This thesis analyses speeches and interviews given by Nikol Pashinyan and Ilham Aliyev in 2018–23 to understand how victimhood narratives based in genocide memory are utilised before and during violent conflicts. Using critical narrative analysis and an overall inductive approach, the themes, and myths present in narratives, and role of genocide memory have been found to follow the theoretical framework of collective memory, social identity theory, framing theory, and strategic narratives. The results provide context into the move away from historic ‘chosen traumas’ to recent ‘hot traumas’ to gain sympathy and validation for the securitisation of a nation. This being in addition to a strategic use of competitive victimhood that clearly follows the political elites’ stances of what constitutes morality, group identity, and accepted historical narratives. Overall, it is possible to sum up this thesis as the securitisation of genocide memory.

This research discusses communication and meaning in the context of orality, using a variety of theoretical perspectives, including memory theory, media and communication theory, and semiotics. Drawing on the work of Walter Ong, it provides new insight about the characteristics and limits of oralnarration by assessing the memes, tropes, and phraseological units in the oral narrations of Armenian Genocide survivors. This research identifies a list of replicable forms of stories and oral devices that are used by the group in question; it then proposes that oral narration of non-fictional topics designed to convey historical or episodic information to others is intuitive, reactive, directed, fuzzy, and sticky. Concerns about the legitimacy and historical value of the narrations under review do not play a role in this research; instead, the focal point is the meaning embedded in the form and structure of the narrations under study.

This research discusses communication and meaning in the context of orality, using a variety of theoretical perspectives, including memory theory, media and communication theory, and semiotics. Drawing on the work of Walter Ong, it provides new insight about the characteristics and limits of oralnarration by assessing the memes, tropes, and phraseological units in the oral narrations of Armenian Genocide survivors. This research identifies a list of replicable forms of stories and oral devices that are used by the group in question; it then proposes that oral narration of non-fictional topics designed to convey historical or episodic information to others is intuitive, reactive, directed, fuzzy, and sticky. Concerns about the legitimacy and historical value of the narrations under review do not play a role in this research; instead, the focal point is the meaning embedded in the form and structure of the narrations under study.

No description available.

Many historians refer to the Armenian Genocide of 1915 as the first genocide of the twentieth century. In the context of the first global war, the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire were systematically persecuted and many eliminated while the world watched. Yet today, American memory and conception of the Armenian Genocide is remarkably different from similar historical events such as the Holocaust. The Armenian Genocide and America's reaction to it is a forgotten event in American memory. In an attempt to better understand this process of forgetting, this thesis analyzes the Washington Post's news coverage of the Armenian Genocide. By cataloguing, categorizing, and analysizing this news coverage, this thesis suggests Americans had sufficient information about the events and national reaction to it to form a memory. Therefore, the reasons for twenty-first century collective loss of memory in the minds of Americans must be traced to other sources.

