Before the crisis Catalonia and the rest of Spain received high volumes of immigration - of which much was 'illegal'. This was despite formally strict controls - EU policy - and different governments in Madrid claiming to operate a legal model of migration - leading to identification of a 'policy paradox'. In the same period immigration became problematized, which in Catalonia allowed xenophobic politics to gain popular support - despite being a territory proactive at integrating newcomers. This research aimed to identify the undercurrents of these contradictions and respond to questions on the relative impact of business, state, national and electoral factors. It surveys literature on migration paradoxes and theories, develops an original conceptual framework by critically assessing a range of radical writing, performs quantitative and secondary study of the Catalan, Spanish and European economic and policy contexts (in general and regarding immigration), and analyses findings from interviews with privileged 'insiders' and observers (employers, union leaders, migrant activists and policy advisors). Policy contradictions and the problematization of immigration were identified as rooted firstly in the inherent contradictions of the capitalist state. States must ensure availability of new reserves of labour to guarantee accumulation and make savings by not having to 'socially reproduce' 'imported' labour power. Yet their abstract national and bounded character propels constant nationcraft - a process best performed invisibly and negatively by symbolically and practically excluding migrants from territory, rights and citizenship. Dynamics are further driven by the desire to be seen to preserve the 'rule of law' and guarantee the exclusivity of national 'social contracts'. Nation-building in policymaking was detected by uncovering the national-linguistic considerations behind the controversial drive to devolve immigration powers to Catalonia. Mushrooming irregularity was a result of migrant agency and the restrictive tendencies of the Aznar administration and EU. Despite the Popular Party (and EU) being notably pro-business, tensions emerged with employers who lobbied alongside unions to bring about the liberalisations introduced by the Zapatero government (2004-2011). Employers benefit from the (continued) institutional conditioning of migrant labour and irregular hiring has been tolerated - aided by a relatively informal and insecure labour market. Yet it is a mistake to see high levels irregularity simply as labour policy. The unequal and instrumental nature of European integration meant the Spanish State played a border policing role that threatened its labour needs before the crisis. This led to political 'fudge' based on varying models of irregularity-amnesty-irregularity, and reinforced pro-European and Hispanist migrant recruitment tendencies. Changes in government have reshaped policymaking (and increased or decreased related tensions) but less-democratic influences were identified in interviews and a clear political economy of immigration can be identified.

La thèse s'attache à restituer les technologies de réparation du malheur social et de représentation des griefs au Sénégal. Elle démontre que la contestation, la mobilisation et la protestation ne s'équivalent pas toujours et plaide pour que leurs frontières analytiques soient précisées. S'appuyant sur les critiques du tournant culturel et celles des études féministes adressées aux théories de l'action collective, la thèse souligne les postulats et les points aveugles du concept de mouvement social. Historiquement situé, ce concept ne permet pas de saisir certaines des formes d'action collective sur des terrains non-occidentaux. A partir d'une enquête qualitative et quantitative menée, entre 2007 et 2012, principalement auprès d'une association de mères de migrants, la thèse montre qu'il existe, au Sénégal, une option qui consiste à mobiliser sans protester. Cette expression signifie que des acteurs sociaux peuvent employer un répertoire organisationnel hybride (association revendicative, self-help, mutuelle d'épargne, coopérative de travail) - qui vise autant l'État qu'il s'en dispense - ainsi que des modes d'action non-confrontatifs aux autorités publiques (témoignages dans les médias, participation à des meetings politiques ou conférences internationales). Sans recourir à l'action protestataire, les discours et les pratiques de ces mobilisations non-protestataires n'en sont pas moins politisées. La thèse montre en particulier comment le monde de l'aide et du développement s'est saisi de techniques genrées et d'entrepreneures de mobilisation propres au champ politique sénégalais afin de mener ses propres missions. / The thesis focuses on the technologies of solving social problems and of expressing grievance in Senegal. lt demonstrates that dissent, mobilization and protest are not always equivalent and argues for their analytical boundaries to be specified. Drawing on criticisms of the cultural turn and those of feminist studies addressed to the theories of collective action, the thesis stresses the postulates and blind spots of the concept of social movement. Historically located, this concept does not capture some of the forms of mobilization on non-Western areas. Based on a qualitative and quantitative survey, carried out between 2007 and 2012, mainly of an association of migrants' mothers, the thesis shows that in Senegal there is an option that may consist of mobilizing without protest. This expression means that social actors can use a hybrid organizational repertoire (advocacy association, self-help, mutual savings, work cooperative) - which targets the State as much as it does not - as well as modes of non-confrontational action to public authorities (testimonies in the media, participation in political meetings or international conferences). Without resorting to protest action, the discourses and practices of these non-protest mobilizations are nonetheless politicized. The thesis shows in particular how the industry of aid has seized gendered techniques of mobilization and entrepreneurs specific to the Senegalese political field in order to carry out its own missions.

