十三世紀初，蒙古民族以武力躍登世界舞台，其兵鋒所及，無不當之披靡。後人對其 震爍古今之武功，都抱持濃厚興趣，是以鑽研者眾；然各家學者在探討蒙古軍戰略戰 術時，常忽略蒙古軍的後勤補給，也很少有探究蒙古婦女對蒙古軍隊貢獻的學者；筆 者深覺這兩部份不應被忽略，乃本著普通盤瞭解蒙古軍作戰方法和探討蒙古婦女貢獻 兩個目標著手研究。本研究以鐵木真被推選為成吉思汗起至窩闊台汗逝世 (西元一二 ○六至一二四一年) 為研究範圍。全文共分六章，約十萬言。 第一章為緒論，本章將本研究的動機、目的、範圍、研究方法及蒙古社會特徵，時代 背景等，略作說明。 第二章為大蒙古國的戰略，本章分三節說明蒙古國建立力量，創造有利形勢，以及因 勢用力的原則。 第三章為蒙古軍隊的戰術，戰術是實現各層戰略目標的方法；本章分成野戰戰術、功 城戰術、心理戰術等三節，說明蒙古軍的各種戰術。 第四章為遠征作戰的後勤，本章分成四節，就蒙古軍對戰地物資，各種人力資源，後 勤基地等運用方式論述，探討蒙古軍各項支援建軍與用兵勤務的方法。 第五章為戰爭中蒙古婦女角色的探討，本章分成四節，分就蒙古婦女在生產物資，補 充兵員，管理俘虜和領導軍事等方面的工作，闡述蒙古婦女對蒙古軍隊的貢獻。 第六章為蒙古軍戰爭方法的檢討，本章分成三節，分就蒙古軍作戰成功因素，及其負 面作用作一檢討，並對其影響蒙古民族後代之處，加以闡述。

近來，由於詐領人壽保險死亡保險金之情況甚為嚴重，使得政府及保險人不得不對人壽保險人免責事由之規範加以留意。而此亦為本文撰寫靈感來源。 故本文乃試從保險法及保險學之角度，對人壽保險人免責事由之意義及內容加以界定，進而於提出各國立法例後，探究目前我國人壽保險人之法定免責事由，並以人壽保險單示範條款為意定免責事由之中心，探究相關之法令規定。 對於人壽保險人免責事由之主要問題乃出自保險法第一百零九條及第一百二十一條，雖現行人壽保險單示範條款第十四條之規定亦源自於此二法條而來。然而，對於其中之爭議點，人壽保險單示範條款仍未加以解決。此外，本文亦兼論有關戰爭、內亂及其他類似的武裝變亂和核子反應造成之損害，保險人是否得以免責。 最後，對於前述之問題，本文建議除了從我國保險法第一百零九條、一百二十一條、第三十二條之內容加以修正之外，亦可從保險犯罪防制中心之成立，進行危險控制之工作。 / Defrauding death benefits of life insurance has become more and more serious recently, so the government and insurers must keep their eyes open about the liability exception of life insurers. This is also the inspiration source of this essay. This essay tries to describe the definition and contexts of the liability exception of life insurers from the insurance law and insurance theories points of view. After bringing the cases and laws in different countries forward, the writer will proceed to the next step: to investigate into the statutory liability exception of life insurers; and then, to center on Model Provisions of Life Insurance Policy, studying the related regulations about the exceptions or exclusions of life policy. The main issues of the liability exception of the life insurers arise from Sections 109 and 121 of the Insurance Law of R. O. C.. Although the Model Provisions of Life Insurance Policy S.14 also came from these rules, the main issues still remain unsolved. Moreover, this essay will also discuss about whether or not the insurers should be liable for the insurance events caused by the wars, civil strifes, other armed forces and nuclear reaction. Finally, this essay suggests amending the Insurance Law of R.O.C., S.109, 121, and 32 to solve the issues mentioned above as well as establishing the Crime Prevention Center of Insurance Institute to carry out the work of risk control.

