Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Michael Krysko / David Stone / Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who was a nationalist leader and founder and first president of the republic of Turkey, still remains an important figure in the Turkish political and social landscape. Kemalist historiography, which is based on Mustafa Kemal’s six-day speech (Nutuk) in October 1927, emphasizes the foundation of the Republic as central to Turkish history. While this historiography emphasizes that Mustafa Kemal had an explicit plan during his modernization efforts, this dissertation will cover how Mustafa Kemal was incoherent in his actions and changed his discourses over and over again during the change of the political structure of Turkey. Beyond that, this study will suggest that Mustafa Kemal was an opportunist and pragmatist who utilized every single event to establish a Jacobin style autocracy. This research will discuss how Mustafa Kemal succeeded in using every opportunity, such as the Law of Supreme Commander Act in August 1921, the abolition of Sultanate in 1922, the establishment of Republic in 1923, the abolition of Caliphate in 1924, and the elimination of opposition in 1925, to establish his personal autocracy. In particular, the records of Assembly debates, not sufficiently used by Turkish historians, will be helpful to understand the creation of this personal autocracy. While Kemalist historiography credits Mustafa Kemal Ataturk with the original and unique conception of the social, legal, and educational reforms of the early Republican period, this dissertation argues that this approach is not balanced. Although the Kemalist historiography asserts that Mustafa Kemal and his legacy represent carrying out Enlightenment ideals in an obsolete society almost totally ignorant of these principles, the Kemalist modernization got a great inheritance from its predecessors, the Young Turks. Therefore, the Kemalist overstatement of an idealist figure of Mustafa Kemal is wrong in some degree. This dissertation aims to scrutinize the contribution of the Ottoman reformers and contradictions, mistakes, and overstatements of the Kemalist modernization project in social, legal, and educational areas by the help of wide primary sources which include official reports of the Grand National Assembly, the Republican Era archives and a mass of periodicals which were published in 1920s in Turkey.

This study set out to answer how and to what extent the gendered effects of the COVID-19 pandemic are addressed in parliamentary debates in the Southern African regional context. As both the proportion of women in parliament and the level of democracy have been established by previous research as important conditions for women to be able to act for women as a group, four countries with varying combinations of these factors are examined. By conducting both a quantitative and a qualitative text analysis on Hansards from South Africa, Botswana, Zimbabwe, and Zambia, the study analyses the extent to which the gendered effects of the pandemic are addressed and how they are addressed respectively. The results reveal that a combination of a high proportion of women in parliament and a high degree of democracy is the most favourable condition for enabling the substantive representation of women. A democracy with a low proportion of women in parliament is shown to be more allowing for the substantive representation of women than an electoral autocracy with a high proportion of women in parliament. Moreover, the qualitative frame analysis sheds light on the different issues which are in focus on the framing of the gendered effects of the pandemic in different parliaments depending on their level of democracy. Particularly, the issue of gender-based violence in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic is found to have reached the political agenda in the democratic cases, whereas MPs in the less democratic parliaments are more likely to feminize their cause by focusing more on traditionally feminine policy issues such as the health effects of women within the context of the pandemic.

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Education systems are influenced by belief systems. Russia has throughout its history been guided by two rigid dogmatic belief systems: • the Russian Orthodox Church • the Communist ideology While other influences also prevailed, notably autocracy, humanism and nationalism, these were secondary to the dogma of the Church in the centuries preceding the Revolution in 1917. Autocracy could be regarded as an outflow of the dogma of the Church, which had established its links with the ruling elite early in its history, whereas the others originated from other sources and for other reasons. This study in the history and development of the Russian education system traces its origins back into the inchoate beginnings of the Russian nation and attempts to show how: • the Zeitgeist of a particular era led to the development of a particular dogmatic belief system • the Zeitgeist and the dogmatic beliefs influenced the figures who determined educational policies and reforms / Onderwysstelsels word be"invloed deur 'n bepaalde denksisteem. So byvoorbeeld is Rusland deur die geskiedenis deur rigiede dogmatiese denksisteme gelei. Gelyklopend daarmee was daar ook ander denksisteme wat 'n invloed op die Russiese denke uitgeoefen het. lnvloede soos outokrasie, humanisme en nasionalisme was egter sekonder tot die dogmatiese invloede van die Kerk in die eeue voor die Rewolusie van 1917. Outokrasie kan weliswaar as 'n uitvloeisel van die dogma van die Kerk , wat vroeg in die Russiese geskiedenis 'n verbintenis met die regerende elite gesmee het, beskou word. Die onderhawige studie oor die ontwikkeling en verloop van die Russiese opvoedstelsel vind sy oorsprong in die beginjare van die Russiese volk en poog om aan te toon hoe: • die Zeitgeist van 'n bepaalde era tot bepaalde dogmatiese denksisteme gelei het • die Zeitgeist en dogmatiese denksisteme 'n invloed op die opvoedingsdenke en onderwyshervormings van bepaalde historiese figure in die Russiese verlede uitgeoefen het. