This paper aims to propose a discussion about the core elements of bureaucratic- authoritarian state theory of the argentine political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell. Analyzing the economic and political interpretations that permeate their way of thinking and the resulting implications in power relations caused by the economic structuring approach. The historical cases traversed by this kind of rule will be examined, overall, through the concepts and correlations, which allow the direction for the bureaucratic - authoritative forms, likewise the post- strokes standards to allow consideration the dynamic power compared to such types. In particular, comparing disaggregated the standards set in the experiences Brazil and Chile. The nodal axis of this research seeks to reframe the political, economic and institutional trajectory explained the theory of bureaucratic- authoritarian state reflecting on the types of conflicts arising in this type of domination as well as discussing fundamentally the place of common development derived from the economic structure accumulative proposed by the author . / O presente trabalho procura propor uma discussão acerca dos elementos centrais da teoria de Estado burocrático-autoritário do cientista político argentino Guillermo O´Donnell. Analisando as interpretações econômicas e políticas que permeiam sua linha de pensamento e as decorrentes implicâncias nas relações de poder causadas pelo enfoque de estruturação econômica. Os casos históricos atravessados por esta espécie de dominação serão examinados, no global, através dos conceitos e correlações que permitem a direção para as formas burocrático-autoritárias, do mesmo modo, os padrões pós-golpes, que permitem ponderar a dinâmica de poder comparada de tais tipos. Em particular, comparando de forma desagregada os padrões estabelecidos nas experiências de Chile e do Brasil. O eixo nodal da presente pesquisa procura re-significar a trajetória política, econômica e institucional explicitada na teoria do Estado burocrático-autoritário refletindo sobre os tipos de conflitos suscitados neste tipo de dominação assim como discutir, fundamentalmente, o lugar de desenvolvimento comum derivado da estruturação econômica acumulativa proposta pelo autor.

Resumo: Os elementos estruturais da narrativa do escritor português António Lobo Antunes tornam-se peças de um quebra-cabeça manipulado pelo autor, que, ao sinalizar para os escombros do contexto histórico reafirma os destroços da forma narrativa. Nesse processo se misturam os discursos jornalístico, político e religioso às vozes dos narradores e das personagens, dando origem a um instigante jogo polifônico. Com os romances Os Cus de Judas (1979), Fado Alexandrino (1983) e Exortação aos Crocodilos (1999), representativos de uma escrita que burla o discurso do autoritarismo, desautorizando-o e desautomatizando-o, enveredamos pelos meandros do grotesco e da ironia para expor os fragmentos de espaços marcados pelos acontecimentos de antes, durante e depois da Revolução dos Cravos e os fragmentos das guerras travadas, também, no interior das personagens. / Abstract: Structural elements of the Portuguese writer António Lobo Antunes' narratives are pieces of a puzzle manipulated by an author who tends to turn relative the ruins of historical context and reassert the wrecks of the narrative form. In this process, historical, political and religious speeches mix to the voices of narrators and characters, raising an enticing polyphonic game in which we intend to interact. With the South of Nowhere (1979), Fado Alexandrino (1983) and Exhortation to the Crocodiles (1999), we will go through meanders of irony, parody and grotesque to expose fragments of signed spaces through past events, throughout and after the Carnation Revolution and the wars engaged, also within characters - a space of writing that fools the authoritarianism speech, discrediting it and ending the automatic speech. / Orientador: Sônia Helena de Oliveira Raymundo Piteri / Coorientador: Ana Paula dos Duarte Arnaut / Banca: Lilian Jacoto / Banca: Márcia Valéria Zamboni Gobbi / Banca: Maria Heloísa Martins Dias / Doutor

