本文旨在探討選制變遷對立法委員連任所造成的影響。2005年，我國的立法委員選舉制度自「複數選區單記不可讓渡－封閉名單政黨比例代表混合制」改為「單一選區相對多數－封閉名單政黨比例代表混合制」，並且於2008、2012年實行已兩屆。針對新舊選制之探討甚多，惟聚焦於連任之研究則少見。 筆者關注新舊選制對於區域立委行為的影響，以及區域立委行為和選制本身的制度性因素，對於區域立委追求連任的影響。筆者認為，新舊選制將提供不同的選票經營策略，舊選制－複數選區單記不可讓渡制－不僅重視個人聲譽的培養，且經營策略也較多元，使得舊選制立委能透過不同的選票經營策略連任成功；但新選制－單一選區相對多數制－同時重視個人與政黨聲譽，對立委而言可能左右逢源，也可能顧此失彼。故新舊選制相比，由於新選制的政黨聲譽較舊選制重要，且新選制立委對於政黨聲譽的影響相對有限，使得新選制立委在選票經營策略上的彈性不如舊選制立委，而連任難度較高。 本文發現，由於舊選制提供立委多樣的立法生涯經營策略，立委可藉由建立同選區內立委間彼此之間的區隔性以確保勝選連任。但是在新選制之下，立委一方面需維繫個人選票，另一方面因為選制促成的兩黨對決，也同時需經營政黨選票，在選區的經營策略上缺一不可，為了累積過半選票，既要花更多時間在選區事務上，藉由選區服務討好選民，也要在立法場域中遵循政黨立場以保衛政黨聲譽，造成選區－政黨雙重經營的困境。使得新選制立委的選票經營彈性比舊選制立委低，增加新選制立委追求連任的難度。而在新選制下有許多立委，其所屬政黨在該選區中的聲勢較低，這些立委本來就不易連任，更由於低落的政黨聲勢，使得政黨立場與選區立場衝突的可能性又更高。這些立委即便花更多時間在選區事務上以求獲得更多選票，卻也無法棄政黨聲譽不顧。雙重經營的困境對新選制立委，尤其是選區中所屬政黨較弱勢的立委而言，是連任之路上的一大挑戰。

推究民主政治的源頭來講，民主政治根源希臘兩個文字：demo及kratica，前者意味平民，後者代表統治，兩者合一便是平民統治的政府。而在代議政治之下，要實現主權在民的方式就是透過定期選舉來決定政治領袖的去留，此種決定政治人物去留的過程也是一個簡單的課責行為。既然民主政治的內涵包括實現人民主權以及強調領導者的責任時，政府理所當然應為其所表現負起責任，並透過選舉接受人民的檢驗，這也帶出了政治課責「political accountability」在民主運作過程中的必要性。 過去學界在討論臺灣選民是否有選舉課責之行為時，多在探討投票抉擇與施政表現或經濟表現之間的關聯性，忽略了制度的重要性，從選舉制度的觀點上，不同的選舉制度會形塑出不同的政治效果，選民對於投票的對象也受限於選制差異的影響，課責行為當然也會有不同程度的差異，本文探討臺灣選舉是否存在選舉課責？而影響選民進行課責的選制差異有何不同？透過過去十年來的選舉經驗，瞭解選舉課責在臺灣現有的立委選舉制度之下的發展狀況。 本研究透過「二元勝算對數模型」來理解不同的選制之下民眾的課責行為之差異，研究發現根據選舉課責之定義，三種不同的立委選制都有明顯選舉課責之行為，且以政黨作為課責連結的投票方式，PR選制比SMD的課責強度更是明顯，在2008及2012都可以得到驗證；SNTV雖較不強調政黨間的競爭，但仍有明顯之選舉課責行為，但礙於資料限制無法與其他選制進行比較。換句話說，選制因素在課責表現上所造成的差異並不是「有無之分」，而是「強弱之別」。一致政府責任歸屬問題雖較分立政府明顯，但因台灣並無共治之經驗，課責的區分依然不明顯。

本文旨在研究政治人物或政黨的表現如何影響選民對立法委員進行選舉課責。課責是民主政治運作的重要基石，而選舉機制則是體現政治課責最直接的制度設計。現有選舉課責研究多數聚焦於行政首長的表現如何影響選民的投票選擇，以立法委員選舉為對象的選舉課責研究相對顯得不足，且這些研究或者是在舊選制的架構內進行分析，或是旨在探索選民的分裂投票行為，未見新選制下的選舉課責研究。 本研究以2016年新北市與臺中市的立法委員選舉為例，分析選民對總統、市長、政黨、政黨立委與區域立委五種層面的表現評價如何影響其立委投票對象。企圖了解選民是否真的會因為現任者表現不佳而投給在野黨、或因滿意現任者表現而投給執政黨？而當不同層面的表現評價發生衝突時，哪一項的表現評價影響力更大？並藉由兩個不同黨籍的直轄市長，來解析過去研究未曾在立委選舉研究中觸及的地方首長施政表現因素會如何影響選民的投票抉擇。 本研究發現，選民在區域與不分區立委選舉中均會以市長與區域立委的表現作為課責依據，而政黨立委表現評價僅對區域立委選舉有影響，政黨表現評價及不分區名單印象則影響不分區立委選舉，至於過去研究認為會影響立委選舉結果的總統施政表現評價，反而在統計模型中未達顯著水準。這樣的結果，除了立委與政黨本身表現在各自選票上的影響力外，更凸顯了地方首長的施政表現對於立委選舉的重要性，當總統與立委選舉合併舉辦後，立委選舉不再是總統的期中成績單，而是地方首長的期中成績單與現任者的期末成績單，被課責的對象包含了現任者本身（立委與政黨）與地方首長。這些研究發現與既有的研究提供一個重要的對照與補充，也希望這些發現能提供未來選舉課責與地方治理研究的助益。 / Accountability is the cornerstone for the operation of democracy, and election is the mechanism realizing political accountability. Most studies on electoral accountability focused on the influence of presidential performance at the national level while the influences of legislators themselves and local governments are less concerned.This essay explores how the performance of the president, the legislators, the local governments, and the political parties influence electorate’s vote choice in the 2016 legislative elections in New Taipei City and Taichung City in Taiwan. Political accountability is operationalized as voter’s performance assessments of the president, the legislator, the city mayors, and the two major political parties. It is assumed that an electorate will be more likely to vote for the legislative candidate based on favorable assessments of her party’s president, legislators, city mayors, list of at-large candidates and overall party performance. The study finds that the performance of city mayors and the