• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 83
  • 78
  • 3
  • 2
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 84
  • 84
  • 35
  • 27
  • 20
  • 16
  • 15
  • 14
  • 14
  • 14
  • 13
  • 13
  • 12
  • 12
  • 12
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
51

美國對哥倫比亞的反毒外交-以哥倫比亞計畫為例 / U.S. war on drugs in Colombia-the analysis of Plan Colombia

魏佐安 Unknown Date (has links)
美國把毒品問題解釋成國家安全威脅,這種「安全化」毒品政策的結果就是美國決策者採取強制的外交措施來對抗毒品的威脅。美國的毒品控制方式總是忽略供給與需求的市場關係。而隨著冷戰的結束,美國國防部認為非法毒品已經取代共產主義的挑戰。不論用國家安全、反共或是掃毒戰的名義,美國相信她們有權利和義務去干涉西半球的事物。 美國所消費90%的古柯鹼和三分之二的海洛因都是由哥倫比亞生產的,所以美國與哥倫比亞一起合作打擊毒品走私。從1999年後,華盛頓和波哥大透過哥倫比亞計畫來降低毒品生產。雖然這個哥倫比亞計畫是由哥倫比亞政府發起的,但卻由美國主導修正、最後被美國國會接受。因此,哥倫比亞計畫是哥倫比亞的國家政策,同時也是美國的外交政策。 911事件後,華盛頓將「反恐怖主義」這個元素,帶進美國對哥倫比亞計畫的政策當中。這項政策援助哥倫比亞武裝部隊的軍事設備和軍事訓練,而這種援助卻導致了安地斯地區的軍事不平衡。哥倫比亞的鄰國和歐洲國家批評美國軍事支持哥倫比亞計畫,這表示美國加強軍事化來回應毒品問題。 由於哥倫比亞國家能力的衰弱,所以政治菁英們歡迎美國干涉哥倫比亞政府無法處理的衝突,好恢復國家的秩序。哥倫比亞統治階級跟美國的反毒和反恐戰爭,只會讓哥倫比亞越來越依賴美國去處理叛亂團體問題。而事實上,美國對哥倫比亞計畫的承諾,遠不只有反毒而已。哥倫比亞計畫是美國維護地緣政治和地區利益的一個工具。
52

