According to Ronald Ingleharts research deindustrialized and affluent societies are expected to have increasingly open, progressive, and tolerant citizens. However, during the last decade political developments have been reversed. More than 25% of Europeans now adays vote for a right-wing populist party. In addition, the globalization has created winning and losing regions, with one of its biggest impacts being deindustrialization of the West. Big cities have flourished while disfavored suburbs, smaller industrial towns and rural communities have been marginalized. Consequently, the support for right-wing populist movements is often highest in such negatively affected areas. Inglehart have previously explained this through the idea of a “conservative backlash” caused by a combination of increasing inequality and culturally revolting age-cohorts. His arguments are mainly based on cross-national or intranational data while other research pointing at the necessity to analyze the association between regional deindustrialization and the rise of the far right. This thesis filles that gap by conducting a multi- level analysis, in which Ingleharts theory is tested by studying associations between values and changing levels of industrialization in 327 European regions. The result confirms earlier research regarding the association between industrialization and authoritarian-libertarian values, but puts in to question Ingleharts explanation of inequality as the reason for the contemporary conservative backlashes. The result shows no support for a relationship between inequality and authoritarian-liberal values.

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Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014. This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic. The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy. This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014. This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic. The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy. This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

This study aimed to gain insight into the nature and extent of traditional and cyberbullying among Grade Six and Seven learners in four public primary schools in Benoni. Using the Social Learning Theory as a basis for understanding bullying as a learned behaviour (socially learned through the observation of authoritarian parents), a quantitative research method was applied which utilised an online self-report questionnaire to examine the relationship between bullying and the Authoritarian parenting style. Results indicate that 50.4% of learners had been victimised, while 31.6% and 8.8% had engaged in perpetrating traditional and cyberbullying, respectively at least once (N = 279). Further results revealed that the Authoritarian parenting style is significantly related to the perpetration of both types of bullying. These results bring to the fore the reciprocal relationship between both types of bullying, and indicate a need for systemic intervention at the primary school level (involving parents/caregivers). Interventions should therefore not seek to separate types of bullying into discreet problems, but rather focus on their common underlying aspects, including parenting behaviours / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: For multinational oil corporations (MNOCs), increasing worldwide demand for energy combined with greater competition in the international petroleum market necessitate continuous search for new areas rich in hydrocarbons – and the greatest oil reserves have in many instances been located in authoritarian states with challenging investment environments that often imply great uncertainty with regard to return of investment (ROI). In such cases, proper political risk analysis is an invaluable decision-making tool in determining whether the risk of a negative ROI is too large to make an investment. The Libyan market appeared highly promising for MNOCs from the mid- 2000s, and oil companies decided to return to Libya despite a large degree of uncertainty around regulatory, contractual and political stability issues. Once the Arab uprising surfaced in 2011, eventually turning into a brutal civil war between the Quadhafi regime and the opposition to his rule, the levels of political risk in the Libyan market increased dramatically. A model of political risk analysis can only be as good its components, and the start of 2011 once again manifested the importance of proper political risk analyses in order to minimise potential losses resulting from unexpected events. Thus, in the context of the Arab Spring revolution, the main purpose of this research is to assess the forecasting ability of key political risk factors and indicators. The central question asked is whether political risk analysis as a discipline can be successfully applied as a tool to forecast a political situation within authoritarian states. Specifically, and by analysing the case of Libya, the aim of this study is to determine whether the political events of 2011 and the concurrent extremely high levels of political risk could have been anticipated by competent political risk analysis. This study builds on the 1999 work of Professor Albert Venter and his vindication of key political risk indicators for authoritarian states. Additionally, the study seeks to contribute to existing research by adapting the indicators to an industry-specific political risk context, namely the petroleum sector. The research study concludes that a forecast for Libya, conducted with information available in 2009, would have given the market a medium high level of political risk, with several points of great concern for MNOCs. The research study argues that competent political risk analysis, as far as it is possible to predict such an event as the Libyan uprising, identified several signs of an imminent revolution. The analysis could not forecast when, or even if it would happen, but the fact that several indicators pointed in the direction of increasing levels of political risk signifies that it could have been too early for MNOCs to return to the country in the mid-2000s. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die toenemende wêreldwye energiebehoeftes gepaardgaande met groter mededinging in brandstofmarkte, dwing die Multi-nasionale Olie Korporasies (MNOKs) om deurlopend te soek na nuwe gebiede ryk aan vloeibare koolstowwe (hydrocarbons) en die grootste olie reserwes word in baie gevalle aangetref in state met outoritêre regerings vorme waar die beleggings omgewing van so ’n aard is dat ’n kapitaal-opbrengs (KO) baie keer erg onseker is. In sulke gevalle is dit noodsaaklik dat daar ’n behoorlike analiese van politieke risiko moet wees sodat bepaal kan word of die kans van ’n negatiewe KO te groot is om so ’n belegging te maak. In die beginjare van die 2000s het die Libiese market veel belofte vir die MNOKs ingehou en het hulle besluit om na Libië terug te keer ten spyte van die feit dat daar groot onsekerhede bestaan het ten opsigte van reguleering, kontrakte en politieke stabiliteit. Die vlakke van politieke risiko het in 2011 dramaties verhoog met die Arabiese opstande, wat uiteindelik in ’n burgeroorlog tussen die Quadhafi regime en sy teenstanders, ontaard het. ’n Model van politieke risiko analise is natuurlik net so goed soos sy verskillende dele en aan die begin van 2011 het dit weereens aan die lig gekom dat behoorlike politieke risiko analise baie belangrik is om te verseker dat onverwagte gebeure die kleins moontlike invloed op winste sal hê. Dus, met die ‘Arabiese Lente revolusie’ as agtergrond, is die hoofdoel van hierdie navorsing om te bepaal tot watter mate belangrike politieke risiko faktore en indikators gebruik kan word om voorspellings te waag. Die vraag word gevra of politieke risiko analise, as disipline, suksesvol toegepas kan word om die politieke toestande in outoritêre state, te voorspel. Deur spesifiek die geval Libië te analiseer, is die doel van hierdie studie om te bepaal of die politieke gebeure van 2011 en die ernstige verhoogde vlakke van politieke risiko redelikerwys voorspel sou kan wees as daar bevoegde politieke risiko analise vooraf was. Hierdie studie gebruik as basis die 1999 werk van Prof. Albert Venter waarin hy regverdiging toon van die politieke risiko indikators vir outoritêre state. Daarby beoog die studie om by te dra tot bestaande navorsing deur die indikators aan te pas vir toepassing in ’n ondernemings-spesifieke politieke risiko konteks, naamlik die brandstof sektor. Die navorsing maak die gevolgtrekking wat Libië betref, met die inligting wat in 2009 beskikbaar was, dat ’n voorspelling van ñ medium hoog vlak van politieke risiko vir die market gemaak kon wees met sekere punte van groot kommer vir die MNOKs. Die navorsingstudie maak die punt dat bevoegde politieke risiko analise, sover dit moontlik is om ’n onverwagte gebeurtenis soos die Libiese opstande te voorspel, verskeie tekens van ’n dreigende revolusie geïdentifiseer het. Die analise kon nie voorspel wanneer of selfs indien dit sou gebeur nie, maar die feit dat verskeie indikators getoon het dat daar verhoogde vlakke van politieke risiko was, het dit aangedui het dat die middle 2000s te vroeg was vir die MNOKs om na die land terug te keer.