We present Chandra and XMM-Newton X-ray, Very Large Array (VLA) radio, and optical observations of three candidate compact steep spectrum (CSS) radio galaxies. CSS sources are of a galactic scale and are presumably driving a shock through the interstellar medium (ISM) of their host galaxy. B3 1445+410 is a low-excitation emission line CSS radio galaxy with possibly a hybrid Fanaroff-Riley FRI/II (or fat double) radio morphology. The Chandra observations reveal a point-like source that is well fit with a power law consistent with the emission from a Doppler boosted core. 3C 268.3 is a CSS broad-line radio galaxy (BLRG) whose Chandra data are consistent spatially with a point source centered on the nucleus and spectrally with a double power-law model. PKS B1017-325 is a low-excitation emission line radio galaxy with a bent double radio morphology. While from our new spectroscopic redshift, PKS B1017-325 falls outside the formal definition of a CSS, the XMM-Newton observations are consistent with ISM emission with either a contribution from hot shocked gas or non-thermal jet emission. We compile selected radio and X-ray properties of the nine bona fide CSS radio galaxies with X-ray detections so far. We find that two out of the nine show X-ray spectroscopic evidence for hot shocked gas. We note that the counts in the sources are low and that the properties of the two sources with evidence for hot shocked gas are typical of the other CSS radio galaxies. We suggest that hot shocked gas may be typical of CSS radio galaxies due to their propagation through their host galaxies.

La recherche porte sur l’observation et l’analyse des dynamiques, explicites et implicites, qui règlent les interactions communicatives entre les migrants, arrivés en Europe par la route de la Méditerranée centrale, et les intervenants (humanitaires et sécuritaires) impliqués dans la gestion de l’urgence migratoire aux frontières maritimes. L’étude se focalise sur l’île de Lampedusa et la Sicile où les observations ont été menées à trois périodes différentes de l’histoire récente des migrations en Europe : en 2011, suite aux révolutions arabes, en 2013, lors du naufrage du 3 octobre, et en 2014, pendant l’opération de recherche et sauvetage Mare Nostrum. Elle vise à saisir les spécificités de chacun de ces contextes et la manière dont celles-ci se lient, dans un rapport de conditionnement mutuel, à des variables de plus grande envergure – les politiques migratoires, le rôle des médias, les sentiments collectifs, etc. – en influençant les comportements communicatifs des sujets observés. / The research aims at observing and analysing both the explicit and the implicit dynamics that characterise the communicative interactions between migrants who reach Europe through the central Mediterranean route and the security and humanitarian players working at its maritime borders. The study focuses on the island of Lampedusa and Sicily where much of the fieldwork has been carried out over three significant periods of Europe’s recent migration history: in 2011, in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, in 2013, at the time of the 3 October migrant shipwreck, in 2014, during the search and rescue operation Mare Nostrum. The purpose is to capture and take into account the specific characteristics of each context as well as their closely intertwined combination with wider factors – immigration policies, the role of the media, the general perception of migration, etc. – which influence the communicative behaviours of the subjects observed and the ways they interact with each other. / Il presente lavoro si pone l’obiettivo di osservare le interazioni tra i migranti da un lato, e gli operatori dell’accoglienza e della sicurezza dall’altro, nelle zonedi confine esposte ai flussi migratori, e nello specifico l’isola di Lampedusa e la Sicilia tra il 2011 e il 2014; di analizzarne le dinamiche comunicative col supporto di riferimenti teorico-letterari e di rilevazioni precedentemente prodotte in analoghi contesti di studio; di proporre, infine, delle riflessioni sui principali elementi individuatinell’osservazione del fenomeno, cercando di contribuire allo sviluppo di un percorso d’indagine che l’attuale declinarsi del fenomeno migratorio ha imposto al dibattito sociologico, e soprattutto di proporre spunti di riflessione e approfondimento rispetto a una narrazione che, nonostante la complessità del tema, risulta spesso troppo semplicistica osensazionalistica, e funzionale al tornaconto mediatico e politico.