「情報」與「決策」存在著高度的密切關係，「情報」正確而及時則相對提高「決策」的正確性；反之，則降低「決策」的正確性。但同一個「情報」對不同的個人而言，會產出不同的「決策」結果，此即是「決策」不僅與「情報」有關，亦與個人的「認知」條件有著密切的關係。 　　因此，本文透過孫子兵法「情報」與「決策」的關係，架構出孫子的決策邏輯與位階性，再以此建構出情報決策「象限理論」，企圖系統性地解釋「情報」條件與決策者「認知」條件的複雜關係，並藉由第二次美伊戰爭的決策過程作為例證，說明導致決策錯誤的重要因素。並由「象限理論」中第一象限區域，及美伊戰爭決策缺失中，檢討並演繹出「國家安全決策新思維」，文中指出一個專業且中立的情報機關，除了要提升情報信息的客觀性外，更要避免、改變決策者先入為主的錯誤認知。經由本文所提出的「象限理論」、「決策方程式」、「個案分析」、「國家安全決策新思維」，將有助於瞭解並加速決策產出的質量與效能，進而有利於優質決策的產出。 / There is highly relationship between intelligence and decision-making. The correct and on time intelligence will make a good policy; but the wrong or slow intelligence will make a bad policy, on the contrary. The same intelligence for different individuals will result in different decision-making, which means decision-making has high relationship with intelligence and personal cognition. For this reason, this article constructs The Quadrangular Theory of Intelligence and Decision-making based on The Art of Sun-tzu theory, to explain the complicated relation between intelligence and personal cognition, as well as to state the important factor which leads to the wrong decision-making in the Second Gulf War. This article also point out an important concept: the professional and intelligence agencies will not only improve the objectively intelligence, but also will avoid policymaker's prejudiced cognition. The Quadrangular Theory of Intelligence and Decision-making will help to understand the whole situation and accelerate the high quality and high efficiency decision-making process.

赫爾曼．梅爾維爾(Herman Melville)的小說《白鯨記》(Moby-Dick, 1851)以其極富深度的思維吸引著讀者，並將捕鯨船上的生活百態萌發為哲學領域的思考。《白鯨記》富有多重意義的特徵使之不乏多面向的解讀，其中若以「海上旅行」作為分析的視角切入，《白鯨記》的成就將益加彰顯。《白鯨記》體現了旅行者如何因心態的不同影響其感知，在伊息默爾(Ishmael)所重述的故事中，以「遇見他者」(encounter the other)的論點觀之，能夠促進存在於伊息默爾與亞哈船長(Captain Ahab)之間相異處的瞭解。自兩者身為彼此殊異的旅行者的對比中，探討旅行者是否真實地「遇見他者」與經歷轉變的過程，本論文將伊息默爾視為能夠真實「遇見他者」的旅行者，亞哈則因其狹隘的復仇心態導致他無法獲得「遇見他者」的機會。 　　緊接著檢視不同旅行者的探討後，對於旅行者更深層的審視將以德勒茲(Gilles Deleuze)與葛塔力(Félix Guattari)的「游牧理論」(nomadology)進行推論，從游牧推衍的概念如：「戰爭機器」(war-machine)與「國家機器」(the State apparatus)，適以處理由伊息默爾、亞哈船長與莫比．迪克(Moby Dick)所構築的關係維度。以啟迪於游牧學的反抗思維進行分析，使得亞哈的捕鯨之旅不再僅是被動地受對莫比．迪克的仇恨牽引，更是蘊藏著亞哈本身具備的能動性。游牧理論能夠開展無法以偏執狂(monomaniac)化約亞哈的特質，讓對亞哈追逐莫比．迪克的解析更形豐富，亞哈不僅具備「國家機器」的控制作為，也擁有「戰爭機器」的抵抗能力。此外，本論文更援引德勒茲與葛塔力的「變成動物」(becoming-animal)理論藉以瞭解亞哈與莫比．迪克之間可能的（變成）關係，「變成」(becoming)理論的應用並非強調外在型體上的相似，而是闡述亞哈身處與莫比．迪克居中關係內所經歷的非形體轉變，亞哈透過「逃逸線」(lines of flight)的模式，使之身處「變成莫比迪克」(becoming-Moby Dick)的進程，藉以顯示其強烈欲望的能量流動。 　　總體上，本論文旨在將「游牧」與「變成」理論的特質帶入《白鯨記》的文本中，產生進一步的對話空間，能使讀者從僅視《白鯨記》為單純冒險式的捕鯨敘事中進入「游牧思想」體現的思辨過程。 / Herman Melville’s Moby-Dick (1851) captivates readers with its exuberance and renders the experiences of shipboard life into a source of philosophy. Moby-Dick bears manifold characteristics worthy of exploration. Among the multiple entries into the literary research, Moby-Dick’s achievement becomes evident when being analyzed from the perspective of sea journey. Moby-Dick manifests how a traveler’s mind-set influences her/his perception along the way on the sea journey. In light of encounters with the other, Ishmael’s recounted narrative assists in the understanding of the distinction between him and Captain Ahab as different travelers. The contrast between Ishmael and Ahab concerns whether they really encounter the other and undergo transformation. This