[pt] Honduras e El Salvador, desde a época de suas independências, em 1821, têm uma relação bastante conflituosa. Após várias tentativas de resolução pacífica de suas disputas fronteiriças, alguns fatores demográficos, políticos e sócioeconômicos são agregados à natureza da relação desses dois Estados e dão origem, em julho de 1969, a um confronto armado conhecido por - Guerra do Futebol - ou - Guerra das Cem Horas -.A resolução imediata, ou administração, da Guerra do Futebol foi realizada pela Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), através da atuação coordenada de quatro de seus órgãos: a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, o Conselho Permanente, o Secretário Geral e a Reunião de Consulta dos Ministros das Relações Exteriores. A principal contribuição do presente trabalho, trazida à tona através da análise da ação coletiva da OEA no caso em estudo, permite concluir que esta organização exerceu três importantes papéis, que contribuíram para a resolução imediata da Guerra do Futebol, a saber: (i) ator autônomo; (ii) modificador do comportamento do Estado; e (iii) arena/espaço de discussão. Ademais, trata-se de um conflito que não conta com a participação, direta ou indireta, do membro mais poderoso da OEA, o que configura uma exceção à política intervencionista norteamericana para a América Latina na década de 1960. / [en] Honduras and El Salvador, since their independences in 1821, have a conflicting relationship. After countless attempts to achieve a peaceful resolution in their frontier disputes, new factors - demographic, political and socioeconomical - are added to the nature of the relationship between these two states and would give rise, in July 1969, to a armed conflict known as - Soccer War - or Hundred-years War -. The immediate resolution of the Soccer War was accomplished by the Organization of the American States (OAS), through a coordinated action of four of its main bodies, that is, of the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, the Permanent Council, the Secretary-General and the Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs.The main contribution of this study, brought up through the analysis of the OAS collective action in this case, leads to the conclusion that this organization has played three main roles, which have largely contributed to the immediate resolution of the Soccer War, namely (i) autonomous actor; (ii) modifier of state behavior; and (iii) forum/space for dialogue. Moreover, it is worth noting that the most powerful member of the OAS has not participated, nor direct or indirect, to the achievement of the immediate resolution of this conflict, which can be considered as an exception to the North-American interventionist politics towards Latin America in the 1960s.

The origins of Latin American regional integration can be found in the first half of nineteenth century, nevertheless the biggest boom of integration in Latin America have been observed during the last sixty years. Just after the World War II the Organization of American States was established followed by Latin American Free Trade Association, and many others. This thesis analyses the progress and its problems of six major processes of regional integration: OAS; LAFTA/LAIA; Andean Community; processes of integration in Central America and Caribbean; and MERCOSUR. The Thesis is complemented by brief introduction to theories of integration and by a summary of remaining processes of integration since WWII to the present.

The law governing children’s rights is part of international human rights law and therefore plays an important role in the protection of human rights. However, the effectiveness of the protection of children’s rights depends on a State’s compliance with children’s rights instruments and the implementation mechanisms within a given State. There are implementation mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights at the national, regional and international levels. The protection of children’s rights at these three levels is provided for by children’s rights instruments. The monitoring of particular implementation mechanisms with regard to children’s rights is effected by reporting processes through State Parties to domestic institutions, regional, and international organisations. The reports provided by States Parties must contain relevant information with regard to measures that States Parties have taken to implement children’s rights instruments. Inadequate implementation mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights have emerged as the greatest threat to the realisation of children’s rights. This means that the adoption of children’s rights instruments may yield results only when effective implementation steps are taken by the respective States Parties. There are four “cornerstone” principles that underpin the protection of children’s rights.1 These are: non-discrimination; the best interest of the child; the right to life, survival and development; and respect for the views of the child.2 This study will evaluate the right to education and the best interests of the child principle as covered in children’s rights instruments at regional and international levels.Education is a powerful tool in ensuring the protection and enjoyment of children’s rights. Therefore, ineffective implementation of the right to education may have adverse consequences for society. The best interest of the child principle is the guiding principle in all matters concerning children’s rights.3 Therefore, the application and effectiveness of the best interests of the child principle will ensure adequate protection of children’s rights. Further, the study will examine the right to education and the best interest of the child in order to demonstrate how the United Nations (UN) and regional human rights instruments have provided for their implementation. Ratification of children’s rights instruments is a symbolic gesture on the part of States Parties to the recognition and significance of protection of children’s rights. The compliance with children rights instruments or treaty obligations is crucial to ensure adequate protection of children’s rights. Thus, non-compliance with treaty obligations will have a negative impact on the protection of children’s rights. The evaluation of the right to education and the best interests of the child principle will be undertaken against the backdrop of children’s rights instruments. The children’s rights instruments are provided for by the United Nations (UN) and regional human rights systems. The dissertation will evaluate the right to education and the best interests of the child principle within three regional systems, namely, the European Union (EU), the Organisation of American States (OAS), and the African Union (AU). It will also examine pertinent case law within the three regional systems. Finally, the efficacy of implementation mechanisms for the enforcement of children’s rights will be assessed. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LLM