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabio Venturini.pdf: 3395217 bytes, checksum: 77fcfdf0740dd9152fbdbe515a1f7119 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In the 20th century, especially in its second half, the Brazilian bourgeois classes were organized into associations and conspiratorial ideological complexes for warranty and maintenance of their power in a State servile to their class interests. This action resulted in the coup of April 1st, 1964, ushering in a dictatorship operationalized with military leadership, notably the Brazilian Army, in which the entire State apparatus was used in political and economic benefit of Brazilians historical autocratic bourgeoisies. The block of dictatorial power also set up a complex telecommunication system for broadcasting content ideologically aligned with the dictatorship and historical autocratic bourgeoisie, which was operated by media companies that were part of these bourgeois classes and defending the same interests, forming an organic press in the service of dictatorial block. After a transition period for the return of State management to elected officials, the historical autocratic bourgeoisies, publicly broken with the military, but ideologically and operationally aligned, used the professional politicians to begin a constitutional process in 1986-1988 abridging the meager representation of progressive left-wingers which resulted in a conservative document, keeping all the economic foundations of the dictatorship, the wide area communication for organic press, led by Globo Organizations, and an apparent democracy of based on limited popular suffrage political participation, a dynamic validation of candidates by direct vote, but with provisions that allow an intervention by force if the bourgeois classes and/or the military so deem necessary / No século XX, especialmente na sua segunda metade, as classes burguesas brasileiras se organizaram em associações e complexos ideológicos conspiratórios para garantia e manutenção de poder e de um Estado servil aos seus interesses de classe. Tal atuação resultou no golpe de 1º de abril de 1964, inaugurando uma ditadura operacionalizada com liderança militar, notadamente o Exército Brasileiro, na qual todo o aparato estatal foi voltado para benefício político e econômico de burguesias autocráticas históricas. O bloco de poder ditatorial também montou um complexo sistema de telecomunicações para radiodifusão de conteúdo ideologicamente alinhado com a ditadura e as burguesias autocráticas históricas, o qual foi operado por empresas de comunicação que faziam parte destas classes burguesas e defendiam os mesmos interesses, formando uma imprensa orgânica a serviço do bloco ditatorial. Ao cabo de um período de transição para a devolução da gestão do Estado a governantes eleitos, as burguesias autocráticas históricas, publicamente rompidas com os militares, porém ideológica e operacionalmente alinhadas, valeram-se de políticos profissionais para iniciar um processo constitucional em 1986-1988 cerceando a parca representatividade de esquerdas progressistas que resultou num documento conservador, mantendo todas as bases econômicas da ditadura, o amplo domínio comunicacional para a imprensa orgânica, liderada pelas Organizações Globo, e uma democracia aparente baseada na limitação da participação política popular ao sufrágio, numa dinâmica de validação de candidatos pelo voto direto, no entanto, com dispositivos legais que permitam uma intervenção pela força se as classes burguesas e/ou as Forças Armadas assim julgarem necessário

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wanderson Fabio de Melo.pdf: 2942809 bytes, checksum: 703e844b106e57249820e1d938f62119 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work study the production of Roberto Campos, and Fernando Henrique Cardoso through immanent analysis. The hypothesis is that Roberto Campos expressed the position of financial and commercial sectors of the Brazilian bourgeoisie. While Fernando Henrique Cardoso of the groups represented industrial capitalists. In this case, the thesis rising up about the four chapters. At first, we study the involvement of Cardoso and Campos in institutional politic, the making their politics campaign to Congress, their programs, and the relation of social class into this. Still in this chapter, iscussing the intellectual of Roberto Campos in the brazilian economy after the Second World War. And Fernando Henrique Cardoso s in the making "restricted marxism" in the Social Sciences in Brazil. The second chapter, will discuss the position of Campos and Cardoso about the politic movement by "Eleições Diretas-Já," the social class and political forces at the end of military dictatorship and change of the form of bourgeois power of autocracy. In the third chapter, passes to the study of elaborations on capitalism present in the author s work. It point out Roberto Campos s agreement with the genesis of capitalism since of averice, but besides, the process to modern at the moment from subordination to financial foreing capital. About the point of view of Cardoso, we can observe a concept of slavery-mercantile capitalism and the society "patriarchal patrimonial" to explain the social trajectory and economic of coutry and to defend the modernization. It points out the different between the authors, but we can note the theoric nucleus in the work of Max Weber