performance of (district as well at–large party list) legislators have exercised significant impact on voter’s choice. Meanwhile, voters’ assessment of political parties and impression of party list candidate will influence voter’s choice in the at-large legislative election. As for the evaluation of presidential performance which has been widely discussed in the literature, this essay finds only limited impact. As the elections for legislator and president are held concurrently, the impact of the presidential performance is overshadowed by the performance of local executives. These findings provide crucial comparison and supplementation with the previous studies of political accountability and offer valuable references for the future study of electoral accountability and local governance.

臺灣公民團體監督立法院的行動並不罕見，早在1989年就有公民團體發起立委評鑑的活動，然而學界未曾對此做過系統性的研究。2007年公督盟正式成立後，自第七屆起，公督盟每會期結束後定期公布立委評鑑，引發民眾與不少朝野立委的重視，但也引起名列待觀察名單立委的反彈。本文有兩個層次的研究問題，首先，公督盟究竟如何做評鑑以及他們怎麼看立委評鑑這件事，本文除了分析公督盟的檔案資料外，也深度訪談其成員。公督盟做評鑑的目的希望為選民篩選出好立委，淘汰劣立委，也希望透過監督推動立法院更加透明開放。公督盟實際上在評鑑過程相當嚴謹，卻一直受到國民黨立委的抵制。然而，解決資源有限與強化質化評鑑是公督盟未來急迫的目標。 　　其次，什麼樣特質的立委較為關心立委評鑑？立委又是如何去看立委評鑑？為了解答本研究問題，本文使用質化的深入訪談以及量化的調查研究兩者混合的方法進行分析。在質化分析上，作者發現：國民黨立委普遍對公督盟持有敵意，民進黨立委則較為友善；此外，立委不分藍綠對評鑑指標過於量化表示不滿；同時，個人形象以及連任考量是影響立委關心評鑑的主因，因為選舉時可以加以宣傳政績；不過，立委評鑑看似使許多立委對立法問政較為積極認真，但不少立委卻是以做業績方式應付評鑑，諸如增加提案量、質詢次數以及高出席率等。而在量化分析上，統計模型顯示，區域立委、民進黨籍、重視立法問政、高教育程度以及女性的立委較為關心評鑑；而民進黨籍立委以及女性立委則較積極提供評鑑資料給公督盟；最後，立委關心評鑑的程度與其評鑑成績表現有正相關關係。總結來說，這些發現均說明了公督盟對立委的問政行為多少產生影響力，後續效應值得學界繼續追蹤研究。 / The NGO’s activities of supervision on the Legislative Yuan is not rare in Taiwan. As early as 1989, there were campaigns called “legislator-evaluation (hereafter ‘LE’)” held by a few NGOs. However, there are scarce systematic researches on it. In 2007, many NGOs allied into an alliance called “Citizen Congress Watch, CCW”. Since the 7th term, the reports of LE were regularly published by CCW after the end of each session. The reports of LE not only attracted the public and the legislators’ attentions, but also received serious criticism from legislators listed on the ‘watch-list’. This thesis has two levels of research questions: First level question is how the CCW conducts and treats the LE. I analyzed the archives and interviewed with the members of CCW to understand how and why they conducted the LE. The purposes of CCW are not only to filter out excellent legislators and to eliminate infamous legislators through LE for the electorate, but also to promote the transformation of Legislative Yuan to more transparency by supervision. Actually, the process of LE is rigorous, but the CCW still confronts the KMT legislators’ boycotts. However, under the situation of limited resource, it’s CCW’s urgent problem to solve and to reinforce the qualitative indicators. 　