從1990年代美國新軍事變革探討中共兵役制度的傳承與變革

于曉雯 Unknown Date (has links)
中共自上一世紀90年代後期迄今,頻密改革兵役制度,及頒布各式相關改革兵役制度的行政命令。本文旨在以現實主義的理論,透過軍事變革的研究途逕,探討1990年代以來美國新軍事變革對中共兵役制度的衝擊。 自從美國在1990年第一次波灣戰爭中展示其新軍事變革之初步成果,向世人揭示信息化的戰爭形態以來,世界各先進國家紛紛跟進。由於此波變革起源於信息科技導入戰爭作為,各項武器裝備、戰鬥方式的科技含量提高,因此實施變革的部隊較過去需要更多具高教育水準人員,來進行專業要求高的軍事操作;而這些部隊為減少同樣的教育訓練一再重複實施,亦多設法延長這些具專業技能的基層人員留營時間。基此,多數從事軍事變革國家改採募兵制,以滿足提高基層高素質人員比例和延長前述人員留營時間的建軍需要。 中共基於國家安全的考量,亦於1993年宣示開展軍事變革,並且為此積極進行軍事人才培養;惟在實施變革過程中,中共也曾透露,其每年例行的徵兵工作存在高素質新兵徵集困難問題,現行制度亦難以為部隊傳承重要經驗,影響軍事變革的實施;然而,何以中共未如其他多數實施軍事變革的國家一般,改採募兵制,而堅持在現有的兵役制度基礎上進行徵兵改革? 本論文認為,雖然中共的新軍事變革係取法美國,且亦如其他先進國家般,由於實施新軍事變革,需要更多具有高教育水準的青年進入部隊;然而以中共現行兵役制度觀之,其並不需要實施募兵制,主要原因在於,中共之兵役制度係依其國情特色制定之,雖異於其他國家,但具募兵制之特性,有利於組建高素質之部隊。上述假設命題,可以進一步解析為下列邏輯相關的子命題: 一、美國新軍事變革令中共瞭解,如再不加緊軍事現代化腳步,其軍事力量將與其他國家存在時代差,無法支撐其國際地位;加以美國自蘇聯解體後,多次對外提出中國為其潛在競爭對手之說法,對中共國家安全形成壓力,故而激發中共實施新軍事變革。 二、此波新軍事變革的主要內容是信息化。由於部隊歷經新軍事變革之後,其各項專業職務之科技含量提高,需要更多高教育水準之青年投入部隊接受專業訓練,並進行技術傳承,此一變化對原有兵役制度造成衝擊,故迫使中共修改兵役制度,以吸收更多高素質青年投入軍旅,成為保留軍隊經驗的技術骨幹。 三、中共的義務役士兵徵召方式,有別於我國的義務役兵役制度,其在士兵徵選上,含有嚴謹的淘汰制度,有助解放軍選擇合乎需求的人員進入軍隊;同時,士官選拔制度亦有利將熟於軍事技能的義務役士兵長時間的留在部隊。因此,可以說,中共的兵役制度實際上具有募兵制的特點,既可為部隊篩選優秀的人才進入部隊,亦有將人才留在部隊長期發展的功能。 / The P. R. C. has frequently reformed the national military service since the late 90s of last century, and promulgated executive orders for all kinds of national military service reform. This purpose of this study is aimed at exploring the impact of the new transformation of military affairs in the United States since the 1990s on the P.R.C. military service system in terms of realist theories and the military transformation approach. Since the First Persian Gulf War in 1990, the United States has shown preliminary results of its new transformation in military affairs to reveal the war formula of information technology to the world, and the advanced countries in the world have followed suit. This wave of changes originated in information technology integrated into the war as various weapons and military equipment and combat approaches, to improve the technological content. The implementation of military transformation needs more well-trained personnel to carry out the high standard of professional requirements of military operations than before, and these troops will also try to extend the service term for well-trained staffs to stay in the military service in order to reduce repeated implementation of same training courses. Based on this situation, most countries implemented the military transformation to the enlistment system to meet the requirement for primary proportion increases of highly trained personnel and extension of service term of the aforementioned personnel to stay. Based on the considerations of national security, the P. R. C. has declared to carry out transformation in military affairs in 1993, and to achieve this goal the P. R. C. has actively implemented military personnel training; while in the process of implementing military transformation, the P. R. C. has revealed difficulties in its annual military new personnel recruitment work for recruiting high-quality personnel. The current system can hardly let the troops pass on important experiences and therefore interferes with the implementation of the transformation in military affairs; however, why did the P. R.C., unlike most other countries, not conduct military transformation to change to the enlistment system, but insisted on the conscription reform of the existing system of military service? In this study, it argues that although the P. R. C. military transformation was learned from the United States, and just like all other advanced countries that implemented the new military transformation, the P. R. C. required more highly educated young people to enter service; however, the concept of the existing military service system in the P. R. C. does not require the implementation of the volunteer military service, mainly because the P. R. C. military service system is designed according to their national conditions and characteristics. Although different from other countries, this system has the characteristics of a volunteer military service, which is conducive to the formation of high-quality troops. The proposition of the above assumptions can be analyzed into sub-propositions for the following logic: 1.The new U.S. military transformation has led the P. R. C. to understand that if they do not step up military modernization and keep its pace of military power with other countries, they will be unable to stand their international status; additionally, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, United States has stated multiple times that the P. R. C. is its potential competitor, and this has put pressure on the national security of the P. R. C., and therefore stimulates the P. R. C. in the implementation of new military transformation. 2.The main content of this wave of new military transformation is information technology. The science and technology content of the troops’ professional duties have increased after new transformation in military affairs, and need more highly educated young people to join the service to receive professional training and proceed with technical heritage. The impact of this change on the original system of military service has forced the P. R. C. to modify its military service system, in order to attract more high-quality young people into service to retain the experiences of technical frameworks. 3.The P. R. C. conscripts soldiers in a way different from the conscripted military service system of our country. Their soldiers are selected with a rigorous elimination system to help the People's Liberation Army choose personnel that meet their demands; and the noncommissioned officer selection system is favorable to keep skilled conscripted soldiers to remain longer in the army. Therefore, it can be said that the P. R. C.’s military service system in fact has characteristics of a volunteer force for the troops to both select the best people to enter the forces, and the function to keep talented personnel stay in the service for long-term development.
53

後9/11美國反恐情報合作之研究 / A Study on the U.S. Counter-Terrorism Intelligence Cooperation After 9/11