C’est après deux opus sur l’immigration turque en Allemagne que le réalisateur turc-allemand Fatih Akin décide d’explorer la période la plus sombre de son pays d’origine. Avec le film The Cut (2014), il clôt la trilogie Liebe, Tod und Teufel. Ce mémoire réfléchit sur l’utilisation du genre Western dans la représentation du génocide arménien. Nous ferons tout d’abord un court historique du genre Western et de la représentation génocidaire au cinéma, pour ensuite analyser le film d’après la notion de genre et voir dans quelle mesure l’utilisation d’un genre connu universellement permet à Fatih Akin de ne pas justifier ses choix esthétiques. Au cours de cette analyse, nous nous baserons sur quatre éléments clés afin d’établir un lien avec le genre Western: la figure du héros, les paysages, le mythe de la frontière ainsi que le titre du film lui-même. Le but de ce travail ne sera pas d’être comparatif, mais bien de déterminer dans quelle mesure le film s’inscrit dans le mouvement Postwestern. Enfin, la notion d’identité nous permettra de comprendre de quelle manière le film The Cut s’insère au sein de la trilogie d’Akin. / It is after his second opus on Turkish immigration in Germany that Turkish-German director Fatih Akin decided to explore the darkest period of his country of origin. With the film The Cut, he ends the trilogy Liebe, Tod und Teufel. This master’s thesis reflects on the use of the Western genre in the representation of the Armenian Genocide. We will start with a short history of the Western genre and the representation of genocide in cinema. Then we will analyse the film as per the notion of genre and see under which measure the use of a universally known genre enables Fatih Akin to justify his aesthetic choices. During this analysis, we will use four key elements as the groundwork to establish a link with the Western genre. They are the figure of the hero, the landscapes, the myth of the frontier and the title of the film itself. The intention of this research is not to be comparative, but to situate the film within the movement that is the Post-western. Finally, the notion of identity will allow us to understand how the film The Cut exists within Akin’s trilogy. / Nach seinem zweiten Opus zur türkischen Immigration entschied sich der türkisch-deutsche Regisseur Fatih Akin, die dunkelste Periode seines Heimatlandes zu verfilmen. Mit dem Film The Cut beendet er seine Trilogie Liebe, Tod und Teufel. Diese Magisterarbeit analysiert die Verwendung des Westerngenres in der Darstellung des armenischen Völkermordes in The Cut. Begonnen wird mit einem kurzen Überblick über die Geschichte des Westerngenres, bevor auf die Darstellung des Völkermords im Film eingegangen wird. Im Anschluss wird untersucht, inwiefern die Verwendung des Genres Western Fatih Akin seine filmästhetischen Entscheidungen ermöglicht. Diese Untersuchung basiert auf der Grundlage von vier Schlüsselmotiven: der Heldenfigur, der Landschaft, des Mythos des Grenzlandes sowie des Filmtitels selbst. Die Intention dieser Analyse ist jedoch nicht vergleichender Natur. Es wird vielmehr versucht, den Film in seine Einzelteile zu zerlegen, um ihn in die Post-Western-Bewegung einbetten zu können, ohne dabei das Identitätsstreben der ersten beiden Filme der Trilogie außer Acht zu lassen. In diesem Kontext lässt sich eine Verbindung mit dem Heimatfilm herstellen und es wird ein besseres Verständnis für die Rolle von The Cut innerhalb der Trilogie ermöglicht.

No description available.

Cette thèse se propose d'analyser les événements internes à l'Empire ottoman envers les Arméniens de 1894 jusqu'en 1914 aux yeux de l'opinion publique française à travers les sources journalistiques françaises. De 1894, début des massacres des Arméniens jusqu'à la prise de pouvoir des Jeunes-Turcs (1908), comment les années d'Abdul-Hamid II envers la population arménienne furent-ils perçus et quelle fut la vision du gouvernement unioniste (1908-1914) face aux Arméniens ? Voilà un aperçu des principales problématiques qui sera abordé à travers notre étude. / This thesis aims to analyze the internal events in the Ottoman Empire against Armenians from 1894 until 1914 in the eyes of the French public through the French journalists' sources. 1894 start of the massacres of Armenians to the takeover of the Young Turks (1908), how the years of Abdul Hamid II to the Armenian population were they received and what was the vision of the Union government (1908 -1914) against the Armenians? This is an overview of the main issues that will be addressed through the study.