thesis considers Ishmael as a traveler who really encounters the other while Ahab keeps his one-track mind-set on his revenge, which halts the chance for his encounter with the other. Following the examination of different travelers, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s nomadology would be applied to further the reading of travelers. The triangular dimension among Ishmael, Ahab and Moby Dick is interpreted with the concepts derived from nomadology such as a war-machine and the State apparatus. Mainly focused on the power of resistance highlighted from nomadology, Ahab’s whale hunt deserves more attention to mobility rather than to the passiveness channeled by his revenge upon Moby Dick. More than what the monomaniac can show, the theory of nomadology would potentially enrich the analysis of Ahab’s pursuit of Moby Dick. Ahab plays both a role of the controlling force like the State apparatus and a role of the resisting power like the war-machine. Besides nomadology, Deleuze and Guattari also employ becoming-animal to suggest the possible inspirational resonance between Ahab and Moby Dick. Instead of an emphasis on the physical resemblance, “becoming” sheds light on the incorporeal transformation which Ahab undergoes within the in-between relationship with Moby Dick. Through his “lines of flight,” Ahab has been involved in becoming-Moby Dick to assert his energy flow out of the intense desire. Overall, this thesis aims at generating more dialogue by bringing nomadology and becoming in the context of Moby-Dick. This incorporation would allow readers to consider Moby-Dick as the manifestation of Deleuze and Guattari’s “nomad thought” rather than as a mere whale-hunting story of adventure.

本論文旨在探討俄羅斯外交政策之動機與推動因素，文中以新古典現實主義做為研究架構，並結合了體系層次因素（自變項）及個體層次的中介變項（如：領導人形象和戰略文化）。本論文所探討之時間軸橫跨1991至2014年，重點著重於以下兩研究案例：2008年南奧塞提亞戰爭及2014年克里米亞危機。針對此兩研究案例，作者使用「過程追蹤」和「歷史敘事」的研究方法，以驗證體系與個體層次因素對於俄羅斯外交政策的影響。 分析結果印證了新古典現實主義的主要假設：俄羅斯在相對物質權力提升的情況下，會同樣地擴大外交政策行動上的野心與版圖。雖然由第一個研究案例可得知，所謂的體系修正因素（如：地理位置、限制/允許因素、和體系明確性）對於俄羅斯介入喬治亞的決策有著重要的影響。而第二個假設提到，「總統普丁選擇設計、校正、調整策略上的選擇，反映文化上可接受的偏好，以維持國內的政治支持度」這個說法也已經被印證。本研究分析顯示，體系因素和個體層次中介變項對於2008年介入喬治亞及2014年併吞克里米亞的決策皆有影響。整體而言，當分析一個國家的外交政策時，新古典現實主義確實是個強而有力的架構，但作者也深知仍有進一步研究的必要。 / This thesis aims at contributing to the debate on the motives and drivers of Russian foreign policy. It uses neoclassical realism as an enhanced research framework which combines systemic stimuli (independent variable) and unit-level intervening variables such as leader images and strategic culture. The work investigates the period from 1991 to 2014 with focus on two case studies, namely the Russo-Georgian war in 2008 and the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014. This two case studies use process-tracing method and historiography to test the effect of systemic and unit level factors on the Russian foreign policy. The analysis has confirmed the main neoclassical realist expectation that an increase in the relative material power of the Russian Federation will lead to a corresponding expansion in the ambition and scope of Russian foreign policy activity. Although, especially the first case study showed, that the so called systemic modifiers, such as geography, restrictiveness/permissiveness and systemic clarity