This thesis examines the processes of the peace negotiations in Cambodia (1987-1993) and El Salvador (1989-1993) in order to address the following question: What does the interplay between the national factions and the external interveners in peace negotiations tell us about their chances of achieving their goals? By using the concept of ‘interplay,’ this study reinterprets the negotiation processes as the negotiating actors’ exchanges of strategic moves. In particular, it explores how the negotiating actors’ attitudes towards the core negotiation issues changed in the two cases and how the changes affected their counterparts’ negotiating strategies. There are two aspects to the findings of this thesis, one descriptive and the other explanatory. First, this study has investigated the characteristics of the negotiating actors’ strategies and the pattern of the interplay between them. As for the interveners’ strategies, this thesis finds that impartial third parties generally employ diplomatic intervention methods, while advocate states enjoy a wider range of options. In addition, national factions’ behaviour is generally affected by three factors: their fundamental goals, the domestic resources under their control, and the incentives or pressure from external interveners. It is also observed that the stronger the intervention becomes, the more that national factions’ provisional strategies are inclined to be receptive towards the intervention. Nevertheless, the national factions rarely fully accepted proposals that they deemed harmful to the achievement of their fundamental goals. Second, based on the descriptive findings, this thesis highlights the importance of mutual understanding between national factions and external interveners. The case studies of Cambodia and El Salvador show that the effectiveness of a particular intervention depends not so much on the type of method employed but on the context in which it is applied. An intervention is more likely to be effective when it is used in a way that national factions can understand and is supported by the consistently strong attention of external interveners. In addition, it is observed that actors’ ethnocentric perceptions on core concepts of conflict and negotiation as well as their lack of an effective communication capability are some of the common causes of the misunderstandings that arise during negotiation processes.

This study examines the debates on nationalism, terrorism and conflict resolution, and intends to identify, on the one hand, the reasons why and the instances in which nationalist discourses usurp the notions of political violence and present it as a legitimate option for opposing a State, and on the other, whether there exist circumstances where conflict resolution techniques and approaches can be useful in isolating terrorist discourses from the nationalist ones, without necessarily criminalising the latter. The study employs a critical and discourse analysis approach to explaining ethno-nationalist and terrorist phenomena, arguing that a contextualisation of the nationalist and terrorist objects of study is necessary in order to comprehensively analyse the relationship between the two, and the instances where the former gives rise to the latter. The purpose of the study is to develop a theoretical framework for the understanding of nationalism and terrorism as interconnected practices, and looks into ways in which conflict resolution can intervene and prevent the infusion of the two. In order to test this framework, the thesis examines the Basque conflict and discusses how the discriminatory practices of the Francoist dictatorship towards the Basques played a catalytic role in their acceptance of violence as a legitimate vehicle of pursuit of the nationalist aim of independence, and how the radicalisation of counter-terrorist practices after the democratic transition further distanced the civil society from both the State and the militant group. The study analyses the role of the Basque civil society, and how it became the primary actor in the transformation of the conflict by rejecting violent practices from both the State and ETA, while at the same time promoting a more civic aspect of the Basque nationalist discourse. This attitude allows the thesis to conclude that, contrary to theories of conflict resolution, the State can combat terrorism most effectively when it allies with civil society in the alteration of perceptions that perpetuate violence, but instead favour a strictly political approach to the pursuit of political objectives, like self-determination.

