公益信託係以慈善、文化、藝術、宗教、祭祀或其他以公共利益為目的之信託，其形式所有與實質所有分離之架構及無基金門檻之限制，較能達到責信功能與便利設立之優點，故應可發展成非營利組織之重要型態；惟我國公益信託制度直到2005年年終，信託法立法已近十年，2001年修正通過的各信託稅法，明訂在符合一定條件下，捐贈者享有稅賦減免，且國內外文獻對公益信託制度亦多有介紹，何以國外可以發展蓬勃之制度，在我國卻遲遲無法推展？因此本文主要研究公益信託無法推展之原因，與如何推展公益信託制度。 本文除介紹公益信託法制，另舉財團法人與公益信託作一比較，此外，以個案研究實例，說明公益信託實務之運作，並探討公益信託整體環境之發展。 公益信託型態之非營利組職，何以至今尚未普遍設立，本文以為原因如下： 一、捐助者與社會大眾，仍習慣於社團與財團等型態之非營利組織，對於公益信託之設立、運作與功能較不明瞭。 二、因稅法規定，為享受租稅減免，則受託人必須是信託業法所稱之信託業，為其必要條件之一，因此委託人將有下列幾項考慮： 1、受託人(信託業)執行信託事務時，是否會與委託人設立公益信託之理想不 一致? 2、受託人(信託業)是否有足夠的事務經營能力? 3、不可諱言，亦有部份人擔心受託人係信託業，以致其監督機制較嚴，而影響其設立意願。 三、 我國信託業就公益信託之業務，尚於發展階段，而不具經濟規模，因報酬、人才及法律責任之考量，亦降低其承接意願。 四、我國傳統社會價值觀念的影響，即使捐贈財產成立非營利組織，仍希望有控制權，因此對於公益信託由受託人，管理或處分財產，較不能接受。 五、成立公益信託必須符合各目的事業主管機關頒布之監督準則及許可，增加設立公益信託之困難。 本文最後認為，公益信託設立無最低基金門檻、支出不受達收入百分之七十以上之規定、基金及收入無運用與存放金融機構等限制，以上簡便與彈性之優點，若能妥善運用，對整體非營利事業之發展應有助益，當然其並非取代其他非營利組織，而係提供從事非營利事業者，另一型態之選擇。 / Public trust has the following purposes: charity, culture, art, religion, sacrifice offerings, and other public interests. It is relatively more capable of achieving accountability and convenient establishment because its structure separates real possessions from nominal possessions and it doesn’t have restrictions on funds. Therefore, it is a potential fundamental form for non-profit organizations. To the end of 2005, domestic trust laws have been established for nearly ten years. Amendment of trust tax laws in 2001 has specified that under certain conditions donators are eligible to tax reductions. There have also been many introductions to the public trust system in domestic and foreign documents. How is it then that a flourishing system overseas can’t be implemented domestically? Therefore, this article studies the reasons that public trust has been unable to be implemented and how it should be implemented. This article introduces the public trust legal system and also compares legal foundations with public trust. Furthermore, it uses case study to describe the operation of public trust practices and discusses the development of the overall environment for public trust. This article believes that the reasons for the uncommon establishment of non-profit organizations in the form of public trust are as follows: 1. Donators and the public are more accustomed to non-profit organizations in the form of a corporation and legal foundation and do not understand the operation and functions of public trust. 2. According to tax laws, the trustee must be a trust enterprise defined by the trust enterprise act in order to enjoy tax reductions. Therefore, the client should have the following considerations: 1) When executing trust affairs, will the trustee (trust enterprise) have the same ideal as the client for establishing public trust? 2) Does the trustee (trust enterprise) have sufficient business operation abilities? 3) The willingness for establishing public trust is influenced by worries that the trustee is a trust enterprise with strict monitoring mechanisms. 3. Domestic public trust affairs are still in the development stage and don’t possess economic scale, considerations for return, personnel, and legal responsibilities have also lowered the willingness of clients. 4. Due to the values of our traditional society, donators wish to have control over non-profit organizations established from their donations, which is why they are unable to accept public trust which allows the trustee to manage and handle assets. 5. The establishment of public trust must conform to the monitoring principles of supervising institutions and be approved of, which increases the difficulty of establishment. Finally, public trust has no restrictions on minimum funds, how funds and income are to be utilized, if funds and income are to be deposited in financial institutions, and whether or not expenses should exceed seventy percent of income; this article believes that the development of the overall non-profit business should benefit if the simple and flexible advantages listed above are thoroughly utilized. Of course this article is not saying that public trust should replace other non-profit organizations, it is merely providing another option for those who wish to enter the non-profit business.