had significant effect on the decision to intervene in Georgia. The second hypothesis stating that, “President Putin chooses to frame, adjust, and modify strategic choices to reflect culturally acceptable preferences to maintain domestic political support” was also confirmed. The analysis has shown that both systemic stimuli and unit level intervening variables influenced the final decision to intervene in Georgia in 2008, and to annex Crimea in 2014. Overall, neoclassical realism proved to be enhanced and a useful framework for analyzing foreign policy of a state. But the author is fully aware that a further research is needed.

當前主權國家仍是人民利益的最高集中表現，亦是人類歷史發展形成現代文明的主要標誌，這事實命題預告著主權國家的功能與地位，在國內與國際之間的中介重要性。概括地說，研究西方國家的理論與方法，構成了認知現代文明標準的途逕和框架，對於邁向現代化國家的參照體，實有具體的模仿對應。環顧國際社會，對於西方國家所建立的現代文明，具有潛在挑戰性或威脅性的最大變數應屬中共，即強調有「中國特色」的因素，在於中共與國際接軌的同時，亦是「麻煩製造者」的產生，特別是在冷戰後的中共所代表的意義與影響。 　　從兩極格局瓦解所開啟冷戰後的新歷史時期，中共益顯自信對於「時代問題」的預判。換言之，強調「經濟因素」在國際層面上，是主導國際政治格局未來發展的關鍵力量，憑藉著槓桿原理將國家由邊陲位置轉向至核心地位，在制高點透過規範機制予以設計出有利於中共的國際政治、經濟新秩序。而在國內層面上，「經濟因素」亦是共產主義理論再創新的活力源泉，專注於中共治理的主權國家內部範疇，並保證共產黨執政的最大績效與人民的滿意度。構成了當前中共以共產主義中國化的本質，卻採取西方國家的市場經濟制度，即在綜合國力逐漸提升之際，西方國家深信地認知「中共崛起」的相對意義，卻是「中國威脅論」的序幕開始。 　　本文運用「認知途逕」去分析中共的世界觀，據以觀察其對國際形勢的變遷，是由於中共內因作用的影響，來理解中共的對外思維，實係有別於西方國家的世界觀，此部分亦說明了雙方結構性矛盾之所在。特別是在冷戰後的中共，在國際政治格局轉換的期間，表現出對於國際機制積極參與者和建構者的旺盛企圖，譬如以國際政治權力和利益的水平分權化為原則的多極化格局推動，認知是中共朝向大國之林的外交奮鬥目標。又例如2001年中共成為「世界貿易組織」第143個會員國，代表著中共經濟地位的戰略轉變。這是在中共與西方國家互動行為的歷史經驗積累，所得到「實力政治」的總結，使得中共在冷戰後的整體表現更傾向是現實主義的維護者。 / The thesis contends that an understanding of the effective and significant intermediate role of sovereignty both in the national and international relations. Sovereignty is not only the most advanced development of collectivity, but also the reform process of the modern civilization. The importance of this research is brought into focus by recent changes in broader economic and social reform programmes, political decentralization and reforms in China. By 1978 China was ready for major shifts in political and economic policy. Hong Kong had become essential as a vital source of foreign exchange for the Chinese economy. In addition, the return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally heralded the end of European extra-territoriality in China. 　　After the Cold War, China seems to be potentially regarded as a ‘trouble maker’ in western societies. Unlike Russia, with the emergency of Chinese historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation, China has adopted a gradualist part-privatization policy based on ‘the characteristics of Chinese nationalism’, slowly opening its economy to the global economy while resisting democratic political reform. The thesis examines whether the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central apparatus. 　　In addition, China has succeeded in combining stability with political-economic change on the mainland. The thesis views the fact that China has drawn the increasing attention from international perspectives in the western world. With its confidence, Chinese government has predicted the epoch belonging to China in terms of the powerful economic growth at the turn of the century. Although the successful EU integration and such international factors as the strategic perceptions of the USA may partially determine the future of the