Les conflits dans les couples sont souvent perçus négativement et ayant un impact sur la qualité du couple et l'adaptation des enfants. En revanche, ce ne sont pas tous les conflits qui sont négatifs. En effet, dans un contexte où les parents utilisent des stratégies de résolution positives, les situations de conflits pourraient devenir un terrain d'apprentissage pour les jeunes enfants et leur permettent de réutiliser ces modèles afin d'être plus compétents socialement. La présente étude vise à évaluer le lien entre les stratégies de résolution de conflits conjugaux et la compétence sociale des enfants d'âge préscolaire en fonction du sexe du parent et du sexe de l'enfant. Les données ont été recueillies auprès de 160 familles ayant un enfant âgé entre 4 et 6 ans. Il s'agit d'un devis de recherche transversal. Les résultats montrent que les stratégies de résolution des conflits conjugaux des parents sont marginalement liées au niveau de compétence sociale de l'enfant, mais ce, uniquement pour le père. En outre, le sexe de l'enfant modère marginalement ce lien, les garçons étant plus compétents lorsqu'exposés au rapport élevé des stratégies positives du père. Une différence significative a été observée entre les garçons et les filles quant à leur niveau de compétence sociale, les filles étant plus compétentes socialement que les garçons. / In couples, conflict is often viewed negatively and affecting the quality of the relationship and children's adjustment. On the other hand, not all conflicts are negative. Indeed, in a context where parents use positive resolution strategies, conflicts can become a learning environment for young children and allow them to reuse these models to be more socially competent. This study aims to evaluate the relationship between marital conflict resolution strategies and the social competence of preschool children depending on the sex of the parent and the child's sex. Data were collected from 160 families with a child aged between 4 and 6 years old. This is a transversal research design. Results show marital conflict resolution strategies are marginally related to the level of social competence of the children, but only for the fathers. In addition, children's gender marginally moderate this relation, boys being more socially competent when more exposed to a high ratio of positive resolution strategies from their fathers. A significant difference was observed between boys and girls as to their level of social competence, girls being more competent socially than boys.

Avant-propos: La résolution de conflits s’est installée dans les cursus universitaires comme une discipline à part entière sinon comme une orientation au sein de plusieurs sciences sociales. En effet, ce champ d’étude fait de plus en plus l’objet de réflexions en sciences politiques, en sociologie, en anthropologie, etc, et ce, de par l’interdisciplinarité des questionnements qui en relèvent. Toutefois, la dimension religieuse, souvent considérée comme source de conflits, est quasi inexistante lorsqu’il est question d’approches de résolution. Nous nous proposons donc d’examiner la solha, une pratique proche orientale au sein de laquelle le fait religieux est une composante essentielle à la réconciliation escomptée. Note concernant la translittération: Les termes provenant de l’arabe feront l’objet d’une translittération phonétique basée sur le français. Notez que les translittérations en langue française sont différentes de celle en langue anglaise. Par exemple, le terme solha trouvera son équivalent anglais dans le terme sulha (d’où la différence d’orthographe entre le contenu de cette étude et les citations qui proviennent d’articles anglophones). De plus, notez que le genre (féminin, masculin) des termes translittérés reprendra celui de la langue d’origine, l’arabe. Ainsi, solha sera féminin, jaha aussi, etc… Finalement, pour des raisons de clarté, les termes translittérés seront tous en italique dans le texte. / La solha (« réconciliation » en arabe) est une méthode de résolution de conflits millénaire provenant du milieu tribal proche oriental. Bien au delà du simple règlement de litige, cette réconciliation vise à rétablir l’harmonie au sein des tissus sociaux déchirés. Habilitée à traiter toutes sortes de conflits, de la simple forme pénale aux cas criminels les plus complexes (cycles de vengeances et de vendetta), la solha s’est adaptée à des milieux très différents. La cause principale de son efficacité semble être l’universalité de ses principes fondamentaux (le pardon, la nécessité d’une réinsertion sociale du coupable, la satisfaction des victimes, etc.) ainsi que l’adéquation de ses rituels de réconciliation aux mœurs des populations qui la pratiquent. Ce mémoire cherche à approfondir notre compréhension de cette approche traditionnelle afin d’enrichir nos connaissances et moyens en termes de résolution de conflits contemporains. A cette fin, seront isolés les éléments fondamentaux qui font l’efficacité de cette méthode. Ceux-ci constitueront un modèle théorique minimal de la solha qui permettra d’entamer, à ce stade de l’étude, une réflexion quant à la possibilité de transposer de tels acquis à des milieux d’interventions nouveaux. / The sulha (“reconciliation” in Arabic) is a thousand years old conflict resolution method used in the near east tribal world. Far beyond a simple mediation, its objective is a solid reconstruction of the destroyed social network. Habilitated to deal with all kinds of conflicts, from simple penal cases to long lasting vendettas, the sulha process has proven its usefulness in very different social milieu. The most evident reason for this success has been its dual composition: fundamental principles that seem universal (forgiveness, social reinsertion of the guilty, satisfaction of the victims, etc.) and adaptive rituals that fit into people’s customs. This thesis seeks to enrich our knowledge and means in terms of conflict resolution by trying to reveal the mechanisms that make this method so efficient. The main objective is to compose a basic theoretical model of the sulha that would open a reflection about the possibility of transposing this model to new intervention contexts.