This work, the way its name suggests it, is intent on the theme of process of achievement of the Latin American states' independence of Spain and Portugal, and on situating of this process in the context of the events of this time in further world's parts, and mainly in the context of the policies of single powers which had, or could have, some interests in the said spaces. Likewise the name itself suggests, its chief interest is intent primarily on the period of the years 1815-1826. While in Europe the Napoleonic Wars had definitively ended, and a new order here was creating, according to principles of the Vienna Congress, and under the supervision of the Holy Alliance, Spanish America had gone through first phase of her own wars of liberation, and it could seem, on the beginning, the situation here was coming anew to profit of the Spanish monarchy, recuperating from the precedent years of the French rule and the war with French intruders. However, the struggle of independence of single Hispanic-American states was continuing, like the Portuguese Brazil reached for own independence of colonial metropolis as well. In the Spanish America's case, Spain, really isolated, despite the negative attitudes of the Holy Alliance's monarchical governments towards the development in her oversea possessions, and...

La responsabilité des entreprises en matière de droits de l’homme implique une série d’obligations et des responsabilités de nature diverse, tant pour les États que pour les entreprises mêmes, afin d’identifier, prévenir ou réparer les atteintes aux droits de l’homme. Toutefois, le droit international est appelé à jouer un rôle de « guide », tandis que la pratique étatique de droit interne et des entreprises peuvent éventuellement se cristalliser en une série d’obligations contraignantes permettant de mettre en œuvre les principes, les droits et les responsabilités établies à l’échelle internationale. / Corporate responsibility in the field of human rights implies a series of obligations and responsibilities of diverse nature, both for States and businesses, in order to identify, prevent and redress potential human rights violations. Nevertheless, international law is called to play merely a "guiding role", while State practice at the domestic level, as well as corporate practice, can eventually transform into a series of binding obligations allowing to put in practice the principles, rights and responsibilities established at the international level.

In the 1950s and 1960s, the Organization of American States (OAS), a multinational political organization headquartered in Washington, DC, attempted to mediate U.S.-Latin American political and cultural relations. This dissertation traces how, in the United States, Latin American art emerged as a field of art historical study and exhibition via the activities of the OAS. I center my analysis on José Gómez Sicre and Rafael Squirru, two prominent curators who influenced the circulation of Latin American art during the Cold War. Part I focuses on Gómez Sicre, who served as head curator at the OAS from 1946 to 1981 and who founded the Museum of Modern Art of Latin America in 1976. I offer an analysis of Gómez Sicre’s aesthetic tastes, contextualizing them in relation to his contemporaries Alfred H. Barr, Jr., Marta Traba, and Jorge Romero Brest. I also discuss his efforts to build a network of art centers across the Americas, indicating how his activities fed into a Cold War struggle around notions of the “intellectual.” Part II examines the activities of poet and art critic Rafael Squirru, who served as Director of Cultural Affairs of the OAS from 1963 to 1970 and who theorized Latin American art in terms of the “new man.” I reconstruct how the phrase “new man” became a point of ideological conflict in the 1960s in a battle between Squirru and his political rival, Ernesto Ché Guevara. Throughout this dissertation, I indicate how Gómez Sicre and Squirru framed modern art within different Pan-American dreams of future world prosperity, equality, and cooperation. By examining the socio-political implications behind those dreams, I reveal the structures and limits of power shaping their influence during the Cold War. My study concentrates on the period from the founding of the OAS in 1948 to the establishment of the Museum of Modern Art of Latin America in 1976, and I contend that the legacies of Pan-Americanism continue to affect the field of Latin American art today. / text