Cette recherche doctorale constitue un essai de systématisation de l'analyse de la communauté ivoirienne en Hexagone afin de comprendre d’une part, les logiques agissantes dans la structuration de celle-ci à travers le fait associatif et d’autre part, rendre intelligible le processus de diasporisation auquel elle est confrontée. Pour le dire autrement, il s’agit d’interroger la dynamique diasporique au prisme du mouvement associatif ivoirien en Île-de-France afin de déceler les logiques sur lesquelles repose la fragmentation de ce champ associatif. Les analyses ont été menées sur la base d’une combinaison des approches quantitatives et qualitatives. De cette démarche, il ressort que la fragmentation du champ associatif et l’émergence d’un inconscient diasporique dans la communauté ivoirienne en Île-de-France relève d’un même processus de construction identitaire dont l’enjeu repose sur une quête d’une visibilité aussi bien dans le milieu d’installation que dans celui d’origine. / This PhD research is an essay about systemization of the analysis of the Ivorian community in France, in order to understand, first the active logic inside structure within associative actions, and second, to make intelligible the diaspora process which the community faces.This means to question the diaspora dynamism at the heart of the Ivorian associative movement in Paris area in order to detect the logic upon which the breaking up of such an associative field lies. Studies have been led on a principle, which is the combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches. According to the research, the fragmentation of the associative field and the emergence of diaspora unawareness among the Ivorian community in the Paris area belong the same process, which is the establishment of an identity whose stakes lie upon a quest of visibility at the same time, at the center of the settings and at the source.

Période cruciale marquée par la guerre gréco-turque, la cristallisation des tensions nationalistes des deux états en opposition et les vicissitudes de la politique intérieure grecque, les années 1919-1922 représentent un tournant décisif pour l’hellénisme d’Asie Mineure. Comment la population grecque de Smyrne va-t-elle vivre ces années de guerre placée sous la tutelle de l’état grec ? Le débarquement militaire et l’établissement de l’Administration hellénique de la ville de Smyrne et de sa région viendront-ils combler les espoirs d’une communauté qui attendait avec ferveur sa « libération » et son rattachement à la Mère Patrie ? L’étude de la presse locale hellénophone permettra d’aborder la problématique de l’identité nationale du groupe par le biais de ses représentations médiatiques. Les modes d’expression du « nous » et les appels à la mobilisation collective constitueront la base des revendications identitaires de l’hellénisme smyrniote à la recherche d’un ancrage national propre. / The years 1919-1922 represent a crucial period marked by the Greco-Turkish war, the climax of nationalist tensions between the two states in conflict and the vicissitudes of the Greek domestic politics. From this point of view they constitute a real turning point for Hellenism in Asia Minor. How did the Greek population of Smyrna live those years of war placed under the mandate of the Hellenic state ? Did the Greek landing and the establishment of the Greek Administration in Smyrna and its region fulfil the hopes of a community that had been longing for “liberation” and its reunion with the Mother Land ? The study of the Greek local press will allow us to examine how the community’s search for national identity is represented in the media. The study will demonstrate that modes of collective expression and various calls for social mobilization constituted the basis that allowed Hellenism of Smyrna to discuss, define and claim a firm and proper national foothold.