In this thesis I deal with mediation as a method of social and educational work. Due to their professional teaching practice is a mediation in schools, particularly at primary school. It also focuses on the issue of adequate use of mediation in solving problems and conflict situations. In the practical part of the thesis proposes a project that can be implemented at the elementary school Stoliňská. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This thesis investigates the European Union (EU) effect on the economic activity across the Green Line in the divided Cyprus between 2004 and 2016. The primary focus is on the development and implementation of the EU's Green Line Regulation (GLR), which regulates and enables such activity from three aspects: movement of goods, services, and persons. In tracing the EU effect, this thesis provides a critical appraisal of the GLR on whether it provides an adequate legal framework for the economic activity in those three aspects and the extent to which it has contributed to the development of economic cooperation between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities across the divide. The analysis also pays an equal level of attention to the extent to which the EU effect has been mediated by the factors at the domestic level: the roles of legal framework, ethno-politics in political elites, ethno-politics in civil society, and governance. The investigation of this study is pegged in two academic literatures. The first one is the Europeanisation debate, which concerns with the EU effect in the domestic affairs of countries associated with the EU. This thesis borrows three mechanisms of Europeanisation from this debate in order to test the EU effect on the three aspects of economic activity across the divide in Cyprus: i) institutional compliance, ii) change of domestic opportunity structures, iii) cognitive change. The second academic literature is the liberal peace, which it proposes that greater economic interactions and development of economic interdependence between countries facilitate resolution of their conflicts. The insights from this debate is utilised for conceptualising the EU's GLR as a liberal peace project. While Europeanisation is portrayed as a 'process', liberal peace objectives are seen as the 'ultimate destination', which the 'vehicle' of the EU's GLR will drive the island towards it. This thesis argues that the GLR has only achieved a limited success and largely failed to contribute to the development of economic cooperation across the divide in Cyprus. This is mainly because the Europeanisation process have been heavily mediated and negated by the design shortcomings of the GLR as well as the factors at the domestic level, which are inherently linked to the politics of division. In this context, this thesis aspires to make contribution in both empirical and conceptual terms. The in-depth and critical investigation of the GLR as well as of the economic activity across the divide in Cyprus provides a much-needed contribution to the contemporary politics of Cyprus, which has been largely ignored by the existing academic literature. Additionally, the conceptual framework developed in this thesis allows exploring synergies between the theoretical literatures of Europeanisation and liberal peace and combines them with examination of new empirical evidence. This focus captures insights on how Europeanisation can be used as a 'tool' for pursuing liberal peace objectives in contested statehood, beyond what has been researched so far and also provides a blueprint for other similar cases of conflict.