configuration of world power, China has taken a special position on the establishment of diplomatic relations from marginal position up to the vital status. Moreover, by concentrating on the internal affairs within China, Chinese government could remain the authority and legitimacy of the communism party. Chinese communism party has adopted the western marketization (free marketing system), which is now implicit in the development of successful ‘China Rising’; meanwhile, it has the potential to be propelled by the powerful trends of globalization and policy reformulation transferred into the stage of ‘China Threatening’ in international relations. 　　In this study, the perceptive approach is the main research methodology in analyzing Chinese global perspective on the diplomatic development as well as the political economy and international diplomatic relations of transition in China. Clearly, this study includes an examination of the influence of the powerful economic growth on the reproduction of the communism party in China. With ‘backdoor privatization’ through opening up the economy and the encouragement of foreign direct investment and non-state owned enterprises in the form of township-and village-owned enterprises, the Chinese economy has undergone dramatic transformation during the past two decades. However, control remains firmly in the hands of the Chinese communist party. 　　The thesis concludes that, to broaden the horizon in the western community, after the Cold War, China has been active and proactive on the establishment of diplomatic relations with western countries, and China has a tendency to commit itself to the guardian of realism. For example, China became a party of the 143rd member in World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which formally marked the milestone of the Chinese economic power in the world. These consistent changes have indicated that China embarked on its open policy and the western community evolved into the major economic and political force in the world.

阿拉伯聯合大公國（United Arab Emirates, UAE）並非中東大國， 但卻是世界重要產油國及海灣國家合作理事會創會成員之一。其自 1971 年獨立建國以來，除有內政危機外，同時還需因應周遭強權摩 擦及區域衝突，這些挑戰均係其國家安全之威脅。然而，阿拉伯聯合 大公國在首任總統翟伊德（Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan）的領 導下，充分發揮其務實且具彈性之外交政策面對外來的挑戰，成功確 保國家利益及生存。 本文分析重點在於闡釋阿聯外交政策之特色及實踐，並探討影響 其外交政策之內外因素，以對其外交政策有完整概念。 / United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a small state in the Middle East. But it is an important oil exporter in the world and an initial member of Gulf Cooperation Council. Since the seven members of UAE federation was established in 1971, the UAE government has been spontaneously dealing with the internal political crisis, frictions between major powers, and conflicts in this region, which were crucial threats to its national security. Nevertheless, under the leadership of the first President, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the UAE government was capable to cope with these challenges with the practical and flexible foreign policy, and successfully safeguarded its national interests. The content of this thesis is first to analyze the features and conduct of UAE’s foreign policy. Then, how the internal and external factors affected the formulation of the policy will be followed.