過子庸, Kuo, Tzu Yung Unknown Date (has links)
2001年9月11日發生在美國本土的自殺式恐怖襲擊事件之後,當時的小布希總統堅決宣示展開全面性「全球反恐怖主義戰爭」(Global War on Terrorism)。美國不僅以其強大的軍事力量,對付支持及庇護蓋達組織及其分支的國家,也與各國合作共同打擊恐怖主義。由於這是一場與傳統戰爭迥然不同的鬥爭,因此美國反恐的策略不但依賴軍事武力,還必須透過政治、外交、情報、金融與教育等多元途徑,並靈活運用國際的力量,徹底打擊恐怖主義。其中情報工作在反恐戰爭中扮演著非常重要的角色,因為恐怖分子在發動任何攻擊之前,可能會有些徵兆,若在事先能獲得蛛絲馬跡的情報,就能夠防患未然並且將危機消弭於無形。 在國際方面,9/11反而促成各國的合作,美國情報單位在這場反恐戰爭中也被賦予重要的任務,將反恐情報合作的觸角伸向全世界各個角落。由於美國與各國的合作程度影響全球打擊恐怖主義的成效,故有必要對美國主導的國際情報合作進行研究。美國在國際間致力反恐情報合作之際,同時也對其國內情報機制進行改革與重整。因為9/11的發生,很多人歸咎於國內情報單位的失職,美國政府於是開始對其情報圈,展開自杜魯門總統於1947年7月26日簽署《國家安全法案》以來,最重大的改革。因此也有必要對美國在9/11後的情報改革進行探討,以瞭解美國在此事件後所進行的國內情報改革情形及成效。 / In the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks on the United States in 2001, the U.S. President George W. Bush launched the “Global War on Terrorism”. The U.S. has fight against countries that support Al-Qaeda and its affiliate with powerful military strength and cooperated with various countries on combat terrorism. This is a disparately untraditional war and consequently America’s counterterrorism strategy is multi-faceted that includes not only military but also diplomacy, financial action, intelligence, education, etc. Intelligence, in particular, plays a pivotal role in this war. Signs of terrorist threat may be discovered and attacks can possibly be prevented if intelligence agencies received information about the plots in advance. The September 11 attacks have facilitated bilateral and multilateral cooperation between countries in the globe. The U.S. especially undertakes great responsibilities in fighting against Al-Qaeda and its affiliates, and attaches strings to its counter terrorism cooperation around the world. Since the strength of the cooperative movement between the U.S. and other countries may affect the outcome of the global cooperation, conducting a study on the U.S.-led international intelligence cooperation is critical. While endeavoring to enhance international intelligence cooperation on anti-terrorism, the U.S. has conducted reform and adjustment of the domestic intelligence community. Owing to its intelligence failure on the September 11 attacks, the U.S. government initiated the greatest reform on intelligence mechanism since the former President Truman had signed the National Security Act of 1947. Therefore, study on and analysis of the results and achievement of the U.S. intelligence reform after the September 11 attacks is a must-do.
54

