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Les recherches menées dans cette étude se situent dans le cadre de l’analyse du volontarisme étatique dans l’accélération du processus d’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes. Notre postulat de départ est que l'émancipation de la femme en Tunisie émane d'une volonté politique impulsée depuis le haut par le pouvoir tunisien par le biais d’une réforme juridique. Nous défendons l’idée selon laquelle le rapport entre l’État et la question féminine en Tunisie demeure indissociable. La libération des Tunisiennes ayant été portée par le dirigisme étatique dans le cadre d’un régime de type autoritaire, il nous a semblé important de chercher à comprendre et à expliquer les paradoxes de ce projet autoritaire de modernisation ainsi que les dynamiques sociales et les tensions qui en résultent. Notre réflexion s’est constituée autour d’un deuxième axe, à savoir le rapport complexe qu’entretient le régime autoritaire tunisien avec la question féminine. Nous avons ainsi émis l’hypothèse que les raisons de l’engagement du régime dépassent la simple émancipation des femmes ou l’instauration d’une égalité entre les sexes pour s’inscrire dans une logique de contrôle, de répression, et dans un rapport clientéliste. Cette partie constitue une critique du féminisme d’État en Tunisie et de la manière avec laquelle il monopolise la question féminine. Nous en sommes venus à analyser la monopolisation de la cause féminine par le régime tunisien ainsi que les réactions et/ou les mobilisations des femmes et leur opposition à cette politique féministe autoritaire. / The research conducted in this study is part of the analysis of state voluntarism in accelerating the process of equality between women and men. Our starting postulate is that the emancipation of women in Tunisia comes from a political will, driven from the top by the Tunisian power through a legal reform. We are defending the idea that the link between the state and the women's issue in Tunisia remains inseparable. The liberation of Tunisian women has been directed by state as part of an authoritarian regime, therefore we thought it was important trying to understand and explain the paradoxes of this authoritarian project of modernization along with social dynamics and tensions resulting from it. Our reflection was built around a second approach, that is the complex link between the Tunisian authoritarian regime and the women’s issue. We thus hypothesized that the reasons for the regime's commitment go over the simple emancipation of women or the establishment of gender equality in order to fit into a logic of control, repression, and in a clientelist relation. This part forms a criticism of the state feminism and of the way it monopolizes the women’s issue. We finally analyzed how the Tunisian regime monopolize the women's cause and we studied the reactions and / or mobilizations of women as well as their opposition to this authoritarian feminist policy.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of domestic political actors in Ukraine’s transition process (2000-2005), under which it went from a competitive authoritarian regime to a democracy in the year 2005. Ukraine was chosen as a single case study since previous theories, such as Levitsky & Ways’ structural theory of linkage, leverage and organizational power and Bunce & Wolchiks’ regional diffusion-theory, have difficulties in explaining Ukraine’s democratization. These theories have focused excessively on either the regime’s or the opposition’s role in the transition but not on how they interact. The result of this study suggests that the actors in the political game, between regime (hardliners and softliners) and opposition (moderates and radicals), had a more prominent role in Ukraine’s democratic transition. It also suggests that the actor-oriented approach may be tested as a plausibility probe in other deviant cases of competitive authoritarian regimes in the theory of linkage, leverage and organizational power, such as Benin and Mali, whose regime trajectories unexpectedly led to democratization.

The thesis deals with the Russian non-profit sector and the state restrictive policy directed towards it. Using a multi-case study, thesis examines the impact of the Foreign Agents Act on Civil Society organizations. At the introduction are identified two questions that thesis is dealing with. The first question was, what practical impacts the Foreign Agents Act had on non-profit organizations. For their identification was developed a typology, which included five types of consequences: bureaucratic burden, financial difficulties, public relations deterioration, access to public institutions and general pressure. This typology was applied to three case studies of non-profit organizations. The thesis concludes that these types are valid except for the deterioration of the relationship with the public sphere, which has not been proven. The second question was how this Law fits into the context of state strategies towards civil society between 2012 and 2017. The thesis comes with the assertion that this Act was the key legislation followed by subsequent Laws, that leads to division of the civil sector to several groups.