Det finns idag mycket kunskap om vilka faktorer som leder till ökat resultat för eleverna. Trots det har vi i Sverige fortfarande en hög andel elever som inte når gymnasiebehörighet i årskurs 9. På den skola jag är verksam som rektor gjordes en nulägesanalys höstterminen 2016 inför ett samverkansprojekt med Skolverket; resultatet av den analysen visar på hur arbetslagsledarna är en outnyttjad resurs. Deras uppdrag har mer kommit att handla om att förmedla information från rektor till laget och att leda lagmöten, än att leda skolutvecklingsprocesser. Mot bakgrund av ovanstående ställer jag följande frågor:  1) Vilket ledarskap utövar arbetslagsledare i olika situationer? 2)  Hur kan arbetslagsledarens syn på det egna uppdraget förstås? 3)  På vilket sätt påverkar olika bakgrundsvariabler hur arbetslagsledaren utövar sitt ledarskap? Ett antal hypoteser ställs upp i syfte att försöka besvara frågorna och datainsamling sker genom att en enkät skickas ut till arbetslagsledare i olika grundskolor. De bakgrundsvariabler som prövas är: kön, tid på arbetsplatsen, tid som arbetslagsledare, hur uppdraget tilldelats, storleken på laget, förstelärare eller inte, och vilken huvudman respondenten har.  Respondenterna får läsa sex olika scenarier och därefter ta ställning till olika handlingsalternativ, utformade utifrån fyra olika teorier om ledarskap: abdikerat ledarskap, auktoritärt ledarskap, kommunikativt ledarskap och etiskt ledarskap. Det finns även ett femte alternativ där respondenten har möjlighet till ett eget alternativ.  Resultatet av undersökningen visar att den ledarskapsstil som arbetslagsledare, oberoende av bakgrund, i högsta grad väljer är den etiskt-kommunikativa ledarskapsstilen, förutom i scenario 1. Vilket handlar om att hantera ett ärende där en kollega inte följer de normer och värden som finns för skolan. Vidare visar en analys av resultatet att det behöver finnas en tydlig uppdragsbeskrivning med ett tydligt mandat som ska vara känt av alla. Då skapas större förutsättningar för arbetslagsledaren att leda de nödvändiga processerna mot ökad måluppfyllelse. / There is a lot of knowledge today about factors that lead to increased results for the students. Nevertheless, in Sweden, we still have a high proportion of students who do not reach secondary competence in grade 9. At the school where I am principal, an analysis was conducted in the autumn term 2016 for a collaboration project with the Swedish National Agency for Education. The result of this analysis shows how the team leaders are an unutilized resource, whose mission has become more about mediate information from the principal to the team and conducting team meetings, than to lead school development processes.  In view of this, I ask the following questions:  1)    Which leaderships do team leaders practise in different situations? 2)    How can team leaders view for their own mission understands? 3)    In what way do different background variables affect the way the team leader practise her leadership?  A number of hypotheses are set up in purpose to try to answer these questions and data collection is done by sending questionnaires to team leaders in various elementary schools. The background variables tested are: gender, time at workplace, time as team leader, how the assignment is assigned, the size of the team, first teacher or not, and what head of school the respondent has.  The respondents reads six different scenarios and then take a stand in different action options, based on the theories of four different leaderships: abdicated leadership, authoritative leadership, communicative leadership, and ethical leadership. There is also a fifth option where the respondent is given the opportunity an alternative of her own.  The result of the survey shows that the leadershipstyle that team leaders, regardless of  background, choose to the highest degree is the ethical-communicative. Except in scenario 1 which is about managing a case where a colleague does not comply with the norms and values ​​of the school. An analysis of the result also shows that there must be a clear mission statement with a clear mandate that should be known by everyone. This will create greater prerequisites for the team leader to lead the necessary processes towards increased goal achievement.