特種作戰部隊之運用:美中台個案研究

高甯松 Unknown Date (has links)
過去全球區域雖發生過多次大小無數戰爭,已顯示在未來強權爭奪戰爭中將趨於所謂區域性「低強度衝突」,19世紀末葉時,所有戰爭的65﹪均可歸類為低強度衝突,在1970年代,80﹪的戰爭都是低強度衝突,到了1980年代,更有90﹪的戰爭都屬於低強度衝突。過去的核武嚇阻固然充分發揮了其功能與效果,尤有甚者,各核子強權間之相互嚇阻更進一步阻止了此等強權中之某個潛在侵略者發動傳統性戰爭去攻擊另一強權。 其理由至為簡單,因為任何擁有核子強權國家亦恐懼其如對他國發動傳統性戰爭當會招致其核武之報復,進而提升為一場核武大戰。因之,在相互嚇阻與其他一些因素限制條件下,「低強度衝突」便成為未來國際間戰爭之基本模式。 由於國際戰略力量對比的重大變化,改變了「冷戰」時期打世界大戰的力量結構和戰略態勢,在新的形勢下,當今世界軍事形勢和各國軍隊建設正處於一個大變動、大調整的時期,世界各主要國家都在調整自己軍事戰略和軍隊建設的重點。美國仍處當今世界唯一的超級強國,其面對新的國際環境,除在國防和軍隊建設中一方面採取削減軍費、裁減員額、逐步縮小規模,另一方面則透過調整軍備結構、突出發展重點於加強質量建設 ,以不斷提昇其綜合競爭與實戰能力。美國為維護及擴展在全球各地的戰略利益,正努力發展應付未來可能朝中、低強度區域衝突的力量結構和作戰能力,並同時調整其軍事組織架構編組。環顧新的世界局勢,中共軍事專家曾認為,當前國際走向世界大戰之可能性已不大,惟世界各地局部戰爭和地區性武裝衝突將日趨凸顯因而面對未來新的國際秩序和亞太環境, 中共除了積極發展先進具有嚇阻作用的戰略性武器外,首要即建立一支有效投射兵力的快速反應部隊,以因應未來可能出現的區域性小規模、高強度的局部性軍事作戰行動,而其性質並兼顧反恐怖、反暴亂、反劫持等特殊任務。 本篇論文藉由美軍、中共現有特種作戰部隊組建、任務遂行過程及發展趨勢例證中加以深入探討,進而研析國軍特種作戰部隊於現代戰爭型態 、環境下,應如何扮演、建構一支具有相當特色之戰力。期使在未來台澎防衛作戰中,發揮應有作戰效能;進而能擔任應急作戰之快速反應任務,俾供防衛作戰中用兵之參考。姑且不論未來作戰模式是「決定性或壓倒性武力」,都是贏得植基於「武力對武力」與「消耗」模式的下一場戰爭構想與作戰兩方面的基石中。快速掌控在透過「震撼」與「威懾」之運用,以影響敵之意志、認知與瞭解,使之屈從或順應我方之戰略政策目標。由此可知,若能運用一支量小質精兼具特種作戰效能的部隊,快速提供且能立即控制整個作戰利益地區及擴大其周遭環境之能力。除能達成決定性與優勢戰場覺知兩項任務外,預期快速掌控亦當能以更為有效的方法達成所列述之政治或軍事目的,以支持動用之武力,致使敵人全然無力對抗。故放眼未來,為順應此一自然趨勢,特種作戰部隊將會更加活躍、更受重視,特種作戰部隊的建設亦是當前國軍精進案中不可忽視的問題。 關鍵字:特種作戰、特種作戰部隊、特勤隊、快反部隊、非正規戰、反恐戰爭、低強度衝突
55

甲午戰爭前日本的中國觀─以琉球、朝鮮問題為中心(1873~1984)─ / Japan's view of China before the first Sino-Japanese War -focus on the Ryukyu, Korea problem (1873~1894)-

羅仕昌, Lo, Shih Chang Unknown Date (has links)
日本自古以來便自外於中華朝貢制度,為東亞之異例。至明治維新後,中日兩國外交糾紛不斷。近代中日間最初之外交衝突為台灣事件。中國因此事件察覺到日本之野心,開始提防日本。其結果,反刺激日本國內之強硬論者,兩國開始步向衝突。日本面對中國此一大國,不論是作為競爭對手,或是侵略對象,開始積極關注中國政治發展之動向。特別在引發中日甲午戰爭的朝鮮問題上,日本著力最多。本論文想一探甲午開戰前日本人對中國觀點的變化。 當時日本發行多份報紙。各家報社有其不同政治立場,其社論亦各有趣旨。筆者認為由報紙研究日本的對中國觀點,確有其價值。因此,本論文主要使用之史料為明治時期之報紙,以學界先進之研究為基礎,想由新聞報導中找出當時日本之對中國觀,再將報導中的對中國觀與當時日本政府之對中國政策比較分析,藉以探究日本政府之對中國觀。 本論文之研究範圍由1873年起,至1894年甲午戰爭爆發為止前後共21年。清日修好條規並未為中日雙方帶來長久的和平,隨即兩國外交關係日漸惡化,到甲午戰爭之時互相敵視終至無法挽回。本論文之目的是想探討日本輿論、政府與知識份子從清日修好條規到甲午戰爭這段期間,他們對中國觀點之轉化,究竟對兩國關係起了什麼樣的影響;關鍵何在? / Japan was a unique state in East Asia because it kept away from the Chinese tributary system. Therefore, Japan had diplomatic issue with China after the Meiji Restoration. The first diplomatic issue was the Taiwan problem. After this affair, China noticed Japan’s ambition of oversea expansion and began to take keen interests in Japan’s ambitions. On the contrary, this result leads to conflict between both countries by the motivation of the Japanese domestic debaters. Consequently, Japan also viewing China as such a powerful country begun to observe it as a competitor or a target for invasion. Especially due to the Korea problem, which caused the first Sino-Japanese war, lasted for a period of over 20 years. And it is this situation and period that I want to conduct my research on by viewing the Japanese view of China during that period. A lot of newspapers were published in Japan at that period. And each one had different political positions and editorial intent. And I think Japan’s view of China as portrayed as in the newspapers of that time has its own value. So I intend to use the newspapers of the Meiji era as the primary source of historical material. And use the senior researcher’s study as background. I hope therefore, that I can find out Japanese view on China in the newspapers. In this case, I want to compare the newspaper’s view of China and the Japanese government’s view to analyze the whole Japan’s view of China. This thesis looks at the period from 1873 to 1894, which is from the treaty of amity between Qing Empire and Japan Empire to first Sino-Japanese war. Though a treaty has been signed, peace was still limited between the two countries. The two countries’ emotions to each other were getting worse and worse. Finally the two countries antagonized to a situation that could not be repaired. The purpose of this thesis is how the Japanese newspapers, the government and the highbrow’s view of China changed in those 21 years between the treaty of amity between Qing Empire and Japan Empire and the First Sino-Japanese war.
56