摘要 「祭祀公業」乃基於傳統習慣所形成擁有特殊性之「共有」，係以祭祀祖先為目的所設立之獨立財產。本文研究乃以祭祀公業條例第五十條規範過去所設立祭祀公業法人與現行民法成立之財團法人（宗祠財團法人）其設立目的及宗旨是否相同，又本條例針對過去設立之祭祀公業法人格之取得及未取得法人格時土地權屬應如何處理，及其條例規定衍生派下現員權屬爭議、及男女平權繼承是否妥當，予以分析祭祀公業權屬爭議問題。試圖從慎終追遠及延續傳統宗族舊慣的角度，以分析祭祀公業之權屬結構，盼能指出台灣從過去到現在實施清理祭祀公業政策之盲點，俾利政府實施祭祀公業清理制度的處理原則及法令修訂時的參考。 本文第二章有關祭祀公業及其相關規定之探討：就祭祀公業緣起、意義、制度沿革、派下的權利與義務及權屬爭議之解釋、判決、判例、規定加以彙整，並以祭祀公業之法律性質、派下員申報及登記、廢止解散等權屬問題之予以論述；第三章祭祀公業主體性問題之探討，首先是應探究祭祀公業共有法人所有之差異性；其次過去設立之祭祀公業法人格土地權屬之分析，另規範過去所設立祭祀公業財團法人（宗祠財團法人）之爭議問題；第四章以派下現員之清理、派下權與房份配置及祭祀公業之解散，並深入分析祭祀公業權屬爭議問題。 第五章結論與建議：第一、祭祀公業取得派下全員證明書後，依據私法自治原則及法律本質決定其權屬關係為「祭祀公業法人」，以符合下列祭祀公業原設立之宗旨。第二、祭祀公業依過去法令所設立宗祠財團法人，應准其辦理更名登記為祭祀公業法人，以符合祭祀公業之法律本質、設立宗旨及其主體性。第三、派下員之繼受取得應依設立時章程（鬮書）之約定；未約定時，則依宗祧繼承男子繼承為原則，女子繼承為例外。現存之祭祀公業，既係日據時期所設立，自應適用設立當時之繼承習慣。若為解決男女平權繼承的問題，而恣意以現代民法所規定之男女平權繼承概念予以清理，將導致產權複雜化及違背台灣先民設立祭祀公業慎終追遠之宗旨。第四、祭祀公業解散清算分配賸餘財產時應依設立時章程（鬮書）之約定；未約定時，則依舊慣以房份為原則，均分（推定均等）為例外。最後提出後續研究建議，首先，祭祀公業清理被編定公共設施用地者之財產權保障問題；再者，祭祀公業之資產委由「公益信託」管理之可行性；暨派下權之繼受制度如何定位以符合我國舊慣等，這些議題都值得深入研究。而本文期盼祭祀公業清理制度之實施，能明確界定派下員之權屬關係，以落實財產權之保障。 關鍵字：祭祀公業、法人、宗祠財團法人、男女平權繼承、鬮書 / Abstract “Ancestral estate” is a special, independent property of “joint ownership” formed by tradition and custom, whose purpose is to worship clan ancestors. This study intends to research the similarity of the purpose and objective for establishing the ancestral estate juridical person, governed by Article 50 of the “Statue Governing the Ancestral Estate” and the foundation (Ancestral Shrine Foundation), governed by the Civil Code. By focusing on the following issues: (a) Land ownership before and after acquiring corporate personality of ancestral estate; (b) Authority controversy between clan members; and (c) The appropriateness of inheritance equality between men and women, this study tries to analyze the authority structure of ancestral estate from the perspectives of “due sacrifice for the ancestor” and continuation of traditional custom of clan ancestor worshiping. The purpose of this study is to pinpoint the blind spot existing in the past and current governmental policy concerning ancestral estate so that the government may find useful reference in future implementation of relevant systems and enactment of regulations. Chapter two discusses the nature of ancestral estate and its related regulations: the origin, meaning, historic system timeline, rights and obligation of clan members, and the compilation of controversial interpretations, judgments, precedents, and regulation. Further discussion will also be given on the legal nature, reporting of clan member, and the authorities regarding the revocation and dissolution of organization. Chapter three discusses the subject matters of ancestral estate. Firstly, the difference between the juridical persons of ancestral estate is discussed. Secondly, analyze the land ownership of ancestral estate and regulate the issues existing in the ancestral estate foundation (Ancestral Shrine Foundation). Chapter four deals with the sorting out of clan members, share allocation of property ownership, dissolution of ancestral estate, and an in-depth analysis will also be given on the authority controversies. Conclusion and suggestion will be provided in Chapter five: (1) After acquiring staff certificate of ancestral estate, the ancestral estate shall be deemed as a “ancestral estate juridical person” in accordance with the principle of autonomy and legal nature of private law, to meet the following establishing objectives; (2) The ancestral shrine foundation established in accordance with past regulations shall be