The second level questions intend to discern the characteristics of legislators more concerned about the LE, and how the legislators regard the LE. I combined the methods of in-depth interview and survey on legislators and their assistants. From the in-depth interview, I have several findings: First, because of suspicion on the CCW’s stand towards to the DPP, the KMT legislators are hostile to the CCW; in contrast, the DPP legislators are friendly to it. However, both the KMT and the DPP legislators are unsatisfied with the ways of conducting LE because it overly weights on quantitative indicators. In addition, the reasons legislators care about the LE is mainly due to their values on personal image and re-election considerations. Last, it seems that legislators had become more actively participating in the legislative process because of the LE. Actually many legislators purposefully cope with it by “upping grades”—the number of proposals, interrogations, and the attendance rates were magnified or boasted by the legislators. Also, my hypothses are verified. From the statistic model, it shows that district legislators, the DPP legislators, those who emphasize on legislative affairs rather than constituency service, and the females, are more concerned about the LE. Besides, the DPP and the female legislators are more willing to offer documents for LE to the CCW. In addition, there is a positive relationship between the degrees of legislators’ concern and their grades of LE. In conclusion, these findings imply that the CCW has more or less influence on legislators’ legislative behaviors. It worths conducting follow-up studies in the future.

自第七屆起立法委員減半為113席次，任期由3年改為4年，立法院已真正成為我國「單一國會」。隨之立法院的功能也就跟著大幅提升，所選出來的立法委員除了更具民意基礎之外，也得以充分反映民意和選民利益，同時隨著立法委員全面改選和席次增加後，除了依法編制的公務單位及行政人員襄助立法委員行使職權外，立法委員個人所聘用的公費助理人數較過去大幅提升，其能發揮的功能性，直接影響每一位委員的問政表現。 由於國會助理的聘期為一年一聘制，與立法委員同進退，因此，在非自願性離職的情況下，立法委員未連任或不再參選而離職的國會助理不在少數，另外也有因政治理念不合，或另覓更好的工作環境條件而自願離職的也佔大多數。然而第七屆立委減半後，直接衝擊最大的是近兩千名國會助理，面臨非自願性離職的失業潮，因此立法委員是否繼續連任，更是主要攸關助理們去留的命運。 本研究的主要動機，乃在於探討離職後的國會助理，在失去政治權力的環境下，應如何未雨綢繆做好生涯規劃？進而從非自願性失業的現象，深入探究國會助理制度的缺失。離職後的國會助理，從事哪方面的行業較容易得心應手？以及曾擔任國會助理工作的資歷，對轉業到底有多少的助益？將加以深入探討。 本研究目的主要是探討國會助理面對非自願性失業後，未來生涯規劃之情況；以及分析在失去國會權力光環的政治環境下，國會助理轉業後對目前的工作滿意；爾後根據研究結果，提供國會助理轉換跑道時之建議和參考。 本研究採質化研究之深度訪談法，總計訪談12位因委員未能順利連任當選第七屆立法委員，以致於非自願性失業的國會助理。經本研究結果發現如下： 一、雖有流動、不出委員範疇：第四屆至第六屆立委席次擴增為225席後，國會助理們會因為立委席次的增加，有多方面選擇委員辦公室的就業機會，因此助理流動率雖高，卻仍然始終在委員與委員辦公室之間流竄。 二、不適應者、回歸助理者眾：甚至有部分助理轉換至其他產業界後，在不能適應外界工作環境下，重返立法院繼續擔任國會助理工作的不在其數。 三、缺乏配套、助理權益難保：如今第七屆立委減半後，委員辦公室的選擇性減少，且由於委員辦公室助理流動率低，再加上立法院遲遲未能針對國會助理制度，訂定一套完整的配套措施，來保障國會助理應有的權益。 四、優勢蛻減、選擇不再戀棧：反觀之，在產官學界的工作條件（如：薪資、升遷、福利、教育訓練）優於國會助理的情況下，即使立委減半後，在僧多粥少的環境下，對於未來國會助理的評價與發展，仍抱持著悲觀的態度，助理們紛紛選擇不再戀棧立法院。 本研究根據研究發現，提出以下五點建議： 一、由於大多數國會助理認為此份工作並非長治久安，對於未來的生涯規劃，仍是需要按部就班的計畫。 二、卸任的立委諸公們，通常在自身難保的情況下，未能有計畫安排助理的出路，助理們只能自求多福，積極尋找適合何自己的下一個伯樂。 三、國會助理的行業雖不具有保障性，但在無形中所創造出自我的附加價值，將使其資歷在轉換其他行業時成為很大的助益。 四、國會助理所負責的工作內容複雜且繁瑣，可藉由工作接觸累積人脈，建立個人的人際關係。 五、未來可朝向「國會助理專業證照制度」發展，爾後再制定國會助理法治化之相關法令，來保障國會助理的權益，以提升立法委員問政。 / Legislative seats for the 7th Legislative Yuan were halved to 113 and the term was extended from original 3 to 4 years. The Legislative Yuan has ever since been the “Unicameralism”. As the congress is empowered in functions, the members of the Legislative Yuan will fully reflect the public’s opinions and voters’ interests. After the re-election and the increase in seats, aside from receiving help from the public service units and staff, the legislators also receive assistance from the increased numbers of publicly funded assistants. The function of those assistants will directly impact on the performance of the legislators. The term of