旺代戰爭與羅馬公教 / The Vendée War and the Catholic Church

林弘毅, LIN, Hong yi Unknown Date (has links)
法國歷史長期以來多樣性文化造成的地方特殊性,在旺代地區與羅馬公教信仰結合,成為宗教信仰與地方認同的綜合體——鐘聲文化。透過教堂與教堂的鐘,神職人員掌控居民的一切活動,創造與教堂密不可分的生活經驗,也以教堂為中心建立一個居民共享的文化空間。   法國大革命延續波旁王室追求中央集權與教權歸屬王權的目標,希望能夠創立全國性的國家認同,打破過去各地方獨立的地方特殊性,以及宗教干預政治的傳統,並將法國建構成一個想像的共同體。而在鐘聲文化之下,旺代則希望能夠維持地方情感,保護信仰,延續法國歷史上地方精神與中央精神的抗衡。旺代戰爭的意義在於突顯出法國並不是一個單一的概念,在法國一詞之下,包含的是各種各樣的文化與生活模式。   旺代的地方意識,顯現出法國歷史的延續性,並沒有因為革命發生而斷裂。而法國大革命所彰顯的國家認同,目的則在使法國能真正朝向一個民族國家前進,不再是分散的、對中央沒有依賴性的不緊密結構。延續與變遷,便構成法國大革命時期,旺代地區的認同糾葛。   本文所要探究的,即是從旺代地區在舊制度時期羅馬公教下鐘聲文化開始,進而探討大革命發生後,在旺代戰爭過程中,地方意識與中央集權的對抗,以及戰後國家認同的問題。 / In French history, cultural diversity influenced the identity of many different regions. In the case of Vendée, local identity, strengthened by the Roman Catholic Church, formed a special concept, which was described as “esprit du clocher”. The rhythm of daily life, as well as the general view of the world, was dominated by the church bell. Even after the French revolution, the French government followed the example from the ancien régime. They tried to replace this feeling of local identity with the spirit of a new nation. The general tendency of centralization continued. However, Vendée tried hard to maintain their long held approach. The Vendée War was a result of the cumulation of this tension. The outcome of this war proved that the new national identity was prevailing. In this thesis, the author wishes to examine the transition from the esprit du clocher to the esprit de la nation.
57

國家主權在全球化時代中的調適

賴錦傑, Lai, James Unknown Date (has links)
本研究的目的是要透過觀察威發里亞主權觀念的演進,以詮釋在先今國際體系中各主權國家應要如何行使自己的主權,如何看待他國的主權,才能在追求國家利益時,兼能維持國際體系的運作。威發里亞主權有其內部性和外部性,主權對其境內是一至高無上的權力,對外則不受他國之干預。本研究發現主權的內部性出現於三十年戰爭之後,但是其外部性則是落實在歐洲協調機制的出現,此時各國懂得唯有尊重他國的主權,才能維持國際體系的穩定。 威發里亞主權觀念在全球化的時代中受到了挑戰,各國爭相發展境外經濟,降低對境內經濟活動的管制,以爭取國際市場中快速流動的資本,支持國家的發展和生存。此舉雖不符合威發里亞主權的本質,但是主權國家為其生存,行使主權,做出決定,追求利益,正是威發里亞主權本質的實踐。惟有透過國家的作為,主權才得以表現出來,擁有存在的事實。因此,當一國在面對國家存續,維護國家利益,所做出讓度或分享主權的行動時,並非削弱國家的主權,反而是國家主權的彰顯。
58