Mobbning på arbetsplatser är ett stort samhällsproblem. År 2013 rapporterades 8 % av de arbetsrelaterade sjukdomar som anmälts till försäkringskassan vara orsakade av kränkningar, mobbning och trakasserier. Ohälsa, tvångstankar, ångest, depression, och posttraumatisk stress är vanligt förekommande hos de som utsatts för mobbning. Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur mörka personlighetsdrag samt ledarskapsstilar predicerar mobbning, baserat på data från observatörer av mobbning. Studiens två regressionsmodeller uppvisades en skillnad i varians, där den senare, som inkluderade även ledarens ledarstil och mörka personlighetsdrag, förklarade 8% mer av variationen i observerad mobbning än den modell som bara analyserade mobbaren. En rimlig slutsats är därför att ledarens ledarstil och mörka personlighetsdrag kan vara avgörande för förekomsten av mobbning. / Bullying at workplaces is a major problem among societys. In 2013, 8% of the occupational diseases reported to the Swedish insurance fund were reported to be caused by violations, bullying and harassment. Illnesses, obsessive thoughts, anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress are common in those who have been subjected to bullying. The purpose of the study was to investigate how dark personality traits and leadership styles predict bullying based on data from bullying observers. The two regression models in the study's showed a difference in variance, where the latter, which included the leader's leadership style and dark personality traits, explained 8% more of the variation in perceived bullying than the model that only analysed the bully, not including the leader. A reasonable conclusion is therefore that the leader's leadership style and dark personality traits can be decisive for the occurrence of bullying.

The recent growth of social media and other internet technologies is believed to diminish the control of political elites over information flows and enable citizens to be active participants of political processes. Practice shows, however, that this general tendency acquires different forms in different geopolitical contexts. This master thesis intends to investigate how social media are used for the purposes of daily communication of political opposition in Belarus, where dominant traditional media channels are monopolized by the government. The analysis involves mixed approach methodology, which combines content analysis of Facebook posts of Belarusian opposition representatives and qualitative interviews with them. The research articulates an important role of social media in Belarus as one of a few mediums where opposition politicians can exist without pervasive control of authorities. However, the results show that the presence of opposition on social media doesn't necessarily increase their chances to gain political weight or activates civic participation in the country. The effectiveness of their communication is to a large extent predefined by social and political environment in the country. A practical implication of the study is that potentially effective directions for political communication of Belarusian opposition have been outlined.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:39:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1871492 bytes, checksum: 5f2738530a226a92aecc726e9a194f94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The allegorical concept of an Authoritarian State is discussed in some areas of knowledge, including History and Social Science. As a field of knowledge that reproduces "realities" discussed in these areas, Literature can be an area of tension between these two discursive representations and relates to allegorical socio-historical creations facts, in research of a resignification of such facts, as the allegory metamorphoses itself the language and the content of a speech, by saying one thing but meaning another. In this sense, in O Pagador de Promessas and in O Santo Inquérito, Dias Gomes, the experiences undergone by these characters Zé-do-Burro - a country man - and Branca Dias a new Christian represents allegories of a Brazilian historic moment. Thus, to better understand this allegorization, in the first moment, it exposes a panoramic vision of the alleged evolution of the concept of allegory and a brief course of the nation concept. Such behavior anticipates the main theoretical procedures adopted in this work, called by Fredric Jameson of National Allegory. In the second moment, there is a historical contextualization of environments of the 1960s, with the aim of drawing attention to a dictatorial environment by which Brazil went, in addition to observe that, in these parts, the playwright proposes rewriting certain times in the History of the country through conflict and dramatic actions. For both, the allegorical language was - and has been - one of the tools more applicants. This is the profile that is configured in the two plays of Dias Gomes that this research proposes highlight. / A concepção alegórica de Estado Autoritário é assunto debatido em alguns âmbitos do conhecimento, entre eles, a História e as Ciências Sociais. Como uma área de conhecimento que reproduz as realidades debatidas por essas áreas, a literatura pode ser um espaço de tensão entre essas duas representações discursivas e relacionar fatos sócio-históricos a criações alegóricas, em busca de uma ressignificação de tais fatos, visto que a alegoria metamorfoseia a linguagem e o conteúdo de um discurso, por dizer uma coisa e pretender que se entenda outra. Nesse sentido, em O Pagador de Promessas e em O Santo Inquérito, de Dias Gomes, as experiências vivenciadas pelas personagens Zé-do-Burro um homem do campo e Branca Dias uma cristã-nova representam alegorias de um momento histórico brasileiro. Assim, para melhor se compreender essa alegorização, em um primeiro momento, expõe-se uma visão panorâmica da suposta evolução do conceito de alegoria e um breve percurso do conceito de nação. Tal comportamento antecipa os principais procedimentos teóricos adotados neste trabalho, denominados por Fredric Jameson de alegoria nacional. Em um segundo momento, há uma contextualização histórica dos entornos da década de 1960, com o intuito de chamar a atenção para um ambiente ditatorial pelo qual o Brasil passava, além de se observar que, nas referidas peças, o dramaturgo propõe a reescritura de determinados momentos da História do país através de conflitos e de ações dramáticas alegóricos. Para tanto, a linguagem alegórica foi e tem sido, ainda, uma das ferramentas mais recorrentes. Esse é o perfil que se configura nas duas peças de Dias Gomes que este trabalho propõe evidenciar.