欲瞭解一個國家的行為，就必須要瞭解這個國家的整體行為，而這整體的行為所表現者，即是「文化」。從戰略文化的研究途徑做一切入點，正可深入瞭解一個國家戰爭的行為，甚而可以預測未來戰爭的發生。而維繫國防安全的軍人自當對中共戰略與戰爭模式，應有相當的了解與認知；也希望藉著對戰略文化的瞭解，探照中共對外戰爭實例，探尋中共對外戰爭的模式，進而提供國防戰略因應對策，才不愧於自己的職責所在。 就中華民國的生存發展而言，海峽對岸的中共無疑是我生存發展的最大威脅，而兩岸在軍事武力的不對稱下，中共時時以「不放棄武力」，極盡挑釁之威脅，而台灣除了默默軍事備戰外，在政治，外交生存上，也只能低調回應，這也可看出中共武力對台已具有足夠的軍事力量解決統一台灣問題。目前兩岸之間最大的障礙是由領土主權爭議所衍生的問題，而領土主權問題又很容易引起戰爭，在這種壓力下，台灣將如何去面對，這是一門重要的課題。國內學術界對於兩岸關係的研究，多偏向政策方面而較少理論方面的探討，其實，藉由理論層面的研究而詮釋海峽兩岸互動過程與未來發展，有助於強化政策建議的內涵與深度，觀諸台海兩岸未來的安全發展，若能以戰略文化研究途徑，作為觀察的理論基礎，對於台海武力衝突的可能性，及中共對於使用武力的政治目的、手段與效用或許能提供新的詮釋與政策建議，由於潛在的戰略文化，會使決策者的戰略偏好及使用兵力解決爭議的傾向產生影響，因此，武力在未來台海安全的發展中，仍會是一個關鍵的重要角色，所以透過對中共戰略文化內涵的分析與掌握的研究途徑，進而對其軍事戰略與對外戰爭模式加以研究，期能深入瞭解中共在何種情況下，會不惜一切的以戰爭來解決問題，進而思考台海雙方在既有戰略思維下審慎避免誤判或誤認，讓動武甚至檫槍走火的意外情勢均不會發生；以提供吾人從事國家安全政策及國防戰略規劃相關人員參考研究與運用。 / In order to understand the behavior of a country, it is necessary to learn its behavior in a macro scale, and the representation of such behaviors is known as the “Culture”. From the strategic culture perspective, it provides an in-depth understanding of a country’s use of military forces, as well as the prediction of future wars. Especially for the military personnel who are the key to the national security, they shall have the understanding and knowledge to the People’s Republic of China’s initiation on wars; through the study of strategic culture, examples of PRC’s use of military power, research of PRC’s initiation on wars, I shall fulfill my duty by providing recommendation towards the national security strategies in order to protect the country. To the Republic of China, the PRC from the cross strait is the biggest threat to our country’s survival and development, under the unbalance of military power, PRC constantly provokes and threatens by stating “not giving up the use of force”. In contrast, Taiwan is much more low-profile in the military preparation, politics, and diplomacy. This is a strong indicator that the PRC’s military force has the capability and could to use its power to unify Taiwan. Currently the biggest obstacle between the two sides is the territorial dispute from sovereignty, and it is a subject that can easily trigger wars. It is an important subject for Taiwan to deal with under pressure. Many of the existing academic researches focus on the policy aspect and less on the theoretical perspective. In fact, through the theoretical interpretation of cross-strait interaction and future development can strengthen the content and depth of policy recommendations, and the future safety development. Through the use of strategic culture as the research methodology, it will identify the probability of cross-strait conflict, the PRC’s political execution of military power, tactics, and effectiveness. This strategic cultural perspective may provide new definition and policy recommendation, as it studies the decision maker’s strategic preferences and their tactics. Therefore, the military power plays a significant role in the development of the cross-strait safety, and by analyzing the PRC’s strategic culture and research of its military strategy and war mode, will provide in-depth understanding of the circumstances under which the PRC will stop at nothing to solve the problem with war, and to avoid misunderstanding or misinterpretation through the strategic culture from both sides. This will further prevent wars from occurred by accidents: hence, this national security policy and defense strategic referencing may provide values to be researched and utilized by the associated members.