allowed to change name and registered as ancestral estate juridical person to meet the legal nature, establishing objective and objectivity; and (3) The inheritance acquisition of clan members shall abide by the terms and conditions set forth in the articles (book of property inheritance); in the event of no agreement is made, the principle of male inheritance in accordance with clan pedigree shall govern, with female inheritance as exception. The existing ancestral estate was first established in the Japanese occupation period, which was applicable to the inheritance practices of the time. If, in order to solve the inheritance equality problem between both sexes, the competent authority tries to sort out in an arbitrary way the current issue with the concept of modern Civil Code, it is bound to cause complexity and in violation to the objective of due offerings set forth by Taiwanese ancestors; (4) The ancestral estate shall set up articles (book of property inheritance) governing its dissolution, liquidation, allocation of residual property; if no agreement is made, it shall be based on pedigree as principle, with even distribution (assumed even) as exception. Finally, suggestions will be provided for subsequent studies concerning: Property protection regarding public facilities designated for the sorting out of ancestral estate; The feasibility of “public trust” management of the assets of ancestral estate; and how to position the system of inheritance acquisition in order to meet the national custom and traditional practices. The main purpose of this study is to realize the protection of property by giving a clearly defined authority of clan members through the implementation of sorting out system of ancestral estate. Keywords：Ancestral estate；Juridical person； Ancestral Shrine Foundation ； Equal inheritance of both sexes； book of property inheritance

當今績效評估已成為非營利組織中的核心管理議題。實施績效評估的首要之務就是訂定績效指標，藉由績效評估，非營利組織可以改善或提昇組織的績效或表現。本研究旨在建構教育基金會之績效指標，並瞭解實務工作者對績效指標建構與衡量的看法，期能提供教育基金會與相關主管機關之參考。 本研究以全國性教育基金會為研究對象，採文獻分析、專家效度、及問卷調查進行。首先，透過「教育事務財團法人績效指標建構調查表」整合專家意見，建構五大績效指標構面及28項績效指標；其次，訂定「教育基金會績效指標問卷調查表」，針對教育部評鑑績優及獲頒社會教育有功團體表揚的基金會進行調查。共計152份問卷，回收有效問卷計108份。 本研究經統計結果分析，發現基金會最重視組織的財務管理、服務品質及組織管理等構面，較不重視政府互動與網絡關係的構面；對基金投資之效率與效果（3,000萬元以上）、專兼職人員之職務發展與進修管道、與公益團體聯繫程度、政府政策受基金會影響之程度，以及依政府政策發展組織各項工作之程度等5項指標也最不被看重。另不同性別、職稱與非營利組織服務年資的填答者，以及教育基金會設立年限或類別之不同，對績效指標的重視程度無顯著差異，惟41歲以上填答者對組織管理的重視程度高於30歲（含）以下；基金規模在3,000萬（含）以下之基金會在網絡關係上之重視程度也比基金規模5,000萬至1億元間的基金會為高。 綜合有關發現，提出下列結論： 一、內部管理績效指標的重視程度高於外部影響指標，顯示非營利組織治理的重要性，以及財務管理是非營利組織募款責信之基礎，然仍不宜忽略組織的人力資源與組織的外部資源。 二、「中小型」基金會重視網絡關係，中壯年也比年輕人重視組織管理。 三、績效評估有其必要與重要性，惟應針對組織特性找到適當的指標，並讓受評對象充分知悉評估模式。 綜合上述結論，並提出下列幾項建議： 一、教育基金會方面： （一）為基金會永續發展，需重視管理觀念與管理方法。 （二）瞭解組織使命，擬訂具體策略與創新服務內容。 （三）加強人才培育，充分運用志工人力資源。 （四）擴大策略聯盟，加強資源連結，提昇組織績效。 二、相關主管機關方面： （一）設計質量並容具特色之績效指標，引領教育基金會績效之提昇。 （二）辦理業務研習、觀摩，以利專業知能提昇與經驗交流。 （三）提供友善網路環境，建立共同作業平臺，便利相關人員參考運用。 （四）表揚表現績優單位，擴大社會學習效果。 / Performance evaluation has become the core management issues in the non-profit organizations recently. It’s necessary to set the performance indicators before implement the performance evaluation. Furthermore, the non-profit organizations can improve or enhance their performance through the evaluation. This research is aimed to construct the performance indicators for educational foundations and to collect the opinions of indicators constructing and evaluating from the foundation workers. All the results will be shared to the educational foundations and related official authorities. The target of this research is the national