sociologist. To finish, the fourth chapter analyzes the propositions on the Computer Law of Brazil in 80 s of the twentieth century in the Senate debate. The sources for this research were the articles of press, in scientific journals, books and speech s Congress / O presente trabalho estuda a produção de Roberto Campos e de Fernando Henrique Cardoso por meio da análise imanente. A hipótese é que Roberto Campos expressou o posicionamento dos setores financeiros e comerciais da burguesia brasileira, enquanto Fernando Henrique Cardoso representou parte dos grupos capitalistas industriais. Neste sentido, a tese se desenvolve em torno de quatro capítulos. No primeiro, estuda-se o engajamento de Cardoso e de Campos na política institucional, a construção de suas campanhas políticas ao Senado Federal, os seus programas e as relações de forças sociais envolvidas nesses processos. Ainda neste capítulo, discute-se o decurso intelectual de Roberto Campos no debate econômico brasileiro do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial e a trajetória de Fernando Henrique Cardoso na construção do marxismo adstringido nas Ciências Humanas no Brasil. No segundo capítulo, problematiza-se as posições de Campos e Cardoso sobre o movimento pelas Eleições Diretas-Já , as forças sociais e políticas no final da ditadura militar e o remodelamento da forma de poder da autocracia burguesa. No terceiro capítulo, passa-se ao estudo das elaborações sobre o capitalismo presente nas obras dos autores. Situa-se o entendimento de Roberto Campos sobre a gênese do capitalismo a partir da usura, ademais, o processo de modernização se construiria a partir da subordinação ao capital financeiro internacional. Sobre a visão de Cardoso, observa-se o conceito de capitalismo mercantil-escravista e a sociedade patrimonialista patriarcal a fim de explicar a trajetória social e econômica do país e advogar a modernização. Pontua-se as diferenças entre os autores, mas se nota o núcleo teórico embasado nos trabalhos do sociólogo Max Weber. Por fim, no quarto capítulo, analisa-se as proposições sobre a Lei de Informática do Brasil dos anos 80 do século XX dos senadores em debate. As fontes para esta pesquisa foram os artigos na imprensa, nas revistas científicas, livros e os pronunciamentos no Senado Federal

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Silva Santos.pdf: 5113794 bytes, checksum: 01ad2163f0b4290d6688fb581c9ae4d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The goal of this master s degree dissertation is to analyze the possibilities and particularities of the workers organization facing the political domination of established traditional groups in Jataí, a city located in the southwest of Goiás, during the 70 s and 80 s. During this period, the concept of development was attached to the Idea of progress. The conservative modernization process attempted by the supervisors of the region s atrophic capital enabled the local bourgeoisie not only to dominate the government structures, but also provided the control over the workers organizations demonstrations right from the beginning of the power alternation. This situation happened in a bourgeoisie autocracy with a bonapartist aspect in its democratic transition phase. We tried to establish the connections between the logic of accelerated development, that is a true characteristic of the capitalism in its monopolist phase, and the influence of this situation in the development of the labour union and the Workers Party in the southwest of Goiás by applying a methodological approach of an immanent analysis proposal of the economy, politics, social and cultural relations of this region / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar as possibilidades e particularidades da organização dos trabalhadores na cidade de Jataí, região sudoeste do Estado de Goiás, entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980, diante do domínio político dos grupos tradicionalmente estabelecidos, em um período em que o ideal de desenvolvimento era entendido como sinônimo de progresso. O processo de modernização conservadora, empreendido pelos gestores do capital atrófico nessa região, sob a lógica de mecanismos ideológicos, garantiu à burguesia local não apenas a dominação do aparelho estatal, mas também possibilitou o controle das manifestações das organizações de representação dos trabalhadores, a partir do advento da alternância do poder, em um Estado autocrático burguês de feição bonapartista em sua fase de transição democrática. É através da aproximação metodológica de uma proposta de análise imanente das categorias particulares da economia, da política, das relações sociais e culturais inerentes a essa região, que buscamos estabelecer as conexões entre a lógica do desenvolvimento acelerado - próprias ao capitalismo em sua fase monopolista - e a sua influência no desenvolvimento dos sindicatos e do Partido dos Trabalhadores no sudoeste goiano