一九五○年代反攻大陸宣傳體制的形成 / The Formation of the propaganda institution for Reconquering the Mainland in the 1950s

林果顯, Lin, Guo Sian Unknown Date (has links)
本論文從十九世紀末以來亞洲民族國家形成的脈絡,探討反攻意識型態在戰後台灣歷史的歷程中所扮演的角色,目的在探求戰爭塑造與國家建構兩者之間的關係。戰後台灣承繼了日本總力戰、中國抗日戰爭與動員戡亂等多重戰爭體制的影響,在「反攻大陸」的訴求下延續與強化戰時措施,作為在台灣建立國家的憑藉,也強烈形塑統治體制的特徵。在體制建構外,鼓吹人民支持的即為反攻意識型態,透過意識型態各面向的發展,中華民國政府賦予這場戰爭各種不同的意義,並逐漸找尋出不懼時間流逝、為何一直無法反攻的回答。伴隨著意識型態逐步完備的是宣傳手法的漸次純熟,藉由不斷地實驗摸索,反攻意識型態化為日常生活中無所不在的訊息與制度性措施,所依靠的是由軍方大幅介入、以戰時措施宣傳戰爭的方式。統治體制的性質與反攻意識型態的訴求與手法,反映了五○年代以戰爭為中心思考的策略,也代表著戰後台灣國家體制建立的特質。 / This dissertation discusses the role of the ideology of "Reconquering the Mainland" in the 1950s Taiwan from the context of the formation of the nation-state in Asia. The aim of this dissertation is to analysis the relation between war-making and state-making. Postwar Taiwan is conbined with several war systems, including the late Japanese colonization, the anti-Japan war system, and the system of Mobilization for Suppressing the Communist Rebellion. By the reason of "Reconquering the Mainland," Taiwan inherited and increased these war systems to build its state and make the type of rule. What the way to maintain the war system and encourage Taiwanese to support the rule is the propaganda on the ideology of "Reconquering the Mainland", and builing the propaganda institution for the ideology. Through the development of the ideology, the KMT government finded the resolution of time pass-by and the reason why the government can't reconquere the Mainland. And through the development of the propaganda, the ideology permeated in the daily life of the "normal" people. This dissertation also argues the role of the military in the propaganda institution. From the ideology, propaganda institution and the propaganda way, we can find the central role of the thinking of war, and the importance of war-making in the state-making in the 1950s Taiwan.
59

內戰下的上海市社會局研究(1945-1949) / A Study of Shanghai’s Bureau of Social Affairs during the Chinese Civil War, 1945-1949