educational foundations and will be performed by document analysis, expert validity, and questionnaire survey. First, to integrate expert advices through "The survey form to construct performance indicators of the educational foundations" and to set five dimensions of performance indicators and 28 performance indicators. Second, to collect the opinions from the foundations which assessed to be excellent or received award from Ministry of Education through "Questionnaire to survey performance indicators of the educational foundations". The total amount of questionnaires are 152 and 108 are considered as effective among them. By the statistical analysis, it appeared that foundations pay more attentions on the financial management, service quality, and organization management but less on the reaction and connection with government and foundations. In addition, the performance indicators of the efficiency and effectiveness of fund investments (30 million), the duty development and training or study of full-time and part-time staffs, contact with other public interest groups, government policy by foundation impact, and development organization's work in accordance with government policy are not taken seriously. Besides, on the emphasis of performance indicators, there is no obvious diversity between people fill in answering with different gender, professional title, and service period or foundations with different founding year or classification. But people fills in answering over age 41 take more seriously on the organization’s management than people under 30(inclusive). The foundations with fund size less than 30 million pay more attentions on the relationships than the one which fund size over 50 million to 100 million. To integrate the discovery, some conclusions are made as following: 1.The performance indicator of the internal management is taken more seriously than the external effect that underlined the importance of management in non-profit organization. It also means that financial management is the base of fundraising and accountability, but the human resources and external resources should not be ignored. 2.Foundations with small and medium size pay more attention to the relationship. The mature persons emphasized the importance of organization management than young persons. 3.It is necessary and important to perform performance evaluation. However, the appropriate indicators should be found for organization character and the way of evaluation must be explained clearly to the persons whom are taken evaluation. By the above conclusions, some recommendations are made as following: 1.Regarding educational foundations: (1)For the sustainable development, the foundations should put more emphasis on the concepts and strategies of management. (2)To correspond with the missions of the organization, foundations should develop strategies and innovative services. (3)To reinforce personnel training and to manipulate volunteers completely. (4)To expand the strategic alliance, reinforce links of resources, and to enhance organizational performance. 2.Regarding government authorities: (1)Designing the distinctive performance indicators with quality and quantity to enhance the performance of educational foundations. (2)Handling seminars or observations to increase professional knowledge and experience. (3)Providing a friendly network environment, establishing a common platform as reference for the related personnel. (4)Praising excellent units to expand the effectiveness of social learning.