本文探討1940年代地方文學書寫，藉由台灣與朝鮮對照呈現當時地方書寫產生的特殊背景：不同立場對地方書寫的期待、作家1940年代書寫時如何表現。藉上述的角度，試圖呈現殖民地地方書寫的意義。 殖民地文學中，捕捉在地特色、獨有風物的題材向來備受關注。1940年代更受日本帝國面臨發展困境，走向動員戰爭之路策略影響。使得文藝因應總力戰策動各層面投入戰爭，而背負增進帝國認同的任務。「新體制」與「大政翼贊會」的推行與成立，顯示當時精神統制擴大、也反映東亞協同、對抗西方文明的框架，將殖民地作為帝國外緣／前線的策略。地方特色的突顯與應用即受到這些政策與思維籠罩。 此時，殖民地文藝創作環境面對權力集中一元化，不僅創作語言受限、言論出版高壓管制；官方更積極介入文藝團體、舉辦獎項，加強國策宣傳。文藝創作空間、資源侷限下，新體制與大政翼贊會為殖民地文化界帶來發揮的機會。在地方書寫蘊含國民認同基礎、傳統根源等元素，既呼應政策對於國民文化，殖民地文化人亦可爭取活動機會。這一類書寫，最初以地方色、鄉土色展現地方特殊性的書寫為普遍認同，後隨戰爭國策要求提高，強調服膺日本精神、支援戰爭的內容。 殖民地這一波的地方書寫當中，題材、作品氛圍、敘事型態皆與以往略有不同。題材上，應和國策創作增加、探索傳統價值與批判西方、塑造道德模範反省文化的進程。作品氛圍與敘事型態上，揮去不見希望的氛圍，轉為明朗、健康、動人，更以人物或藉由回歸自然、致力生產、甚至參與戰爭找到生命的意義與希望。 本文即選取兩組作家作品為代表。呂赫若、俞鎮午運用風俗習慣、傳統禮節，表現殖民地特殊風貌，並以倫理、全體性角度肯定傳統價值。張文環、金史良以鄉土為基底，在堅毅樸實的生活中獲得力量。他們在地方書寫框架中，迴避國策密切相關的題材，書寫熟悉事物表現地方特殊性，運用風俗習慣、神話傳說、禮儀、信仰等表現殖民地的人文風景，並一改先前啟蒙的批判角度。這些書寫策略具有保存殖民地文化甚而是民族精神的可能，卻也在時空限制下與戰爭動員的政策意識有所呼應。在兩地的同中有異的書寫成果裡，也見證地方書寫的政治策略、多種意涵，在殖民地的空間裡延伸出更多迂迴與曖昧。 / This article tries to analyze local literature in Taiwan and Chosen, Japan’s colonies in 1940’s. First of all, by analyzing the form of mobilization under the Total War System in 1940, it shows the influence on Japan’s military operation and manipulation. On one hand, the authority made use of centralized management on politics; on the other hand, ideas such as Overcoming Modernity and East Asia Alliance Leader were offered to let people acknowledge the war and sacrifice for it. Through these concepts, the authority reached to the notion which based on the native for people to possess. Secondly, after the foundation of Konoe shintaisei(新體制) and Taisei Yokusankai(大政翼贊會), literature was asked to proclaim the war more strategically. At that time, under the limitation of the amount of paper, local literature in colonies was requested to write in Japanese and scrutinized by the government. In addition, the authority even established literature and art organizations and set up literary prizes to advertise the war. In this way, local literature not only answered the policy but also gave the chance of displaying colonial features to those authors. In the beginning, both the authority and most of the writers accepted the method of using local color to exhibit the colony, however, this method was applied to announce the Japanese spirit and support the war little by little. Under this circumstance, colonies changed the way of literary expression. There were more subjects which conformed the national policy, explored the value of tradition, and criticized the Western to reflect the advancement of culture and then create moral standards. It was the atmosphere of the literature that turned to be bright and cheerful. Moreover, narrative patterns were performed on the characters, such as returning to nature, devoting to production, finding meanings and hopes by participating in the war. This article represents local literature in colonies in 1940 by taking examples of two groups of writers. One of the groups ,which is represented by Lü He-ruo (呂赫若) and You Jin-Oh (유진오), utilized traditional customs and manners as distinguishing features in colony. Furthermore, from the viewpoint of ethic and totalitarianism, they tried to approve the value of tradition. Yet, on the other hand, Chang wen-Huan(張文環) and Kim Saryan(김사량) gained power from difficulty and arduousness in life through the background of rural places. Both of them avoided responding to the national policy in this kind of writing pattern. As previously stated, these writers portrayed what they were familiar with to show the feature in local places. Ranging from customs, practices, folklore, manners to religions were what the writers employed to illustrate the cultural characteristics in colonies. Besides, the viewpoint changed from the criticism of enlightenment. These kinds of writing devices with the hope of preserving local culture and even national integrity. However, it was the restriction on politics and the times made literary works echo with the authority’s ideology at the same time. In the view of Compare Taiwan with Chosen, difference in literary works were testified to show the various meanings from colonial strategies in politics and writers characters in the meantime.