The main research question was What are the relationships between parenting style, self-regulated learning (SRL) and the academic achievement of selected (upper) primary school students in Ethiopia? The following specific research questions were formulated: • What are the views of the students on the parenting styles, and on parental acceptance and control, the cognitive strategies they use, and their self-regulated learning? • What is the relationship between parenting style and SRL? • What is the relationship between parenting style and academic achievement? • What is the relationship between SRL and academic achievement? • Does SRL moderate the relationship between parenting style and academic achievement? In this study a correlational design was used, but it was also exploratory and descriptive. Data were collected by means of a self-report questionnaire, while the academic achievements of the students were derived from official records. The questionnaire was completed by 477 randomly selected students from two classes in each of five schools in Hawasa, Ethiopia. The analysis of the data was done by means of descriptive, correlation, and ANOVA tests. The major findings included the following: Most of the children experienced acceptance by their parents, in particular from their female parents/guardians. The best levels of acceptance were, for example, “When I get a poor grade at school, my parents encourage me to try harder”, or “I can count on my parents to help me if I have some kind of a problem”, and “My parents keep pushing me to do my best in whatever I do”. However, it was found that the parents seldom spent time merely talking to their children. The female parents/guardians seemed to control their children more than the male parents/guardians, and were more involved with their children. The children, though, also believed that their parents/guardians did not really know how they spent their leisure time. More often the children perceived their parents as being neglectful. Regarding their cognitive strategies, the students particularly made use of memorization. The cognitive strategies of the children whose parents were authoritative were significantly better than those of the other children. When a student’s self-regulation increased, his/her cognitive strategies also increased, and when the cognitive strategies improved, so did the average achievement. The parents’ parenting styles were also significantly related to their children’s achievement, and were moderated by cognitive strategies as co-variants. / Psychology of Education / D. Ed. (Psychology of Education)

The diploma thesis deals with pair of domestic regimes known as the second and third | Czechoslovakian republic. The choice of these periods of the national history was conditioned by a relative absence of comparative political scientific works on these periods and by timelessness and topicality of the studying of domestic regimes, that refused the idea of a liberal democracy twice in ten years. The goal of the diploma thesis is to analyze, compare and categorize the second and the third Czechoslovakian republic in the framework provided by the theory of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes by Juan J. Linz. In the first part the thesis describes the theoretical framework of the theory of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes with stress on the theory of authoritarian regimes, as it is the assumption of the thesis, that both the second and the third republic were cases of authoritarian regimes. The other parts of theory which deal with totalitarian and sultanistic regimes are only briefly mentioned. In the second part of the thesis there is an analysis and comparison of both regimes based on three research questions. In this part the thesis deals with the relationship of both studied regimes with the first republic and their relationship with a liberal democracy, then it deals with the very analysis in...

This thesis aims to analyze the transformations of concept of secularism from a long- term perspective of the formation and consolidation of Turkish republic between 1923 - 2013. Central contention is that secularism, as a social phenomenon, was originally understood as an integral part of state-led modernization project, sponsored by Turkish armed forces between 1920s and early 1980s. However since late 1980s and particularly under AKP governments (2002 - 2014) secularism - branded as Kemalism has gradually become a subject of intense conflicts and new interpretations seeking to reconcile Turkish secularist principles with new forms of public participation driven by Islamic symbols. Keywords Democracy, secularism, authoritarian regime, Kemalism, army, political parties, AKP, islam, religious symbols, islamic clothing

Depuis le début du 21 e siècle, la Thaïlande fait face à une énième période de bouleversements politiques. Le pouvoir politique et économique des élites traditionnelles telles que l’armée, les bureaucrates et le monarque a été progressivement menacé par l’ascension politique de Thaksin Shinawatra et de ses partisans. L’ordre social et politique est déstabilisé en raison de la division idéologique croissante entre les partisans de Thaksin et ceux du roi et de ses alliés, en particulier l’armée. Pour maintenir l’ordre et le statu quo, entre 2000 et 2020, deux coups d’État militaires et un coup d’État judiciaire, ainsi que des élections frauduleuses ont eu lieu, entraînant l’affaiblissement du régime démocratique dans le pays. Ces évènements mettent en évidence la nature semi-autoritaire de la politique thaïlandaise contemporaine. Ce mémoire démontre que la consolidation autoritaire peut se produire en période d’instabilité sociale et politique. Puisque les pandémies peuvent agir comme vecteur d’instabilité au sein des États, ce mémoire étudie les impacts potentiels de leur sécuritisation sur la consolidation autoritaire en Thaïlande. Ainsi, nous explorons la contradiction potentielle entre la sécurisation des pandémies, caractérisée par la mise en œuvre de mesures d’urgence au nom du bien commun, et la consolidation du pouvoir des politiciens au sein d’un régime politique semi-autoritaire, marquée par une réduction des droits et libertés civiles. En s’appuyant sur les cas des pandémies H5N1, H1N1 et COVID-19, inscrites dans le début du 21 e siècle de l’Asie du Sud-Est, ce mémoire évalue la contribution de la théorie de la sécurisation à la littérature des régimes hybrides pour expliquer les dynamiques politiques liées à la résilience semi-autoritaire en Thaïlande et potentiellement dans d’autres États de la région. / Since the beginning of the 21 st century, Thailand has been facing another period of political upheaval. The political and economic power of the traditional elites made of the military, bureaucrats and the monarch has been incrementally threatened by the political ascension of Thaksin Shinawatra and his supporters. The social and political order is destabilized due to the growing ideological division between the supporters of Thaksin and those of the King and his allies, particularly the army. To maintain the order and the status quo, between 2000 and 2020, two military and one judiciary coup, as well as fraudulent elections have occurred, resulting in the weakening of democratic rule in the country. These events highlight the semi-authoritarian nature of contemporary Thai politics. This thesis demonstrates that authoritarian consolidation can occur at times of social and political instability. Because pandemics can act as a vector of instability within states, this thesis examines the potential impacts of pandemic securitization on authoritarian consolidation in Thailand. Hence, we explore the potential contradiction between pandemic securitization, characterized by the implementation of emergency measures in the name of the common good, and the consolidation of politicians’ power within a semi-authoritarian political regime, marked by a reduction in civil rights and freedoms. Drawing on the cases of H5N1, H1N1, and the COVID-19, three pandemics of the early 21st century of Southeast Asia, this thesis assesses the contribution of securitization theory to the hybrid regimes literature in explaining political dynamics related to semi-authoritarian resilience in Thailand and potentially in other states of the region.