我國自1959年12月運用美援資助，派遣第一個農業技術團前往越南協助其農業改良，因駐越南農業技術團工作績效良好，對增進兩國之外交關係有很大的幫助，政府乃於1960年實施「先鋒案」計畫，之後陸續成立「中非技術合作委員會」、「海外技術合作委員會」、「海外經濟合作發展基金管理委員會」，直到現今的「國際合作發展基金會」。 農業，一直在台灣經濟發展過程中扮演要角，更可說台灣農業發展成果為「台灣經濟奇蹟」奠定了良好的基礎。台灣地狹人稠，農業發展著重於技術創新，適時適地突破自然資源瓶頸限制，開啟了台灣的農業對外援助，是為台灣外交困境上一有利的突破手段。 台灣運用純熟的農業技術對外實施農業援助，派遣各農業援助技術團到各國家，藉以提升台灣的國際地位。本論文選取泰國、印尼此兩東南亞國家作一詳細論述，探討該種農業援助之過程和效果，並從歷史、政治、經濟等層面加以比較，並可藉此做為研究其他東南亞國家或其他地區國家之用。我國與印尼、泰國均無外交關係，透過農業援助的方式對於雙方之實質關係亦具有正面功能。 / Since December 1959, Taiwan took advantage of the United States Aid Funding to sent the first agricultural technological mission to help Vietnam. Due to the good performance of agricultural mission, it contributed to promote diplomatic relations between the two countries. In 1960, the government of ROC executed “the Operation Vanguard Plan” to help African countries, and then setup the Sino-Africa Technical Cooperation Committee (SATCC). Then in 1972, the SATCC was incorporated into the Committee of International Technical Cooperation (CITC). In 1989, the government established the International Economic Cooperation Development Fund (IECDF), and reorganized into the International Cooperation and Development Fund in 1996. Agriculture has been playing an important role in economic development in Taiwan, also lays a good foundation for the 'Taiwan economic miracle'. Taiwan is so densely populated, agricultural development focused on the technological innovation in order to break down the barriers of natural conditions. Agricultural aid opened up an unique way for Taiwan’s foreign relations. Taiwan applied the skillful agricultural technologies for foreign aid and sent agriculture technological mission to certain countries in order to enhance the international status of Taiwan. This paper selects two Southeast Asian countries, Thailand and Indonesia, as a case study, and tries to explore the procedures and effects of agricultural aid for using that to study the other countries and understand the advantages and disadvantages of Taiwan’s agricultural aid. Taiwan has no diplomatic relations with Indonesia and Thailand, but it gets a positive effects through such an agricultural aid.