In 1948 the international community in reaction to the horrors of the holocaust sought to eradicate genocide forever by creating the 'Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide'. This Convention criminalised the preparation and act of genocide by international law, making all individuals accountable irrelevant of status or sovereignty. But the Convention has not been enough to deter the act of genocide from occurring again, and again, and again. Worst, the international community has been slow to react to cases of genocide. The problem with preventing and punishing genocide is hindered by the power and right of veto held by permanent members of the UNSC. The UNSC has been given the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and is the only entity that can mandate an intervention that overrides the principle of non-intervention. The aim of this thesis is to show that the veto has been a crucial factor in stopping the prevention of genocide, thus it is imperative that the veto change. This study argues that to effectively prevent and punish genocide the veto needs to be barred from use in cases of genocide. It looks at different cases since the Armenian genocide during WWI through to the Darfur genocide which is still in process. The case of Armenia is significant because for the first time, members of the international community were prepared to hold leaders of another state accountable for their treatment of their own citizens. However the collective will to bring justice to those accountable waned coming to an abrupt end in 1923. The holocaust followed in WWII; six million Jews died, and numerous other groups were targeted under the Nazi's serial genocide. The shock of the holocaust led to the Genocide Convention. But thirty years later during the Cold War, Cambodia became embroiled in a genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. The international community silently stood by. The USSR, China, and the US all had their reasons to stay out of Cambodia, from supporting a regime with a likeminded political ideology to war weariness from Vietnam. In the 1990s, genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Kosovo) followed. The former was neglected by the US's unwillingness to be involved in another peacekeeping disaster. The two genocides in the former Yugoslavia were affected by Russia and China's reluctance to use military force even after the clear failure of serial negotiations. Finally, in 2003 Darfur became the latest tragedy of genocide. Again, Russia and China have been timid of calling the conflict genocide thus avoiding any affirmative action to stop it. These cases all show that where one state is unwilling to be involved in stopping genocide, their right and power to the veto stops or delays the international community from preventing and punishing genocide, regardless of whether the veto is used or merely seen as a threat. Therefore, for future prevention of genocide, the veto needs to be changed to prevent its use in times of genocide.

Uppsatsens syfte är att söka förklaring till varför den svenska regeringen valde att inte erkänna folkmordet på armenier/Seyfo samt undersöka på vilket sätt politiker använder sig av historia när de ska ta beslut i frågor som dels skett i en annan tid och som dels är obekväma att hantera. För att få svar på denna fråga har en kvalitativ metod använts. Argumentationsanalys samt kritisk diskursanalys har använts för att tolka de politiska argumentationerna och nyckelorden i den politiska debatten. Den utredning som regeringen beställde som underlag för sitt beslut har varit ett viktigt undersökningsmaterial. Vidare har intervjuer använts för att få en ökad förståelse av undersökningen. Syftet med uppsatsen har uppnåtts och förklaringen till varför den svenska regeringen valde att inte erkänna folkmordet på armenier/Seyfo är också en slutsats. Det fanns flera bakomliggande faktorer så som att inte stöta sig med en stor väljargrupp, inte riskera handelsrelationer dvs. ekonomiska intressen, dels flyktingfrågan mm. Dessa faktorer var dock inte de största utan den absolut största och även viktigaste orsaken var den som de inte tordes nämna. Denna faktor var att de var rädda för att ett erkännande skulle leda till påtryckningar och hot från Turkiet samt från olika intressenter i Sverige. / The purpose of the thesis is to seek an explanation as to why the Swedish government chose not to acknowledge the Armenian/Seyfo genocide and to investigate how politicians make use of history when making decisions on issues that have happened in another time and which are partly uncomfortable to manage. A qualitative method has been used to answer this question. Argumentation analysis and critical discourse analysis have been used to interpret the political arguments and keywords in the political debate. The investigation that the government ordered as a basis for its decision has been an important investigative material. Furthermore, interviews were used to gain a better understanding of the study. The purpose of the thesis has been achieved and the explanation as to why the Swedish government chose not to acknowledge the Armenian/Seyfo genocide is also a conclusion. There were several different underlying factors such as not clashing with a larger voter group, not risking trade relations i.e. financial interests, partly the refugee issue, etc. However, these factors were not the greatest, but the absolute greatest and also the most important reason was the one they did not dare mention. This factor was that they were afraid that recognition would lead to pressure and threats from Turkey as well as from various stakeholders in Sweden.