Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur antisemitism upplevs av religionslärare och hur lärarna bemöter historiska och rådande händelser som kan kopplas till antisemitism samt vilka didaktiska val de gör för att motverka antisemitism. Mitt mål med dessa frågeställningar är att förstå religionslärares tolkning av antisemitism och hur de undervisar och bemöter antisemitism i klassrummen i olika undervisningssituationer. För att få svar på mina frågeställningar genomförs det en kvalitativ intervjustudie utifrån en hermeneutisk ansats. Intervjuerna skedde utifrån en semistrukturerad intervjuguide. Empirin som kommit ifrån mina fem intervjuer har tolkats utifrån hermeneutiken som metod. Under rubriken tidigare forskning lyfts forskning om hur begreppet antisemitism har förändrats genom historien och hur den upplevs bland elever i skolan. Resultatet visar att religionslärarna upplever antisemitism under sin undervisning och att det kan skilja sig väldigt mycket åt beroende vilka didaktiska val de gör. Detta lyfts vidare i slutsatsdelen som något problematiskt.

Since the end of the Second World War, scholars have attempted to understand why Fascist Italy chose to adopt the racial laws in 1938. For sixteen years, Benito Mussolini rejected the existence of antisemitism in Italy, leading many to assert that the antisemitic program was a foreign import. The rise of Nazi Germany, expansion of Fascist Italy's colonial empire, and the desire to create the new fascist man are generally believed to be the main factors that pushed Italian fascism towards a racial program. Yet these factors do not fully explain the radical shift in Fascist Italy's approach to its Jewish minority. This dissertation argues that the turn towards official racism should also take into consideration the development of fascism's other long-standing minority program. Beginning in 1923, the Fascist government instituted policies to "Italianize" the Germanic and Slavic ethno-linguistic minority communities of South Tyrol (Venezia Tridentina) and the Adriatic (Venezia Giulia), known as the allogeni. To "make Italians" of the allogeni the Fascist government stripped them of their linguistic, cultural and political rights, and attempted to absorb them into the national community. However, by the end of the 1920s, Fascist officials began to question whether the assimilation of these ethno-linguistic Others was sufficient or even desirable. I argue that the failures of Italianization led to the delegitimization of assimilation - the foundation upon which Jewish inclusion had been built. The decline of assimilation was an important precursor to the rise of fascism's racial program. This dissertation posits that the borderland Italianization program and racial laws were different phases of the Fascist "redemptive struggle," aimed at redeeming the Italian people and nation through their unification in both being and spirit. The borderland Italianization programs also established some of the methods and procedures that would be adopted for the implementation of the racial laws.

This study examines the Cultural Trauma associated with the Jedwabne pogrom, as portrayed in three Polish newspapers. The essay seeks to answer the following questions: How did the chosen three Polish newspapers with varying ideological and political views depict the discussion about the Jedwabne pogrom in their articles in the years 2016-2018? In what ways do these usages and representations reflect or challenge the dominant narratives of Polish national mythology? How has the discussion on Polish antisemitism in relation to the Jedwabne pogrom changed after the conservative Law and Justice party came to power in 2015? The source material used consists of 45 newspaper pieces from Gazeta Wyborcza, Tygodnik Powszechny, and Polonia Christianapublished between 2016-2018. The theory applied was inspired by Barbara Törnquist-Plewa's studies which originate from the theory of Cultural Trauma and Collective Memory and Geneviève Zubrzycki's theory of National Mythology. The method used to analyze the source material could be best described as a qualitative close reading of the sources, where the theory of cultural trauma with its associated diagnosed coping strategies and the perspective of national mythology is used as an analytical lens to highlight how the Jedwabne pogrom discourse is being portrayed intertextually. The study's results found two camps with different stances on the topic concerning the Jedwabne pogrom and Polish antisemitism, namely, the pro-Gross/identity-transformative camp and the anti-Gross/Gross-skeptical camp. The presented two camps used two different strategies concerning the pogrom debate, namely, the politics of shame and the politics of pride, which suggested a laboriously political state of the discourse in the years 2016-2018. The resulting politicization of these two political strategies was explained by their link to cultural trauma responses used by the camps conforming to Törnquist-Plewa's results. The study found that the national myth of Polish messianism was used in the source material. However, it was predominantly used mindfully by the newspaper's authors in an attempt to combat this national myth, which was tied to a cultural trauma response and political usage. The study found that the debate on Polish antisemitism tied to the Jedwabne pogrom has regressed after the Law and Justice party came to power in 2015, as their political meddling with state institutions sabotaged the Polish scholarly debate and effectively polluted the public debate in various scandals

This essay examines how different antisemitic attitudes, conspiracy theories and ideas are communicated through the party program of the Nordic resistance movement (in Swedish ‘Nordiska motståndsrörelsen). The Nordic resistance movement is one of Sweden’s leading right-wing extremist groups and is a national socialist organisation and political party. The ideology of the Nordic resistance movement is heavily influenced by antisemitic beliefs, and they see the world through a prism where the society is occupied by a global Jewish conspiracy. To be available to identify the patterns of antisemitism in the party program, I have gathered and used previous research about antisemitism. Through research, I have explained and created different ideal types of antisemitism that have their own characteristics. The ideal types are then used in an ideal-type analysis on the party program to identify what types of antisemitism that are present. In summary, the analysis show that all types of antisemitism are expressed in the party program with the perception of a global Jewish conspiracy and cultural Marxism at is core.