1999年台灣發生九二一地震之後，中央政府為因應災後重建需要，制定「九二一震災暫行條例」，並依法設置「行政院九二一震災災後重建推動委員會」負責重建事項之協調、審核、決策、推動及監督。其次再將中央政府所收震災捐款設立「財團法人九二一震災重建基金會」，聘任政府相關單位代表與民間社會人士組成董監事會共同管理基金。 財團法人九二一震災重建基金會為一公設的財團法人（GONGO），成立之初主要功能仍是在配合政府施政，並未因面對地震應變而有所調整。然而2000年台灣進行50年來首次的政黨輪替，卻也意外地改變了基金會的組織型態，以「議題導向、主動規劃」成為基金會新的思考方向，並在此基礎之上展開策略規劃。 本文主要以「策略矩陣分析法」對於基金會所推動的住宅重建策略進行分析，並以政府所推動相對之住宅政策作為比較基準（benchmark），透過實務上的驗證分析，說明在一個創新的組織型態下，確實能更為有效地處理「公共」議題，同時為「公設財團法人」或是「行政法人」的角色找出新的價值與定位。 / Following Taiwan’s September 21 (921) Earthquake in 1999, the central government answered post-disaster reconstruction needs by drawing up the Temporary Statute for 921 Earthquake Reconstruction. On this basis it established the Executive Yuan 921 Earthquake Post-Disaster Recover Commission to address problems of co-ordination, policy approval and development, process advancement and overall supervision. In addition, it formed the 921 Earthquake Relief Foundation using donations received by the central government, while placing government representatives from applicable agencies as well as members of the public on a board of directors to manage the foundation’s funds. The 921 Earthquake Relief Foundation was a “government-organized non-governmental organization” (GONGO). Its main function at the time of its formation was to coordinate with the government in the implementation of policy, but it was not able to adjust its role in the face of new contingencies. In 2000, however, Taiwan’s first transfer of political power in fifty years unexpectedly reshaped the foundation. Its line of thinking became “issue-oriented and planning-proactive,” and on this basis it began to be involved in strategic development. This article uses strategic matrix analysis to investigate the residential reconstruction policy advanced by the foundation. With the corresponding residential policy advanced by the government as a benchmark, and using practical verification and analysis, it argues that an organization that has undergone change is indeed able to efficiently deal with “public” themes while at the same time seeking out new value and orientation in the role of a GONGO or the “administrative corporation.”