This thesis seeks to delineate what change in divided societies such as Northern Ireland is possible. Two steps are necessary to answer this question: first, to explain the potency of nationalism. I contend that taking the evolutionary history of humans and a human need to belong into account is essential for an understanding of A.D. Smith's ethno-symbolist approach to nationalism. We need to acknowledge that human beings emerged from small-scale settings and are therefore conservative beings who seek those patterns of familiarity that make up the ordinary ‘everyday'. They are also prejudiced beings, as prejudice helps to break down a complex world into digestible pieces. The ethnic state excluding an ethnic ‘other' is an answer to these calls for simplicity. By establishing an apparent terra firma, a habitus, symbols of an ethnic past and national present speak of nationalist narratives that provide a sense of ontological security. In (Northern) Ireland, ethno-national communities based on prejudiced understandings of history have long been established. In this second step I maintain that change that violates the core potent national narratives cannot be achieved. The Provisional IRA's change from insurrection to parliament became feasible because a radical break with republican dogmas was avoided. Sinn Féin, despite a rhetorical move towards ‘reconciliation', still seek to outmanoeuvre the unionist ‘other'. The history of Irish socialism, on the other hand, has been a failure, as it embodied a radical attempt to banish the ‘other' from the national narrative. Regarding ‘post-conflict' Northern Ireland, I argue for a peacebuilding approach that leaves the confinements of hostile identity politics, as these mass guarantors of ontological security possess only limited potential for relationship transformation. We need to appreciate those almost invisible acts of empathy and peace that could be found even in Northern Ireland's darkest hours.

L’apparition d’un acte de Justice régulé selon les règles substantielles et processuelles adoptées par l’État façonne la construction d’une véritable activité professionnelle attachée à l’acte de Justice étatique : il s’agit de la professionnalisation du juge. Durant un certain temps, la mission de Justice devient l’affaire du peuple avec la création des juridictions de l’ordre judiciaire composées de citoyens en totalité ou en partie. Cependant, plusieurs problèmes sont observés dans l’exécution de l’acte de Justice étatique par ces citoyens. Face à ces difficultés, la conception de l’exercice de la mission de Justice étatique doit être modifiée: celle-ci ne peut pas être considérée comme une simple occupation. Il s’agit d’une activité dont la complexité implique une approche professionnelle dans sa mise en pratique. Il en résulte la création d’un parcours formateur à l’attention de ceux qui souhaitent faire acte de Justice étatique et l’établissement d’un chemin hiérarchique à l’attention de ceux qui souhaitent faire carrière dans la magistrature. Toutefois, face aux évolutions de la Règlementation et de la Société, des faiblesses dans la représentation initiale de l’exécution de l’acte de Justice étatique apparaissent : l’acte de Justice étatique ne doit plus seulement être juridiquement cohérent avec un rôle judiciaire précis attribué à chacun. Il doit être également spécialisé et surtout rapide. Il s’ensuit une confrontation entre l’acte de Justice étatique tel qu’il est exécuté conformément à ces nouvelles exigences et les nécessités de la mission de Justice telle qu’elle a été initialement apprise par les juges. / The appearance of an act of Justice regulated by the substantive and procedural rules adopted by the state shapes the construction of a true professional activity tied to the act of state Justice: this is the professionalization of the judge. For a time, the mission of Justice becomes the business of the people with the creation of the courts of the judiciary composed of citizens in whole or in part. However, several problems are observed in the execution of the act of state Justice by those citizens. Faced with these difficulties, the idea of the exercise of state justice mission should be modified: it can not be considered a single use. This is an activity whose complexity requires a professional approach in its implementation. The result is the creation of a formative career to the attention of those who wish to act of state justice and the establishment of a hierarchical path to the attention of those interested in a career in the judiciary. However, given the changes in the Regulations and Society, weaknesses in the initial representation of the performance of the act of state Justice appear: the act of state Justice should no longer only be legally consistent with a specific judicial role assigned to each. It should also be specialized and especially fast. It follows a confrontation between the act of state Justice as performed in accordance with the new requirements and needs of the mission of Justice as it was originally taught by the judges.