過去的研究多認為領導者若採用威權領導風格，對組織創新行為會有負面的影響。而本研究選擇基層公部門組織「臺北市大同區公所」進行個案研究，並觀察到該機關的領導者雖然以威權方式領導，但組織卻從各項評比落後的窘境，逐漸展現出諸多與其他區公所不同的創新服務，甚至因此獲得第六屆政府服務品質獎的殊榮。經過深入訪談及文獻分析之後，發現該機關正因為領導者重視「紀律」的威權風格，任期長又讓紀律深化落實到組織中，加上首長主動提出創新服務，並在機關內建立「制度」藉以養成同仁的創新習慣，又機關內高流動率的人力結構形成為年輕有幹勁的初任公務人力，紀律的壓力使組織成員產生團結的情誼與向心力，因此讓大同區公所在我國傳統的科層官僚體系中，成功展現出大不同的創新風貌。只可惜區公所囿於其定位與功能的限制，且官僚體系內創新的誘因制度尚未完善，因此無法將其蘊藏的創新能量發揮的淋漓盡致，目前做為引領我國政府創新改造的政府服務品質獎，也未有明確的追蹤機制，因此機關的創新作為能否內化成公部門的組織文化，仍有待後續觀察。 / While new technologies, ideas, and values keep emerging, innovation has been emphasized by public as well as private organizations to meet the expectations of their clients. Factors contributing to an innovation-oriented organization have widely been detected, seldom any studies would endorse the idea that an authoritarian leadership would facilitate the innovation. By examining the case of “Tatung District Office” of Taipei City, this study points out some conditions that actually makes an iron-fist leading style an essential contributor to successful initiatives of innovation. Through in-depth interviews and participatory observation, this study presents evidence about the effects of personal engagement of the leader and stable tenure in indoctrinating the innovation attitude to the subordinates. This study also provides some discussion on institutional settings for the bureaucratic system to avoid maintaining idle in facing rapid environmental changes.