俄羅斯聯邦是一個多民族國家，共有一百多個不同的民族生活在俄羅斯這塊土地上。這些少數民族有著自己的語言與文化，一有機會即想脫離俄羅斯獨立。尤其是車臣與韃靼斯坦這類文化差異較大的民族，一心渴望擁有自己主權。除了少數民族的獨立要求外，俄羅斯聯邦仍必須應付境內的地方主義聲浪。主要是因為俄羅斯的聯邦體制是由民族聯邦與區域聯邦結合而成的，境內有以民族為基礎的聯邦主體，同時也有以行政區域為劃分基礎的主體。 蘇聯晚期，俄羅斯總統葉爾欽為了與戈巴契夫爭權，喊出「你能夠拿多少主權就拿多少」的口號，各加盟共和國紛紛通過國家主權宣言，俄羅斯聯邦境內亦興起分離獨立氣氛。為了解決問題，葉爾欽於1992年3月與各聯邦主體分別簽署了3個聯邦條約，開始對中央與地方的權利義務關係作了說明。隨著政治情勢的變化，俄羅斯聯邦於1993年12月12日通過新憲法，明確的規範了中央與地方各自的權力，自此權力的行使有了依循的標準；1994年發生車臣戰爭，突顯出憲法無法解決所有問題，於是依據各主體需要簽訂的雙邊條約出現了，首先是俄韃條約，謂之「韃靼模式」。至此俄羅斯的聯邦體制大致完成。 俄羅斯聯邦體制的運作仍然存在許多問題，不論是在政治方面、經濟方面，甚或法律制度方面尚有不夠完善的地方。再加上地方主體的種類繁多，經濟條件、政治情況及文化取向差異甚大，影響著主體對聯邦關係的看法。因此要解決聯邦問題，就必須從制度上的缺陷及地方主體的態度來著手進行。 / Russian federation is a multi-national state, there are more than one hundred kinds of races. These minority races have their own culture and language, they desire to be independent from Russian federation, especially Chechenya and Tarstan. Besides independent demand, there still have localism in Russian federation. In Russian federation, there are two kinds of federal subject. One is ethno subject which based on races different from Russian, the other is territorial subject. Late years in Soviet Union, Russian president Yeltsin in order to struggle with Gorbachev, he said：“swallow what you can get”. Meanwhile, the Union Republics declare their sovereignty. The atmosphere in Russian federation is chaotic. To solve the problem, Yeltsin sighed three federal treaty with all subjects and define the right between center and subjects. Then 1993 passed the Russian Constitution, 1994 Chechen war exploded, that means constitution not suitable for every subject. Yeltsin decided to sign bilateral treaty with subjects, first one is Tartarstan Republic, called “Tartarstan Model”. Russian federal system still has several problems in politic, economic, and law, institution. Besides 89 subjects are so distinguished, their political condition, economic situation, culture are so different, all this affect their perception about federal relation.