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No. of bitstreams: 1 donadelli_lm_me_mar.pdf: 862468 bytes, checksum: b3eb8f6dc1547374d85d3cc5fa0326ff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Neste trabalho analisamos a trajetória do conceito de Segurança na América do Sul a partir década de 1990, com o objetivo de compreender a gênese construtiva das definições utilizadas nos âmbitos continental, estatal e regional e averiguar se as definições empregadas correspondem às realidades do Sul ou de que maneira foram baseadas em formulações importadas. Para isso, realizamos a coleta e a análise de documentos de instituições, reuniões e acordos que versaram sobre o tema, tais como a Organização dos Estados Americanos, as Conferências de Ministros de Defesa das Américas, as Cúpulas das Américas, a Declaração sobre Segurança nas Américas, a União das Nações Sul-Americanas, os Livros Brancos e as Políticas de Defesa. Com o auxílio da literatura de Segurança Internacional e Defesa, o resultado foi uma análise desde a Segurança Nacional, característica do período da Guerra Fria, até a Segurança Humana ou Cidadã, empregada na atualidade, em consonância com os eventos históricos que acreditamos terem influenciado em sua adoção. Tendo como pano de fundo a particular história dos países da região, marcada por regimes militares, nos atentamos aos fatores que tiveram importância na formulação das legislações nacionais e para a cooperação internacional, como a delimitação entre Segurança Pública e Defesa e o papel das Forças Armadas nesta lógica conflitante, potencializada pela questão das novas ameaças. / In this dissertation we analyzed the trajectory of the concept of Security in South America since the 1990s, with the purpose of understand the constructive genesis of the different definitions utilized in the continental, state and regional scopes and verify if the definitions correspond to the realities of the South or in which way they were based on imported formulations. For this, we have collected and analyzed documents from institutions, meetings and agreements on the subject-matter, such as the Organization of American States, the Conference of Defense Ministers of the Americas, the Summits of the Americas, the Declaration on Security in the Americas, the Union of South American Nations, the White Papers and Defense Policies. With the aid of the International Security and Defense literature, the result was one analysis from the National Security, typical on the Cold War, to the Human or Citizen Security, used nowadays, in line with historical events that we believe that have influenced in their usage. Having the countries’ particular history as background, marked by military regimes, we paid special attention to the factors that had importance in the formulation of the national legislations and to the international cooperation, such as the delimitation between Public Security and Defense and the role of the Armed Forces in this conflicting logic, powered by the new threats matter. / En este estudio analizamos la trayectoria del concepto de Seguridad en América del Sur desde la década de 1990, con el objetivo de comprender la génesis constructiva de las definiciones utilizadas en los ámbitos continental, estatal y regional y averiguar si las definiciones utilizadas corresponden a las realidades del Sur o de qué manera fueran importadas. Para ello, realizamos la recolección y el análisis de documentos de instituciones, reuniones y acuerdos sobre el tema, tales como la Organización de los Estados Americanos, la Conferencia de Ministros de Defensa de las Américas, las Cumbres de las Américas, la Declaración sobre Seguridad en las Américas, la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas, los Libros Blancos y las Políticas de Defensa. Con la ayuda de la literatura en el tema de la Seguridad Internacional y Defensa, el resultado fue un análisis desde la Seguridad Nacional, característica del período de la Guerra Fría, hasta la Seguridad Humana y Ciudadana, utilizadas en la actualidad, acompañado por los acontecimientos históricos que creemos que han impactado el su uso. Teniendo como fondo la particular historia de los países de la región, marcada por regímenes militares, nos atentamos a los factores que fueran importantes en la formulación de las legislaciones nacionales y para la cooperación internacional, como la delimitación entre Seguridad Interna y Defensa y el papel de las Fuerzas Armadas en esta lógica conflitante, potencializada por la cuestión de las nuevas amenazas.