李鎧光 Unknown Date (has links)
本研究以上海市社會局為主體,探討其從1945年10月至1949年4月間各項業務執行的情況及其市民生活的關係。首先從社會局的職權與人事談起,社會局最早成立於1927年7月,負責農工商業相關行業的註冊、處理勞資糾紛與相關統計。一年後職權增加了對人民團體和社會福利機構的管理,也負責各種度量衡器具的檢定,戰後再增加糧食管理及書報影劇審查兩項工作。就人事方面而言,社會局局長以吳開先在任的時間最長,同時他也出任市黨部的執行委員會委員。另外針對1948年社會局全體公務員的學經歷進行分析,發現49歲以下的職員占絕大多數,以學歷而言,超過半數的男性職員受過不同程度的高等教育,女性職員是以中學學歷者占多數,附屬機構的公務員則更年輕,學歷也相對較低。與戰前的社會局相比最大的特點在小學以下的成員大幅減少和隨著局長異動而大量換人的情形也不復存在。 本研究的其他部分皆與社會局如何執行它的職權有關,分為四大主題:(1)報紙、雜誌、通訊社審查;(2)電影戲劇審查;(3)調整工資及調解勞資爭議;(4)對人民團體的管理。 在報紙、雜誌、通訊社審查部分,共舉行了三次大規模清查措施,只有1949年3-4月的「報刊總清查」才有比較主動的抽查措施。在獲准發行的報紙與雜誌中有一個特點,就是越晚獲得許可的刊物轉呈次數越多,可見社會局沒有最終決定權。在沒有獲得發行的報紙與雜誌中,社會局常以「申請手續不完整」的理由(包括各種文字)讓申請案無法通過,數量上甚至多過發行後才被查禁的。 社會局對電影影片的審查是某種形式上的複審,重點是核對內政部發給的准演執照是否相符。劇團、票房和俱樂部審查強調的重點是表演內容,包括所有劇本、科白與節目流程都要申請核准方能表演。總計3202部電影中未通過審查的只有28部,凡是有墮落的、不符現實的場景與情節都會被要求刪減或修改。劇本審查方面,可能出於受戰爭影響無暇創作或比較容易通過審查,大多以重演舊的劇目為主。 工人工資的調整以市政府每月發佈的生活費指數乘上1937年6月的底薪為計算方式,與糧食價格互相比較,貨幣購買力逐確實漸下降,使得多數工人不足以養家活口,所以勞資爭議越來越多。而就勞資爭議進行分析,以有沒有發生罷工停業分為兩類,有罷工停業的案件有589件,沒有罷工停業的則有5521件。就行業類別來看,與上海的產業結構相符,以紡織業最多。從具體的個案討論中,社會局確實努力促成和解,但卻沒有能力預防與阻止勞資爭議與暴力衝突。 人民團體分為資方的同業公會、勞方的工會、與一般民眾的社會團體,三者的數量在戰後四年間皆有顯著的成長。從電影院公會的例子可以看出,公會與社會局爭執的焦點在票價的調整,還有公會也必須負責各種臨時性或經常性的賑災捐款。相關資料也顯示,社會局對於勞工福利設施推行不力,也無法控制工會基層組織,在那些被共產黨吸收的工會中,社會局只能在警察局取締之後,解散工會再加以重組,無法有效防止共產黨的滲透。社會團體的問題在於社會局僅僅做到登記的工作而無法加以有效的管理,即使是國民黨成立的團體也是如此。 整體來說,社會局在這四年的時間裡,雖然進行很多種的社會統計,也透過機關刊物向民眾進行法令宣傳,但被動的登記成效比較好而主動執行力不足,其中又以無法有效防止勞資爭議與積極管理各種人民團體為主要缺點。 / This thesis draws on archival data from Shanghai’s Bureau of Social Affairs (Shehui ju 社會局) to examine how this organization undertook its duties between October 1945 and April 1949 (the period of the Chinese Civil War), as well as its impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. Founded in July 1927, the Bureau was initially responsible for the registration of agricultural and industrial sectors, resolution of wage disputes, and compilation of business statistics. It was subsequently burdened with additional duties, including the oversight of civic organizations and social welfare institutions, examination of measurement tools, regulation of foodstuffs, and censorship of publications. The thesis begins with a discussion on the Bureau’s administrative structure and personnel. Director Wu Kaixian had the longest incumbency of all the staff members, and also served as a commissioner in the Executive Committee of the KMT’s City Party Office. In terms of the backgrounds of public servants who worked at the Bureau, the data collected indicates that in the year 1948 most were less than 49 years of age. Over half of the male civil servants had received various higher education degrees, while the most of the women merely had secondary educations. The staff members of the Bureau’s affiliated institutions were generally younger and had lower educational levels. The period covered by this study differed from the prewar years in witnessing fewer people with only preliminary educational background, while personnel changes became less relevant following the appointment of new Directors. The rest of the thesis centers on how the Bureau executed its authority and carried out its duties, with the subject matter being divided into the following four categories: 1) Censorship of newspapers, magazines, and news agencies; 2) Censorship of motion pictures and dramas; 3) Reconciliation of wage and labor disputes; 4) Governance of civic organizations. Three large-scale censorship campaigns involving newspapers, magazines, and news agencies were undertaken, but only the “General Censorship” from March to April 1949 witnessed proactive measures. In considering censored newspapers and magazines, it seems especially noteworthy that the latter publications were released more often than being transferred, which suggests that the Bureau did not have the authority to make final decisions. The reason given by the Bureau for banning certain newspapers and magazines from publication was usually “incomplete application procedure.” The quantity of such publications was even greater than those banned after publication. The Bureau’s process of re-examining motion pictures focused on the validity of licenses issued by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The criteria of censorship adopted by theatres, box offices, and clubs placed greater emphasis on performance content, including scripts, voiceover, and program rundowns. Of 3,202 movies examined by the Bureau, only 28 failed to pass, with discouraging and unrealistic scenarios usually being deleted or modified. Most of the adopted scripts were somewhat dated, perhaps due to wartime lack of creativity and productivity. The adjustment of the labor wages was based on the product of the government-issued monthly cost of living index multiplied by salary levels of July 1937. Against the background of rising food prices, purchasing power parity proved relatively low, which rendered blue-collar workers less able to sustain their families and sparked increasing wage disputes. Such conflicts can be categorized by whether or not they resulted in strikes, with those triggering strikes numbering 589 and those that did not 5,521. Like Shanghai’s overall industrial structure, the textile industry led others in terms of such disputes. The Bureau did intervene by trying to promote reconciliation, yet it failed to prevent such disputes and resulting acts of violence. Civic organizations included employers’ associations, labor unions, and ordinary social groups formed by citizens. The number of all three kinds of organizations increased significantly during the four years of the Chinese Civil War. As can be seen in the case of the Cinema Association, the major point of conflict between Bureau and the Association centered on adjustments of ticket prices and the Association’s assuming responsibility for all kinds of charitable donations on a regular or temporary basis. The records reveal that the Bureau was not serious about the welfare infrastructure for laborers, and proved unable to control the grassroots organization of the labor unions. The Bureau could not prevent the Communist Party from exerting increasing influence over unions, but did dissolve them after police crackdowns and then attempted to reorganize them. The main issue with these civic organizations was that the Bureau was only in charge of registration yet proved unable to manage effective mobilization, a phenomenon that applied even to those organized by the KMT. In conclusion, the thesis argues that during the four years covered by this study, despite the fact that the Bureau was able to compile extensive sociological statistics and disseminate rules of law via its publications, its ability to execute policy decisions turned out to be far less effective. Moreover, the Bureau could not effectively suppress labor disputes and mobilize relevant civic organizations.
60