The aim of this paper is to examine how the size of the Egyptian state has developed during the last three decades. The questions that I will try to answer during the paper are following: Has the Egyptian state contracted the last three decades? Can I based on the result of the study draw some conclusions about if the states dominant position in the society has been reduced? The theory and the method are built on the theoretical framework of the authoritarian state. The modern authoritarian state bases its dominant role in the society on a large centralized and hierarchical bureaucracy. This composes the main theoretical assumption that the method is based on. The method is built on the operationalization of four indicators that examine the size of the state. The conclusion of the first question is that the Egyptian state can be said both has contracted and maintained status quo, and the conclusion of the second question is that the states ability to dominate the society still is big, this assumption is mostly based on the high rate of employment in the public sector witch creates the foundation of the large bureaucracy.

A presente tese objetiva fazer uma análise histórico-estrutural do padrão de crescimento econômico do regime autoritário-militar brasileiro (1964-1985), mostrando que, muito mais do que fatores conjunturais externos, como, por exemplo, as crises mundiais do petróleo de 1973 e 1979, a sua natureza, dinâmica e as contradições que lhe eram imanentes foram os principais fatores que impediram o Brasil de vir a se tornar uma potência mundial até o ano 2000, tal como pretendia a cúpula militar. Expõe o eixo sobre o qual giravam os planos econômicos dos governos deste regime, em especial dos presidentes Castelo Branco e Ernesto Geisel, argumentando que os mesmos, consubstanciados em estratégias não autonomistas, porque excessivamente dependentes de tecnologia e de capital industrial-financeiro forâneos, reduziram o poder de barganha do Estado brasileiro no cenário internacional. Enfoca também os pontos convergentes da economia política com a política externa, mostrando que - pelo fato dos governos militares terem se rendido à idéia de interdependência, crendo, com isso, que a limitação da soberania nacional era \"conveniente\" para que o Brasil recebesse créditos do Primeiro Mundo, em especial dos EUA -, isso impediu o fortalecimento do Poder Nacional. / This thesis is a historical-structural analysis of the Brazilian economic development pattern pursued by the military-authoritarian regime (1964-1985), showing that, more than non-domestic short-term causes, such as the world energy crisis due to oil price rises in 1973 and 1979, its nature, dynamics and the contradictions which were inherent in that pattern were the determining factors in the failure of Brazil to become a Great Power until 2000, as it was determined by the officialdom. It exposes the axis on which the then general-presidents\' economical plans turned round, specially Castelo Branco and Ernesto Geisel\'s, arguing that these plans, based on nonautonomous strategies, as they were too much dependent upon foreign capital and technology, reduced Brazil\'s bargaining power in the international environment. It also focuses on the connection between political economy and foreign policy, showing that - since the military governments surrendered to the idea of interdependence, believing that the limitation of national sovereignty was \"useful\" for receiving credit from First World, notably from the USA -, this impeded the fortification of National Power.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-20T17:46:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 barbaravitaldematosoliveira.pdf: 2095013 bytes, checksum: f18f67a406e7bb2a5ec40094c835beb7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-21T13:25:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 barbaravitaldematosoliveira.pdf: 2095013 bytes, checksum: f18f67a406e7bb2a5ec40094c835beb7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-21T13:25:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 barbaravitaldematosoliveira.pdf: 2095013 bytes, checksum: f18f67a406e7bb2a5ec40094c835beb7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-02 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente pesquisa tem como objeto de investigação o Poder Legislativo Municipal durante o período do regime autoritário de 1964-1985 no Brasil, tendo como caso de estudo a Câmara Municipal de Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais. Assim, buscou-se analisar: o que ocorreu com a Câmara Municipal em questão após o golpe de 1964 e a consequente instituição de um novo regime, de caráter autoritário, e; quais foram as alterações institucionais