This dissertation is devoted to the analysis of various aspects of inefficiency in the political economy. It consists of four self-containing theoretical essays. The first two chapters deal with the interplay between inefficiency and commitment. Chapter 1 studies the problem of commitment in autocratic regimes and its implications for growth. Chapter 2 argues that the absence of commitment undermines the validity of the Coase theorem. The next two chapters address alternative sources of inefficiency, abstracting from commitment-related problems. Chapter 3 discusses inefficiencies arising in organizations whose members possess veto power and suggests a way of mitigating the problem. Finally, Chapter 4 analyzes the impact of demand linkages on the efficiency of lobbying for trade policy. Chapter 1. “Autocracy, Devolution and Growth” Some autocracies have sustained high economic growth for many decades; others have stagnated at low levels of production. Paradoxically, the stagnating autocracies appear to possess more natural resources and be more resistant to political change than the growing autocracies. The paper argues that the scope for capital accumulation and growth in an autocracy is largely determined by the autocrat's incentive to cling to power. The main result of the paper is that there will be private capital accumulation only if the autocrat’s benefits from political control are not too high. The reason is that, as capital accumulates and growth slows down, the autocrat faces an increasing temptation to expropriate the capitalists. Since expropriation eliminates growth, the autocrat may voluntarily refrain from expropriating if future growth is sufficiently large; otherwise, the temptation to expropriate can only be resisted through a credible commitment, that is, by devolving some political power. For autocrats with large benefits of control, for example valuable natural resource rents, devolution of power may always be unattractive. As a result, capitalists realize that they will eventually be expropriated, and capital accumulation therefore never starts. On the other hand, autocrats with small resource rents will eventually devolve power, since this commitment is necessary to sustain growth. Therefore, capitalists are willing to start accumulating despite the autocratic regime. In other words, autocracies are vulnerable to the resource curse.   Chapter 2. “The Coase Theorem Is False” (with Tore Ellingsen) The paper provides simple and robust counterexamples to the Coase Theorem. More precisely, we show that equilibrium investments in club goods can be suboptimally small despite the presence of well-defined and perfectly protected property rights and the absence of transaction costs and informational asymmetries. The reason is that, in equilibrium, a club of owners will typically not exercise their right to exclude outsiders, preferring instead to exercise their right to sell access. As long as the club of owners does not have all the bargaining power in such ex post access negotiations, strategic non-membership provides a valuable free-riding opportunity. Chapter 3. “Club-in-the-Club: Reform under Unanimity” (with Erik Berglöf, Mike Burkart and Guido Friebel) In many organizations, decisions are taken by unanimity. We analyze a model of an organization in which members with heterogeneous productivity privately contribute to a common good. Under unanimity, the least efficient member imposes her preferred effort choice on the entire organization. In the presence of externalities and an incomplete charter, the threat of forming an “inner organization” can undermine the veto power of the less efficient members and coerce them to exert more effort. We identify the conditions under which the threat of forming an inner organization is never executed, and under which inner organizations are equilibrium outcomes, and provide a rationale for the diversity of decision rules. Chapter 4. “Protection for Sale to Oligopolists” This paper modifies Grossman and Helpman’s "Protection for Sale" model by allowing demand linkages and oligopolistic competition. It shows that increased substitutability between products weakens interest groups’ incentives to lobby. For the case of two industries it obtains a particularly simple result: the protection of the organized industry’s product falls, whereas the protection of the unorganized industry’s product increases with product substitutability. The model suggests that empirical studies of the "Protection for Sale" may overstate the lobby groups’ desire for protection. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2006

Education systems are influenced by belief systems. Russia has throughout its history been guided by two rigid dogmatic belief systems: • the Russian Orthodox Church • the Communist ideology While other influences also prevailed, notably autocracy, humanism and nationalism, these were secondary to the dogma of the Church in the centuries preceding the Revolution in 1917. Autocracy could be regarded as an outflow of the dogma of the Church, which had established its links with the ruling elite early in its history, whereas the others originated from other sources and for other reasons. This study in the history and development of the Russian education system traces its origins back into the inchoate beginnings of the Russian nation and attempts to show how: • the Zeitgeist of a particular era led to the development of a particular dogmatic belief system • the Zeitgeist and the dogmatic beliefs influenced the figures who determined educational policies and reforms / Onderwysstelsels word be"invloed deur 'n bepaalde denksisteem. So byvoorbeeld is Rusland deur die geskiedenis deur rigiede dogmatiese denksisteme gelei. Gelyklopend daarmee was daar ook ander denksisteme wat 'n invloed op die Russiese denke uitgeoefen het. lnvloede soos outokrasie, humanisme en nasionalisme was egter sekonder tot die dogmatiese invloede van die Kerk in die eeue voor die Rewolusie van 1917. Outokrasie kan weliswaar as 'n uitvloeisel van die dogma van die Kerk , wat vroeg in die Russiese geskiedenis 'n verbintenis met die regerende elite gesmee het, beskou word. Die onderhawige studie oor die ontwikkeling en verloop van die Russiese opvoedstelsel vind sy oorsprong in die beginjare van die Russiese volk en poog om aan te toon hoe: • die Zeitgeist van 'n bepaalde era tot bepaalde dogmatiese denksisteme gelei het • die Zeitgeist en dogmatiese denksisteme 'n invloed op die opvoedingsdenke en onderwyshervormings van bepaalde historiese figure in die Russiese verlede uitgeoefen het. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)