Det finns flera ledarskapsarketyper, några mer välkända än andra. En ledarstil som harstuderats under lång tid är den auktoritära som i korta drag kan beskrivas som enväldig och kontrollerande. Syftet i denna kvalitativa studie är att utforska den auktoritära ledarskapsstilen och finna paralleller mellan managementlitteratur och framställningen av en fiktiv auktoritärledare. För att besvara våra frågeställningar har vi utifrån relevant managementlitteratur tagit fram en analysmodell. Med hjälp av den framtagna modellen har vi analyserat en fiktiv ledare och visat hur en tv-serie framställer den auktoritära ledarens handlingar och vilka effekter dennes agerande får hos de ledda. Vår studie visar att det finns kopplingar mellanporträtteringen av den auktoritära ledaren i managementlitteratur, och den auktoritära ledaren i fiktionen. Uppsatsens språk är svenska. / There are several leadership archetypes, some more well known than others. A leadership style which has been studied for a long time is the authoritarian. It can briefly be described as sovereign and controlling. The purpose of this qualitative study is to explore the authoritarian leadership style and find parallels between management literature and the portrayal of a fictitious authoritarian leader. To answer our questions we have developed a model based on relevant management literature. With the help of the developed model we have analyzed a fictitious leader. We demonstrate how a television series depicts the actions of the authoritarian leader and the effects his actions have on his subordinates. Our study shows that there are links between the portrayal of the authoritarian leader in management literature and the authoritarian leader in fiction. The language of the essay is Swedish.

Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka sambandet mellan unga vuxnas psykiska hälsa och upplevelsen av deras föräldrars föräldrastilar under barndomen. Studien utgick ifrån de fyra föräldrastilarna auktoritativ, auktoritär, tillåtande och försumlig. För att undersöka detta formulerades fyra olika påståenden om att det fanns ett positivt samband mellan samtliga föräldrastilar och psykisk hälsa/ohälsa bland unga vuxna. Det formulerades även ett femte påstående: att sambandet mellan föräldrastilar och unga vuxnas psykiska hälsa var starkare bland män än kvinnor. Studien genomfördes med kvantitativ metod och tvärsnittsdesign. I urvalet ingick 128 studenter från Högskolan i Skövde (86 kvinnor, 40 män och två som uppgav annat som kön) med ålder mellan 18 och 29. Via högskolans olika student-facebookgrupper fick respondenterna svara på en enkät bestående av tre delar. Den första delen täckte bakgrundsfrågor om kön och ålder. Den andra delen användes mätinstrumentet S-EMBU, för att mäta upplevelsen av föräldrabeteende/föräldrastilar, och i den tredje delen ingick mätinstrumentet GHQ-12, för att mäta generell psykisk hälsa. Resultaten visade att finns ett starkt samband mellan unga vuxnas mentala hälsa och deras upplevelse av sina föräldrars föräldrastilar under barndomen. De auktoritativa och tillåtande föräldrastilarna hade en positiv inverkan på unga vuxnas mentala hälsa, medan den auktoritära och försumliga föräldrastilen hade en negativ inverkan. Studien fann också att effekten av föräldrastilar på mental hälsa varierade beroende på kön, där sambandet var starkare bland kvinnorna än bland männen. / The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between young adults' mental health and their experiences of their parents’ parenting styles during their childhoods. The study was based on the four parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive and negligent parenting styles. To investigate this, four different claims stating that there was a positive relationship between all the parenting styles and mental health/mental illness among young adults were formulated. A fifth assumption claiming that the relationship between parenting styles and young adults' mental health was stronger among men than among women was also constructed. The study was conducted using a quantitative method and cross-sectional design with a study sample consisting of 128 students from the University of Skövde (86 women, 40 men and two who didn’t identify by either gender) with ages ranging between 18 to 29 years. The respondents were asked through the university's various student Facebook groups to partake in answering a questionnaire consisting of three parts. The first part covered background questions about gender and age. The second part used the measuring instrument S-EMBU to measure the experience of parenting behavior/parenting styles, and the third part included the measuring instrument GHQ-12 to measure general mental health. The results showed a strong relationship between young adults' mental health and their experiences of their parents' parenting styles during childhood. The authoritative and permissive parenting styles had a positive impact on young adults' mental health, while the authoritarian and neglectful parenting styles had a negative impact. The study also found that the effect of parenting styles on mental health varied by gender, with the relationship being stronger among women than among men.