Worker Centers (WC) sind Interessenorganisationen, die in den USA vor allem Migrantinnen und Migranten sowie Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer im Niedriglohnsegment vertreten und die seit Mitte der 1980er Jahre stark an Zulauf gewonnen haben. Die Studie untersucht diese Formen der kollektiven Interessenvertretung mit Hilfe einer Literaturauswertung und einer Fallstudie eines WC in Deutschland. Im Zentrum stehen Fragen nach den Gründen der Entstehung von Worker Centers, den Leistungen und Arbeitsweisen; der \"effektiven\" Vertretung der Interessen ihrer Mitglieder bzw. ‚Klienten‘; und Folgen für das deutsche System der Arbeitsbeziehungen insgesamt - im Falle einer Zunahme der Verbreitung von Worker Centers. Die Auswirkungen auf das deutsche System werden als gering eingeschätzt, da sich die sozial-ökonomischen Voraussetzungen der USA, die die Dynamik der WC-Entstehung befördern, unterscheiden. So verfügen die USA über einen größeren Niedriglohnsektor; bestimmte Städte weisen weitaus höhere Konzentrationen von Migrantinnen und Migranten auf; gleichzeitig bestehen schwächere institutionelle Rechte und sozialstaatliche Unterstützungsleistungen. Allerdings zeichnen sich auch hierzulande Trends ab (Abnahme der Tarifbindung und Betriebsratsabdeckung, Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit, neue Personalkonzepte), die langfristig gesehen zu Veränderungen führen können.:1. EINLEITUNG 5 2. KONZEPTION UND METHODIK DER STUDIE 13 3. ERGEBNISSE DER LITERATURSTUDIE 19 3.1 Abgrenzung und Geschichte von Worker Centers 19 3.2 Beispiele für Worker Centers 24 3.3 Arbeitsweisen und Leistungen von Worker Centers 29 3.4 Strukturen: Organe, Beschäftigte und Ressourcen 34 3.5 Beziehungen zu anderen Akteuren und Netzwerke 36 3.6 Kontexte der Entstehung von Worker Centers 40 3.7 Exkurs: Worker Centers im internationalen Vergleich 43 4. FALLSTUDIE DES „ARBEITSLOSENZENTRUM & MEHR“ 47 4.1 Gründung und Hintergründe der Entstehung 47 4.2 Strukturen und Finanzierung 52 4.2.1. Mitgliedschaft und Gremien 52 4.2.2. Finanzierung 53 4.3 Arbeitsweisen und Aktivitäten 55 4.3.1. Aktivitätsfeld „Arbeitslosenzentrum“ 56 4.3.2. Aktivitätsfeld „Worker Center“ 59 4.4 Netzwerke und Kooperationen mit anderen Einrichtungen 65 4.5 Vergleich der Modelle 66 5. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG UND FAZIT 70 6. LITERATURVERZEICHNIS 78

Die vorliegende Studie untersucht, wie Hochschulen und ihr Personal politische und gesellschaftliche Erwartungen wahrnehmen, interpretieren und letztendlich in ihre Praxis einfließen lassen. Im Zentrum der Analyse steht der Verbleib hunderttausender internationaler Studierender, die zwischen 2010 und 2019 zum Studium nach Deutschland und Kanada zugewandert sind. Ihnen wird seitens der Politik ein hohes Fachkräfte- und Einwanderungspotenzial attestiert. Das Erkenntnisinteresse der Arbeit umschließt drei Teilbereiche: Erstens, das Ausmaß der deutschen und kanadischen ‚Bleibepolitik‘ sowie die einschlägigen Erwartungen an Hochschulen. Zweitens, die berichtete Hochschulpraxis und drittens, die institutionellen Zusammenhänge zwischen Erwartung und Praxis. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Mehrheit der untersuchten Hochschulen den Verbleib internationaler Studierender auch ohne eine von außen zugeschriebene Zuständigkeit aktiv fördert. Einerseits konnten die befragten Hochschulprofessionellen ihre Beratungs- und Betreuungsangebote größtenteils frei und eigenverantwortlich gestalten. Andererseits war der Raum dessen, was aus Sicht des Personals als möglich und wünschenswert erschien, stark vorgeprägt durch den jeweiligen Landeskontext und die dort institutionalisierten Erwartungen: In Kanada stand der Gedanke des Wettbewerbs um internationale Studierende als zahlende Kundschaft und potentielle Einwanderinnen und Einwanderer häufig im Vordergrund. In Deutschland waren Hochschulen vergleichsweise weniger markt- und wettbewerbsorientiert. Die Handlungs- und Interpretationsmuster des Personals zeugten häufig von dem gleichen migrationspolitischen Pragmatismus, der in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten die Bundes- und Landespolitik mitbestimmt hatte. Internationale Studierende wurde somit als potenzielle Fachkräfte konstruiert, nicht aber als mögliche Einwanderinnen und Einwanderer. / This research explores how higher education institutions respond to societal expectations, asking three interconnected questions: First, what are Canada and Germany’s public higher education institutions expected to do to support the post-study retention of international students? Second, what do they report to be doing? And third, how are their reported practices and rationales associated with the expectations held by government agencies, the private sector, and other audiences outside of their formal boundaries? The findings show that between 2010 and 2019, a majority of higher education institutions in Canada and Germany chose to actively facilitate international students’ transition to host country employment and, albeit to a lesser extent, immigration. Although the surveyed career development and international education professionals had considerable leeway to design student services, their actions were found to be focused by the oftentimes pro-(im)migration rules, norms, and beliefs that surrounded them. In Canada, many of the professionals were found to have internalized the same market and human capital orientation that had been promoted by the Canadian government and other stakeholders for decades. To them, international students were potential immigrants and paying customers in a competitive, globalized education market. In Germany, higher education practices were found to be less market-driven. Furthermore, most professionals in Germany were found to echo their country’s historically reluctant and pragmatic approach to migration. Many reported to actively prepare international students for employment in Germany, but not for long-term immigration.

