize that the troops and law on the disaster rescue are not good enough to cover all situations. The armed forces ability is also limited by the law, and cannot be effectively. After inspecting, the government finishes a series of solutions. During a major member meeting on armed forces, the President Ma said that disaster rescue is the main purpose of our armed forces. The military should deploy before the natural disaster, and prevent for the natural disaster all the time. Prevention is better than rescue. During some typhoon disasters, the armed forces follow the policy and do it effectively. It also shows the importance of armed forces when doing the disaster rescue. Above all, increasing armed forces ability on disaster rescue fits to our defense policy, the government goal, and also ensures the people and property safe. Tha armed forces should continue and strengthen the non-military action ability to ensure the national security. Key words: national security, MOOTW, armed forces, disaster rescue.

本文第一個研究目的，是解釋17、18世紀荷蘭「如何」（how）決定面對英國崛起威脅的策略。這裡指的策略不是短期單一政策，而是「大戰略」（grand strategy）。若將此問題抽離「荷蘭面對英國崛起」的背景，則本文命題便是：「一國崛起的過程裡，其他國家如何決定面對該國威脅的策略？」而本文第二個研究目的，即對此命題提出一套通則理論，該理論適用的「其他國家」包括原有霸權以及其他任何的大國與小國（本文稱這些國家為非崛起國）。然後本文將運用該理論解釋荷蘭面對英國崛起的個案，藉此初步驗證該理論。 　　本文理論認為，非崛起國會採取「抗衡」（balancing）或「順從」（bandwagoning）策略，取決於其對國家利益的界定。首先，非崛起國國內行為者的偏好與實力，將因非崛起國和崛起國在國際體系中相對位置的變化，以及兩國間的互動而改變。接著，非崛起國國內的政經制度與行為者的合縱連橫，會影響各行為者能否有效向「國家」（state）施壓。最後，非崛起國的國內行為者與國家將在正式政策場域中議價，決定對國家利益的界定。之後，非崛起國執行經由國內政治過程選擇的策略，於國際層次與崛起國進行新階段的互動。 　　根據本文研究，本文理論確實能妥善解釋17、18世紀時，荷蘭的對英政策由抗衡到順從的轉變。也因為荷蘭面對英國崛起的個案，能類比當代各國面對中國崛起時的種種政經問題。故以此個案初步驗證的本文理論，應可運用在當代中國與其他國家關係的發展上，包括台海兩岸關係的發展。

新戰爭趨勢下的空海軍事作戰硏究: 以美中軍事競爭爲例 / By announcing ‘pivot to Asia’ policy in 2011, the 2nd Obama Administration is moving U.S. strategic center of gravity to East Asia-western Pacific area. Inter alia, U.S. is intensively deploying its conventional military forces on this area in order to check China emerging regional military power by its sustained economic growth, and ‘Air-Sea Battle’ concept is mentioned as a background of the military disposition. This battle concept is now interpreted as a thing to counter-act Chinese expansionists’ maritime strategy has been constructed since 1980’s for regional extension of influence in military. Received much attention from military academia, the Air-Sea Battle concept is recognized as a regular operation doctrine derived from superiority in military technology has dominated war fighting styles of the U.S. military forces for a long time as well as the military has put stress on it by itself and conservative military professionalism. However, war was just a repeated event tackling enemy’s weak points through unthinkable war patterns in terms of its mean and way, and especially the war patterns served a golden opportunity for the weak encountering the strong enemy. Meanwhile, the military cannot adapt to changes seasonably signed its own death warrant and recent asymmetric warfare between regular forces and irregular ones in Middle East shows that point suitably. In the respect, this thesis will identify critical but neglected threats on the Air-Sea Battle and will search for its limitations while expecting China’s spectrum of war at the comprehensive and multi-modal level.

1982年4月2日，阿根廷入侵福克蘭/馬爾維納斯群島，震驚英國朝野。時任首相的柴契爾夫人在4月7日成立戰爭內閣，並決定出兵奪島，不到三個月的時間，英軍於6月14日克復福克蘭/馬爾維納斯群島，阿根廷戰敗，聯合軍政府總統加爾鐵里下台。 柴契爾夫人的領導風格揉合法理型及卡理斯瑪式的支配型權威，以及轉換型的領導方式，在處理這場危機時掌握快速反應及賦予危機定義的要領，指出阿根廷入侵已危害英國的基本利益，一面派遣特遣隊開赴戰場，同時以外交談判方式拖延掩護特遣隊行蹤。阿根廷駐軍雖是以逸待勞，但軍隊指揮調度的反覆埋下戰敗的禍根，軍政府想要移轉國內焦點的動機並未如願，反而加速本身的崩解，開啟民選政府的扉頁，阿方辛成為戰後首位民選總統。 英國在戰爭之後有意與阿根廷恢復正常的外交關係，與90年代阿根廷梅南上台後以發展經濟為主的外交政策不謀而合，在主權保護傘的前提下共同開發與勘探油氣。但到了2001年德拉魯阿上台後一改外交政策，強調阿根廷擁有福克蘭/馬爾維納斯群島的主權，歷經多位總統至今仍維持一貫的基調。而英國自2010年國家安全戰略報告發表後，確立保障該群島島民安全與自決的權利，促成2013年島民決定政治地位的公投，結果是壓倒性的贊成票決定仍由英國管轄，英阿爭議依舊紛擾。 / On 2 April 1982, UK was stunned with the news that Argentina had invaded the Falkland/Malvinas islands. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher set up the war cabinet rapidly at 7 April and decided to dispatch the military to take the island back. In three months, the British military recovered the Falkland/Malvinas islands on 14 June, Argentina was defeated, President Leopoldo Galtieri stepped down. The leadership of Thatcher was composed of legal-rational authority and charismatic authority, as well as transformational leadership. When she faced the crisis she realized the essentiality of the fast-reaction and make-a-definition-to-the-crisis, so she accused the invasion had undermined the Britain's interest and dispatched the armed forces to the battlefield, at the same time used diplomatic negotiations to cover up the military actions. On the other hand, Argentina's military had the advantage of having the island under their control, but the advantage was undermined with the change in command, which eventually lost the war. The Junta not only failed to shift the focus of the society, but also dug its own grave. After the collapse of the Junta, Raúl Alfosin the elected president, and started a new era of Argentina. After the war, the UK intended to normalize the relationship with Argentina. That coincided with the diplomatic policy of President Carlos Menan in the 90s, whose main focus was developing the economy. Under the sovereign umbrella, UK and Argentina cooperated and exploited natural gas and oil in the sea surrounding the Falkland/Malvinas islands. Until 2001 Fernando de la Rua was elected and changed the diplomatic policy to emphasize Argentine’s sovereignty over the Falkland/Malvinas islands. That policy was consistently upheld by several presidencies afterwards. Nevertheless, with the promulgation of the "National Security Strategy", UK assured to safeguard the islanders' safety and the right of self-determination. A referendum was facilitated in 2013 on the Falkland Islands. An overwhelming 90% of voters chose to remain as UK territory. The dispute is still unsettled.