冷戰結束後的第一個十年，國際關係當中的最主要特徵就是族群衝突的出現，不過卻顯然缺乏適當的理論可以解釋此一現象，更遑論其解決。雖然族群衝突並非嶄新現象，但是其發生頻率在整個90年代當中卻是最高，也因此衝擊到整個國際安全議程的設定，國際安全機構甚至主動介入其中，為族群衝突的解決找到了可能的方案。傳統國際關係當中的主流理論並無法適當地解釋這一現象，其他研究者所嘗試建構的族群衝突理論也多半將重心集中在分析衝突的起源，對於族群衝突的解決同樣無法提供有力的解釋。 有關族群衝突的起因或過程，已經存在許多的解釋，但是對於族群衝突解決的研究卻缺乏系統性的研究。本文主張，國際安全機構乃是可以用來解決族群衝突的一項良好的制度性工具。原因一方面在於國際安全機構本身就是國際社會成員為追求共同利益、降低交易成本所建構出來的制度產物，在其中必然涵蓋了解決衝突的規範和程序，特別是當族群衝突的發生已經影響到國際社會的共同利益，國際安全機構勢將依據制度啟動衝突解決。另一方面，族群衝突過程當中的暴力程度和缺乏互信狀態，也使得衝突各造難以自行尋找出可行的解決方案。根據衝突解決研究途徑來看，由擁有強制力量的國際安全機構出面改變衝突的結構，將因此為族群衝突的解決創造機會。換言之，以制度主義理論為經，解釋國際安全機構的動機；以衝突解決架構為緯，分析國際安全機構在解決族群衝突過程中的角色和功能，將能夠充分解釋國際安全機構介入並干預族群衝突這一現象。本文也將以發生在非洲和東歐的幾次重大族群衝突案例來進一步驗證此一論點。 / The main feature of international relations in the first decade after the Cold War is the burgeoning of ethnic conflicts. IR theorists soon find themselves uncomfortable while trying to explain the phenomenon, not even close to the ‘resolution’. Ethnic conflicts are apparently not new to this globe, but they happened everywhere and thereby dominated international security agenda-setting, especially in the 1990s. In the meantime, international security institutions actively intervened in those conflicts and settled some of them. This could not be explained by the traditional IR theories either. Those ethnic conflict theories focus most of the origins, are also incapable of offering good analysis. There is still in lack of systematic research about the resolution of ethnic conflicts. The thesis claim international security institutions are well-designed and institutionalized to settle ethnic conflicts for two reasons. Firstly, international security institutions are the product of international cooperation for common good and transaction-cost cutting. Conflict regulating mechanisms are always embedded in these institutions. These mechanisms will be automatically activated while regional (or international) security is seriously endangered. Secondly, bloody violence and antagonism makes the conflicting parties hard to find feasible solutions to end these conflicts. According to the conflict resolution approach, the ethnic conflicts could be settled when international security institutions taking initiative to change the structure of conflict. By taking both institutionalism theory and conflict resolution approach as an analytical scheme, the thesis will not only explain the motives for international security institutions’ intervention, but also analyze the roles that international security institutions can play during the conflict process. Four case studies followed will be further explored to testify this hypothesis.

A system of systems (SoS) framework is proposed for policy design that takes into account the value systems of multiple participants, harnesses the complexity of strategic interactions among participants, and confronts the risks and uncertainties present in participants’ decision making. SoS thinking provides an integrative and adaptive mindset, which is needed to tackle policy challenges characterized by conflict, complexity, and uncertainty. With the aim of putting SoS thinking into practice, operational methods and tools are presented herein. Specifically, SoS engineering methodologies to create value system models, agent-based models of competitive and cooperative behaviour under conflict, and risk management models are developed and integrated into the framework. The proposed structure, methods and tools can be utilized to organize policy design discourse. Communication among participants involved in the policy discussion is structured around SoS models, which are used to integrate multiple perspectives of a system and to test the effectiveness of policies in achieving desirable outcomes under varying conditions. In order to demonstrate the proposed methods and tools that have been developed to enliven policy design discourse, a theoretical common-pool resources dilemma is utilized. The generic application illustrates the methodology of constructing ordinal preferences from values. Also, it is used to validate the agent-based modeling and simulation platform as a tool to investigate strategic interactions among participants and harness the potential to influence and enable participants to achieve desirable outcomes. A real-world common pool resources dilemma in the provisioning and security considerations of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore is examined and employed as a case study for applying strategic conflict models in risk management. Overall, this thesis advances the theory and application of SoS engineering and focuses on understanding value systems, handling complexity in terms of conflict dynamics, and finally, enhancing risk management.