大部分的台灣援助研究討論台灣外交政策，沒有太多的研究是從受援者的觀點探討台灣的發展協助成效。本研究將檢視台灣援助的西班牙語學術論文， 選擇一個個案研究，並從事訪談，以中美洲的觀點來闡述台灣援助的成效。且將分析台灣的 外交援助，特別是財團法人國際合作發展基金會從1998年到2015年在中美洲的策略。本研究質疑由國際社會先前 對台灣在中美洲的金錢外交探索，相反地，本研究將評估儘管中美洲有貪污醜聞，台灣援助在中美洲仍是有利的原因。

大綱提要 研究之動機、目的及方法 論文組織架構及資料來源 台海兩岸在中南美洲外交對抗之回顧（三個時期） 1949-1970年（我退出聯合國前-敵消我長-友邦數比2：20） 1971-1979年（我退出聯合國後-敵長我消-友邦數比12：12） 1980-1989年（蔣經國執政時期及李登輝執政初期-敵長我進- 友邦數比18:15） 備註：1990-1999年（李登輝執政時期-敵我建交拉鋸戰-友邦數比 19:14） 我國與中南美洲友邦經技合作 背景緣起 組織機制 （1）1960年代-外交部拉丁美洲農業技術合作小組 外交部海外技術合作委員會（1968年） （2）1970年代-海外技術合作委員會CITC（1972年） （3）1980年代-海外經濟合作發展基金會IECDF（1988年） （4）1990年代-財團法人國際合作發展基金會ICDF（1996年） 合作項目 （1）1960-1980年代-農業（1963年起）、漁業（1974年起）、工業（1981年起）、竹工藝（1980年起）及昆蟲醫技（1981年起） （2）1990年代-貸款計畫（基礎工程建設、工業區開發、中小企業轉融資、小農貸款、人道貸款）、外交部政策性貸款及人道援助 經費來源 （1）1974年6月以前-美援及我政府配合款 （2）1975年會計年度起-外交部預算（駐外技術團經費、政策性貸款、人道援助） （3）1988年起-國庫編列援外基金（海外會及國合會貸款計畫） 合作策略 （1）1960-1980年代-傳統的農漁業技術合作 （2）1990年代- 擴大技術合作範圍（協助農業產銷、小農貸款、中小企業輔導與顧 問諮詢服務、海外服務工作團志工服務） 雙邊及多邊經濟合作（1991年CABEI會員國、1992年中美洲國家與中華民國合作混合委員會、1997年中美洲元首暨總理高峰會、1998年中美洲永續發展聯盟會員國及籌設中美洲經貿合作發展基金） 人道援助 合作績效 （1）1960-1980年代 政治外交層面-穩固8國傳統邦誼、爭取新興國家7國建交 經濟層面-1963年起總共派遣農技團23個、漁技團6個、竹技團2個、醫技團1個，至23國進行技術合作，協助當地農、漁業及竹工藝發展 （2）1990年代 政治外交層面-爭取尼加拉瓜復交、友邦支持我國參與聯合國、友邦歡迎我國加入中美洲統合體SICA 經濟層面-提供台灣成功發展經驗、7國中小企業轉融資貸款、 4國小農貸款、海地微額貸款、4國風災緊急紓困貸款、廠商赴友邦投資享有最優惠待遇、設立中美洲經貿辦事處、捐贈中美洲經濟合作發展基金、人道捐助 難題挑戰- （1） 援外經費不足（國合基金僅達預定額度1/3、技術團經費增加有限且人事費偏高、援外金額占GNP比例偏低） （2） 援外機制尚未完全明確建立（國合會成員架構不能反映民意監督功能、我國總體援外預算分屬不同部會或不同科目或隱藏在第二預備金內、援外支出缺乏民意有效監督、駐外使館浮濫運用援外資源） （3） 援外專業人才難覓（國外待遇誘因不大、聘期無保障、國內不願優秀農技幹部外調、駐地貧窮落後或戰亂、被民間企業以高薪挖角） （4） 友邦政府財力及基礎設施配合困難 （5） 廠商經貿投資未能配合援外政策 結論 經技合作--（1）效果：鞏固邦交、增進友邦的經濟發展、建立多邊的政經合作關係、突破中共外交封鎖 （2）影響經技合作成敗的變數：國際因素、中共因素、友邦國內政經情勢因素、我國國內因素 第一章導論 第一節研究動機及目的/3 第二節研究方法/4 第三節組織架構及資料來源/5 第二章台海兩岸在拉丁美洲外交對抗之回顧 第一節「敵消我長」時期（1949年-1970年）/9 第二節「敵長我消」時期（1971年-1979年）/12 第三節「敵長我進」時期（1980年-1989年）/14 第三章一九九○年代以前我國與拉丁美洲友邦經技合作概況 第一節經技合作的背景與緣起/19 第二節經技合作的組織機制、內容項目與經費運用/22 第三節經技合作的評估/39 第四章一九九○年代我國與拉丁美洲友邦經技合作策略之分析 第一節拉丁美洲友邦對我之重要性/51 第二節我國與拉丁美洲友邦經技合作策略之轉變/65 第三節李總統登輝先生的太平之旅與我國與拉丁美洲友邦之經技合作/88 第五章一九九○年代我國與拉丁美洲友邦經技合作之評估 第一節當前我國經技合作的組織機制/111 第二節我國與拉丁美洲經技術合作的績效/117 第六章我國經援及技術合作所面臨的難題挑戰/130 第一節援外經費不足 第二節援外機制尚未完全明確建立 第三節援外專業人才難覓 第四節友邦政府財力及基礎設施配合困難 第五節廠商經貿投資未能配合援外政策 第七章結論/159