解釋2008年俄羅斯與喬治亞戰爭:守勢現實主義的觀點 / Explaining the 2008 Russo-Georgian war : a defensive realism perspective

許仁昱 Unknown Date (has links)
2008年的俄喬戰爭是俄羅斯自解體以來第一次境外用兵,本文試圖透過守勢現實主義 ( defensive realism ) 的角度來解釋這一場俄羅斯的對外衝突。守勢現實主義國家的行為模式包括維持守勢現狀、對外尋求合作,因此得以處理安全困境難題,而在威脅等級過高時可能採取預防性戰爭來消除威脅。本文藉由守勢現實主義的觀點與行為模式來解釋俄羅斯的外交行為,透過檢視俄羅斯自解體以來的國家行為模式確立俄羅斯為守勢現實主義國家。再者藉由探討俄喬衝突中分離主義問題與俄喬關係中的矛盾以說明衝突的遠因與近因。最後探討俄羅斯在外高加索地區的利益與衝突以解釋俄羅斯在俄喬戰爭中的出兵動機。俄羅斯在解體之後的外交政策大多採取不衝突與合作的策略,隨著喬治亞的政權更替,俄羅斯對喬治亞的關係從合作走向以政策制衡,最後基於俄羅斯南部的地緣安全與北約東擴等等來自西方的威脅之下,俄羅斯採取了協助喬治亞分離地區的軍事行動來解決自身威脅。本論文認為俄羅斯不僅在2008年前屬於守勢現實主義國家,以守勢現實主義的觀點來看,俄喬戰爭更是一場為了應對歐美威脅的防禦性戰爭。 / The 2008 Russo – Georgian war was the first military action outside borders since the collapse of USSR. In this thesis, I describe the conflict using the perspective of Defensive Realism. The behavior of a state using a defensive realism perspective includes remain status-quo of defensive, seeking cooperation, therefore are able to manage the security dilemma. When the threat level is too high, a state using a defensive realism perspective may launch a preventive war to eliminate the threat. First, by examining Russia’s state behavior between 1992 to 2008. We are able to determine that Russia follows defensive realism behavior. Secondly, by studying the separatism of South Ossetia and Abkhazia in Georgia and the change of relationship between Russia and Georgia, we are able to elucidate the factors that caused the Russo-Georgian war. Finally, we explore Russia’s interests and threats in South Caucasus area that reveal the motivation for Russia the launch the counter strike against Georgia. Russia has tended to take the non-conflict route and cooperative strategy in diplomacy after Soviet-era ended. Due to the regime change in Georgia, Russia changed its policy toward Georgia from cooperative to containment. Finally, as the threat from the West rose and another round of NATO enlargement occurred, while it’s threating the geopolitical security of the southern border, Russia decided to launch a preventive war to assist the separatist states within Georgia. In conclusion, not only Russia is a defensive realism state, from the perspective of defensive realism, the 2008 Russo-Georgia war is a preventive war against the threat of the West.

Page generated in 0.0178 seconds