sobre a ordem jurídica e política e sobre o sistema político-partidário e eleitoral. As dimensões de análise mobilizadas no estudo são as dimensões institucional, eleitoral e política, organizacional e de produção legislativa. A dissertação se desenvolve em três capítulos. O Capítulo I disserta sobre os primeiros impactos do golpe de 1964 e do novo regime inaugurado por este evento sobre a cidade e a Câmara Municipal de Juiz de Fora. O Capítulo II aborda as alterações na ordem jurídica e política no plano formal, investigando se tais alterações impactaram, e de que maneira, o Legislativo municipal na prática. O Capítulo III é dedicado à análise das eleições municipais para os cargos do Executivo e do Legislativo, bem como a competição e a dinâmica eleitorais e partidárias do município. Para tal exercício, foram utilizadas diferentes técnicas de pesquisa: (a) a análise documental, tendo como fontes o jornal local Diário Mercantil, as Atas das Sessões da Câmara Municipal de Juiz de Fora, os processos de produção legislativa, as leis federais do período, como os Atos Institucionais, a Constituição de 1967, a Emenda Constitucional nº 1, de 1969, entre outros; (b) a análise de dados, tais como dados eleitorais das eleições municipais que ocorreram entre 1962 e 1982, informados pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral e pelo periódico Diário Mercantil, e dados de produção legislativa disponibilizados pelo arquivo digital e o arquivo físico da Câmara Municipal de Juiz de Fora e; (c) a análise de discurso por meio de entrevistas realizadas com vereadores que exerceram mandato à época. / The present study has as investigation object the Municipal Legislature during the period of the authoritarian regime of 1964-1985 in Brazil, taking the Municipal Council of Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, as a case study. Thus, it was sought to analyze: what happened to the Municipal Council in question after the 1964 coup and the consequent establishment of a new authoritarian regime of permanence; and what the institutional changes on the legal and political order and the political party and electoral system were. The analysis dimensions mobilised in the study are the institutional dimensions, electoral and political, organizational and legislative production. The dissertation develops in three chapters. Chapter I discourses on the early impacts of the 1964 coup and the new regime inaugurated by this event over the city and the Municipal Council of Juiz de Fora. Chapter II addresses the changes in law and policy in the formal level, investigating whether and how these changes impacted the Municipal Council in practice. Chapter III is devoted to analysis of municipal elections for the positions of the executive and legislative, as well as competition and the electoral and party dynamics of the municipality. For such practice, many different research techniques were used: (a) the documentary analysis, with the local newspaper sources Diário Mercantil, the Minutes of Proceedings of the Municipality of Juiz de Fora, the legislative production processes, federal law period as the Institutional Acts, the 1967 Constitution, the Constitutional Amendment No. 1, 1969, among others; (b) the analysis of data such as electoral data of the municipal elections that took place between 1962 and 1982, informed by the Superior Electoral Court and the periodic Mercantile Journal, legislative and production data provided by the digital file and the physical file of the Municipality of Juiz de Fora; and (c) discourse analysis through interviews with councilors who were in office at the time.

This study allocates the issue of democratization in Tanzania and Botswana between 1961-2015. The purpose is to explain why Tanzania’s democratization process between 1961 and 2015 has not developed into a solid democracy. Nine factors, both internal and external that has affected the countries democratization process has been highlighted and compared in a macro-perspective in order to find explanatory factors the aim. A qualitative, theory consuming approach is used, where methodological understandings such as the method of difference and the congruence method are applied. Furthermore an analytical framework is used to pinpoint important differences between the two countries democratization processes that are considered being valid explanations to why contemporary Tanzania is not considered being a full-scale working democracy. The comparative conclusion showed that there are three explanatory factors to Tanzania’s present democracy status. The lack of free values, an economic development and authoritarian divisions within the country has proven being vital in the failure of consolidating a democracy.