assistants lasts one-year, and they lose their jobs if the legislators lose the re-election. The assistants who leave also include those whose legislators did not get re-elected or they themselves no longer are candidates of legislators, this leads to the fact that many assistants involuntarily leave their jobs. Those leave voluntarily might be because of the different political ideas or they seek for a better working environment. But the tremendous impact came from the unemployment of those nearly 2000 assistants who lost their jobs non-voluntarily after the 7th Legislative Yuan. The main motive of this study was to explore how those assistants plan for their lives after leaving current job. And from the phenomenon of involuntary unemployment, the study focused on the shortcoming of the congressional assistant system. It explored which industry was easier for assistants who left their jobs to enter, and how their career as an assistant can be useful for their next job. The main purpose of this study was to explore how the assistants plan for their lives after leaving the job involuntarily. It also analyzed the job satisfaction of the ex-assistants after leaving the congress. The research provided some suggestions and advices for the assistants who change track in their career. This study adopted the qualitative, in-depth interviews, in total 12 assistants were interviewed, who left their job involuntarily. The findings of this study are as follows: 1. The increase in seats to 225 provided more job opportunities for the assistants, though the turnover rate was high, the assistant still worked in one of the offices in the congress. 2. There are many ex-assistants who could not adapt to the external environment returned to the congress. 3. The reduction of members of congress and the low turnover rate in the office after the 7th Legislative Yuan requires a supporting measure to protect the rights of assistants. 4. The external working conditions were better than the environments in congress. There were many assistants who chose not to stay in the Legislative Yuan. For example, in joining the academic, governmental or industrial community, the salary, benefits, promotion and training are better than what is offered in Legislative Yuan. Based on the research finding, the following five recommendations were proposed: 1. Since most assistants consider their current job is not a long-term career, they should plan their life in a more careful, step by step manner. 2. The non-incumbent legislators usually do not have a plan for the assistants while their own jobs are at risk. And assistants need to search for the next job by themselves. 3. The intangible added value of being assistants while they worked in the congress will help ex-assistants to adapt their next job. 4. The assistants’ job description includes being responsible for complex and tedious works, which will help them to develop personal relationships and connections. 5. In the future, the “Assistant Professional Certification” should be established. Relevant laws concerning the assistants should be passed to protect the rights of the assistants and to enhance quality of policy decisions made by the legislators.