The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the ways in which the authoritarian regime in post-Soviet Kazakhstan maintained itself in power from 1991 until 2005. This study endeavours to uncover the palette of the regime’s methods by analysing the ways in which it went about controlling the oil industry – an industry with which the political and economical future of Kazakhstan is inseparably intertwined. The empirical section of this study investigates the interplay between the regime and the actors located in and around two cores: the National Oil Company and the oil-rich areas. This thesis focuses in particular on instances where players involved with the oil industry, whether directly or indirectly, attempted to challenge the regime’s authority in those two centres either due to greed or grievances. It is argued that these moments of crisis reveal the regime’s maintenance techniques, and can precipitate the deployment of new methods of maintenance in response to them. In order to account for the techniques that the Kazakh ruling regime applied in structuring its relationships with the oil industry, this thesis shifts the emphasis from the prevalent zhuz-horde, tribe, and clan-based approaches to Kazakh politics towards formal (corporatism) and informal (patron-client) mechanisms of control.

過去20餘年來，在「穩定壓倒一切」的思維邏輯下，中國特色的維穩體系顯著擴張，預示中國正步入維穩國家。維穩體系主要是處理改革、發展與穩定的關係，目的無外乎鞏固中共韌性威權。然而，既往學者從媒介控制角度研究中共威權統治，往往聚焦於改革與發展，漠視已成社會常態的維穩。本研究旨在彌補這一不足，並希望以群體性事件為觀察對象，檢視市場化媒體與維穩之間的統合與衝突。依框架包裹取徑，本文歸納出高壓維穩、開明維穩、官民互動、為民維權四種媒介框架與話語。研究結果發現，面對群體性事件，媒體分別扮演了黨國喉舌、監督者和公眾利益代言人的角色；媒介框架呈現出多元化特徵，但框架並非固定不變，相反潛藏著動態變化的可能；多元衝突的框架實際可以整合到更宏觀的信任與擁護政府的框架中。本研究的另一重要發現是，在嚴格新聞管制之下，媒體最常見的框架建構是開明維穩，表明市場化媒體服從維穩需要仍是主流。這一研究結果在一定程度上解釋了市場化媒體如何鞏固中共威權統治。 / Over the past two decades, the systematic stability maintenance apparatus has expanded dramatically under the logic of “stability overrides everything”, which indicates that China is turning into a security state. The operation of Stability Maintenance mainly deals with the relationship between reform, development and stability. The purpose is nothing less than strengthening the CCP’s resilient authoritarianism. However, Stability Maintenance has been ignored when researchers who study China’s authoritarian rule from the perspective of media control paid much attention to the reform and development. Choosing mass incidents as case study, this paper aims to cover the shortage mentioned above, and examines the relationship between market-oriented media and Stability Maintenance. By taking framing package approach, this paper showed that mass incidents were framed as one of the following: coercion, enlightened coercion, official-civil interaction, and legal rights safeguarding. This study found that market-oriented media played different roles as party-state mouthpiece, supervisors and spokesperson for the public interest. It also showed that the pluralistic frames of mass incidents actually can be integrated into a broader pro-government frame. More important, enlightened coercion became the most common frame under tight news censorship. It indicated that market-oriented media subjected to the necessity of Stability Maintenance is still the mainstream for media coverage on mass incidents. To a certain extent this result explained how market-oriented media sustain the CCP’s authoritarian rule.

近年來，中國大陸的威權政體轉型發展倍受矚目，尤其是台灣威權政體轉型至民主化過程的經驗能否借鑑於中國大陸，一直廣受學界的熱烈討論。本文採用結合宏觀的歷史結構理論與微觀的菁英策略抉擇論，提出影響政體轉型的因素有：經濟的發展、中產階級的崛起、外部因素、選舉的開放、統治者合法性危機的產生、菁英策略的互動抉擇，以及社會運動的發展等，來檢視台灣與中國大陸威權政體轉型發展的異同性。發現採用這些影響政體轉型的因素來探討台灣的政體轉型，是有利於台灣的政體轉型，亦驅動台灣的政體從威權轉型至民主。相對於中國大陸而言，雖然有這些政體轉型的因素產生，但是中國大陸政體發展至目前為止，仍然還沒完成其政體轉型，發現其結果乃是因為這些轉型的關鍵因素缺乏關鍵節點產生作用力，去驅動政體轉型，所以導致中國大陸有轉型的因素產生，卻沒有驅動其政體完成轉型。但是本文的研究結果仍然對於中國大陸的政體轉型抱持著樂觀的看法，尤其是中國大陸面對日漸增長的經濟發展，其政體的轉型是會採漸進發展的。並且在未來中國大陸如果能夠對於黨內民主的推行加強、提升選舉的競爭功能，以及減緩中共內部的權力鬥爭的改善，對於中國大陸的政體轉型是可以期待的。