To optimize contrast agent in MRI scan region, e.g. to enhance paramagnetic relaxation in the MRI scan fields(0.1T-3T), one possible way is to slow down the tumbling of the paramagnetic complex. The effect of slowing down the reorientational motion of the complex to increase relaxivity is obvious and this strategy has already been employed in producing MRI contrast agent that can bind to specific proteins. An example is MS-325 binds to human serum albumin(HSA). The slow down effects on the ligands around paramagnetic ion, and on the zero field splitting(ZFS) interaction are under studies and the physics behind is still not clear. In this thesis, a generalized Solomon-Bloembergen-Morgan(GSBM) theory together with stochastic Liouville approach(SLA), is applied to investigate the mechanism behind the slow down effects. Two gadolinium complexes, MS-325+HSA and Gd(H2O)83++glycerol are studied by means of NMRD and ESR experiments. GSBM is a second order perturbation theory with closed analytical form. The computation based on this theory is fast, but it has its limitation and in the case of Gd(S=7/2) the ZFS strength times its correlation time(Δt.τƒ) should be less than 0.1. In comparison, the SLA is an "exact" theory that can evaluate the validity of GSBM calculation. However, the calculation in SLA is time consuming due to the large matrix it constructed. The major model used in GSBM is a two dynamic model, characterized by transient ZFS Δt and static ZFS Δs and their corresponding correlation time τƒ and τR, while in SLA the model is only described by Δt and τƒ. A combined NMRD and ESR analysis is used to understand the details of ZFS interaction. Both models can reproduce experimental NMRD profiles and model parameters are similar; for ESR linewidths the model parameters are quite different. The fitting results indicate the NMRD profiles are less sensitive to the detail expression of ZFS correlation function. In order to interpret both NMRD and ESR experiments with identical parameters, a more complex ZFS interaction model should be developed.

This study develops a geographic theory relating to sub-imperial states and resistance to them. The theory is centred on what can be called the government-business-media (GBM) complex, whilst resistance to such states is characterised as counter-imperialist discourses. The theory is applied primarily to South Africa’s (SA’s) interactions with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The aim is to assess the state of SA’s sub-imperialism and evaluate the claim that this sub-imperialism is in crisis. The research findings are based on media material drawn from, and interviews conducted in, Botswana, Zambia and SA. The thesis outlines how sub-imperialism should be regarded as a distinct analytical and theoretical phenomenon. It explores the theoretical context in which the GBM complex and counter-imperialist discourses may be viewed. Using this theoretical framework, the study then traces the historical geographical development of SA’s GBM complex. Building on this, the thesis identifies and examines regional responses and attitudes to SA’s post-apartheid political, business and cultural-media engagement with the region, by analysing counter-imperialist discourses to SA during this period. In order to assess the current state of SA’s sub-imperialism, case studies were taken from the following four areas which cover crucial aspects of SA’s post-apartheid engagement with the region: SA’s parastatal expansion (Eskom); SA’s peacemaking role (Zimbabwe); SA’s state-driven rhetoric of multiculturalism and tolerance (xenophobia); and SA’s hosting of mega-events (2010 Football World Cup). In each of these areas the intended geopolitical and geoeconomic discourses of the GBM complex, and the corresponding responses in the region, are investigated. It is concluded that there is a discrepancy between the intended discourses of the GBM complex and the responses from the region, giving rise to counter-imperialist discourses. These discourses support the claim that SA’s sub-imperialism is in crisis.