The law governing children’s rights is part of international human rights law and therefore plays an important role in the protection of human rights. However, the effectiveness of the protection of children’s rights depends on a State’s compliance with children’s rights instruments and the implementation mechanisms within a given State. There are implementation mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights at the national, regional and international levels. The protection of children’s rights at these three levels is provided for by children’s rights instruments. The monitoring of particular implementation mechanisms with regard to children’s rights is effected by reporting processes through State Parties to domestic institutions, regional, and international organisations. The reports provided by States Parties must contain relevant information with regard to measures that States Parties have taken to implement children’s rights instruments. Inadequate implementation mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights have emerged as the greatest threat to the realisation of children’s rights. This means that the adoption of children’s rights instruments may yield results only when effective implementation steps are taken by the respective States Parties. There are four “cornerstone” principles that underpin the protection of children’s rights.1 These are: non-discrimination; the best interest of the child; the right to life, survival and development; and respect for the views of the child.2 This study will evaluate the right to education and the best interests of the child principle as covered in children’s rights instruments at regional and international levels.Education is a powerful tool in ensuring the protection and enjoyment of children’s rights. Therefore, ineffective implementation of the right to education may have adverse consequences for society. The best interest of the child principle is the guiding principle in all matters concerning children’s rights.3 Therefore, the application and effectiveness of the best interests of the child principle will ensure adequate protection of children’s rights. Further, the study will examine the right to education and the best interest of the child in order to demonstrate how the United Nations (UN) and regional human rights instruments have provided for their implementation. Ratification of children’s rights instruments is a symbolic gesture on the part of States Parties to the recognition and significance of protection of children’s rights. The compliance with children rights instruments or treaty obligations is crucial to ensure adequate protection of children’s rights. Thus, non-compliance with treaty obligations will have a negative impact on the protection of children’s rights. The evaluation of the right to education and the best interests of the child principle will be undertaken against the backdrop of children’s rights instruments. The children’s rights instruments are provided for by the United Nations (UN) and regional human rights systems. The dissertation will evaluate the right to education and the best interests of the child principle within three regional systems, namely, the European Union (EU), the Organisation of American States (OAS), and the African Union (AU). It will also examine pertinent case law within the three regional systems. Finally, the efficacy of implementation mechanisms for the enforcement of children’s rights will be assessed. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLM

This article describes the political process of the OAS Dialogue Table in 2000 Peru. This space, though singular and hardly replicable, was a successful experience to boost the political transition from Alberto Fujimori´s government to the transition government of Valetin Paniagua and the dismantlement of Fujimori´s legal support that affected the horizontal accountability in the country. The achieved success resulted from four factors: 1) The shortfall of internal and external legitimacy of the third government of Alberto Fujimori; 2) the international acknowl- edgement of the Dialogue Table as a space to carry out political transition and democratiza- tion; 3) the union and strengthening of the opposition; and 4) the division and weakening of parliament governing party. Likewise, this political experience, that took place in Peru, became the boost and justification for the birth of the Inter-American Democratic Charter in 2001. / En el presente artículo se describe el proceso político de la Mesa de Diálogo de la OEA del año 2000 en el Perú. Este espacio fue una experiencia exitosa, aunque singular y difícilmente repetible, de impulso a la transición política del gobierno de Alberto Fujimori al gobierno de transición de Valentín Paniagua y de desmantelamiento del soporte jurídico fujimorista que afectaba la accountability horizontal en el país. Dicho éxito se debió a cuatro factores:1) El déficit de legitimidad interna y externa del tercer gobierno de Alberto Fujimori; 2) el reconocimiento internacional de la Mesa de Diálogo como el espacio para llevar adelante la transición política y la democratización; 3) la unión y fortalecimiento de la oposición, y 4) la división y debilitamiento del oficialismo parlamentario. Asimismo, esta experiencia política sucedida en el Perú fue el impulso y la justificación para el nacimiento de la Carta Democrática Interamericana en el año 2001. / No presente artigo descrevese o processo político da Mesa do Diálogo da OEA do ano 200no Peru. Neste espaço foi uma experiência com muito sucesso, mas excêntrica e de difícil repe- tição, de ímpeto á transição política do governo de Alberto Fujimori ao governo de transição de Valentin Paniagua e de desmontagem do apoio jurídico fujimorista que afetavam a accoun- tability horizontal no país. Esse sucesso se deve a quatro fatores: 1) O déficit de legitimidade interna e externa do terceiro governo do Alberto Fujimori; 2) O reconhecimento internacional da Mesa de dialogo como o espaço para levar adiante a transição política e a democratização;3) A união e fortalecimento da oposição; e 4) A divisão e o enfraquecimento do governo parlamentariam. Também, essa experiência política que aconteceu no Peru foi o impulso e ajustificação para o nascimento da Carta Democrática Interamericana do ano 2001.

Cette thèse cherche d'abord à comprendre, en usant de l'exemple Haïtien, si les Réformes du Secteur de Sécurité menées à bien dans le cadre des interventions internationales dans des pays en crise ou en situation de post-conflit, sont efficaces dans l'accomplissement de leurs objectifs et apportent le meilleur soutien d'une manière durable aux Etats hôtes. Finalement, ce document est aussi une base de réflexion pour trouver de nouvelles solutions et pratiques à la mise en oeuvre de Réformes du Secteur de Sécurité. / First of all, this thesis aims at understanding, while using the example of Haiti, if Security Sector Reforms carried out within international interventions in crisis or post-conflict countries are effective at accomplishing their objectives and providing the best support for sustainable changes to host States. Finally this document's objective is also to serve as a support in finding new solutions and new practices to successfully achieve Security Sector Reforms.