No description available.

No / While terrorism has become a major topic of discussion and analysis in the academy and in the policy making of Australian institutions, it rarely affects the everyday life of Australian citizens. Yet for some groups, in terrorem is a way of life¿particularly for those whose lives are performed under social and political spotlights. At the core of the limitations imposed on certain groups in Australia is the use of language to police the behaviours of these groups, and to create a social environment that makes the hiding one¿s identity the most effective mechanism to avoid terror. In this paper, I analyse the linguistic themes and forms used in hate violence as way to illustrate the impact of in terrorem on gay men, lesbians and Jews, and suggest alternative means by which to regulate the harm caused by vilification.

Judar är en av Sveriges nationella minoriteter. Enligt Sveriges lag ska de nationella minoriteternas möjligheter att bevara och utveckla sin kultur främjas. Samtidigt vittnar judar om ökad antisemitism i det svenska samhället. Denna studie utforskar hur tidskriften Judisk Krönika skildrar judiska identiteter i Sverige samt hur upprätthållandet av dessa identiteter påverkas av antisemitism. Genom en tematisk innehållsanalys med hjälp av Giddens teori om självidentiteter är gemenskap och potentiella risker med att uttrycka sin identitet centrala faktorer för att upprätthålla judiska identiteter. Närmare bestämt formas judiska identiteter av historia, kulturliv, traditioner, värderingar samt erfarenheter av antisemitism et cetera. Sammanfattningsvis belyser Judisk Krönika att judiska identiteter är dynamiska och kontextberoende, präglade av både kollektiva och individuella erfarenheter.

Antisemitism är ett samhällsproblem som även finns ute i våra svenska skolor. Vårt syfte med examensarbete är att undersöka hur antisemitism kommer till uttryck i den svenska skolan, hur SO-lärare hanterar dessa uttryck samt om SO-lärare anser att studiebesök och studieresor kan vara ett hjälpande verktyg i att motverka antisemitism i skolan. För att genomföra studien har vi använt oss av en kvalitativ metod som består av semistrukturerade intervjuer där vi intervjuat fyra verksamma SO-lärare i Skåne. Resultatet av vår studie visar att antisemitiska uttryck förekommer i skolor och ett sätt att arbeta med antisemitism är att använda studieresor eller studiebesök i sin undervisning.

This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism.

La présente étude est destinée à l’éclaircissement de la représentation de l’affaire Dreyfus dans l’oeuvre de Proust, de Jean Santeuil à la Recherche du temps perdu. L’évolution du thème est étudiée à travers une analyse philologique et historique de cinq grands textes : Jean Santeuil (rédigé entre 1895 et 1899) ; « Sentiments filiaux d’un parricide » (1907) ; « ‘L’affaire Lemoine’ par Michelet » (1908) ; Sodome et Gomorrhe I ; le cycle d’Albertine (La Prisonnière et Albertine disparue). La première partie propose une étude critique des treize fragments de Jean Santeuil comportant des références explicites à l’affaire Dreyfus. La seconde partie décrit la transformation de la mémoire de celle-ci dans les écrits de 1907 à 1922, en établissant l’influence de Michelet sur la représentation de la victime dans « Sentiments filiaux d’un parricide » ; l’apparition du point de vue antisémite de l’Affaire et la constitution du parallélisme entre juifs et homosexuels dans « ‘L’affaire Lemoine’ par Michelet » ; l’achèvement du dreyfusisme proustien dans Sodome et Gomorrhe I ; la transposition critique des discours dreyfusards, antidreyfusards et antisémites dans le cycle d’Albertine ; l’influence de la Première Guerre mondiale (espionite, chasse aux traîtres, mobilisation des juifs) sur l’écriture de l’affaire Dreyfus dans la Recherche. L’examen chronologique et événementiel est complété par l’analyse de deux métaphores optiques employées pour décrire les juifs à l’époque de l’Union sacrée sous l’angle de l’histoire juive de longue durée : le kaléidoscope social et les rayons X. / This study proposes to clarify the representation of the Dreyfus affair in the works of Proust, from Jean Santeuil to À la recherche du temps perdu. The evolution of the theme is studied through a philological and historical examination of five important writings: Jean Santeuil (written between 1895 and 1899), « Sentiments filiaux d’un parricide » (1907), « ‘L’affaire Lemoine’ par Michelet » (1908), Sodome et Gomorrhe I and the Albertine cycle (La Prisonnière and Albertine disparue). The first part is a critical study of thirteen fragments of Jean Santeuil containing explicit references to the Dreyfus affair. The second part describes the transformation of the memory of the Affair in the writings composed between 1907 and 1922, demonstrating Michelet’s influence on the representation of the victim in « Sentiments filiaux d’un parricide », the appearance of the anti-Semitic interpretation of the Affair and the constitution of a parallelism between Jews and homosexuals in « ‘L’affaire Lemoine’ par Michelet », the achievement of Proust’s Dreyfusism in Sodome et Gomorrhe I, the critical transposition of Dreyfusard, anti-Dreyfusard and anti-Semitic discourses in the Albertine cycle, the influence of the World War I (spy paranoia, traitor hunts, mobilization of the Jews) on the description of the Dreyfus Affair in the Recherche. The chronological and factual examination is completed by the analysis of two optical metaphors used to describe the Jews in France at the time of the ‘Union sacrée’ from the perspective of long-term Jewish history: the social kaleidoscope and the X-rays.