Deterrence as a military strategy aims to discourage an aggressor from initiating unwanted courses of actions by convincing the aggressor that cost exceeds the profit. In cyberspace, where the costs are lower, deterrence is disputed because of the natural interconnectedness and constant actions. The aim of this study is to investigate how the US understands cyber deterrence. This study is motivated by the current ambiguity regarding whether deterrence works in cyberspace or not. Using both theories of conventional and cyber deterrence together with theories of offense and defense, the study focuses on the US since they remain at the center of development regarding cyber deterrence. Through a discourse analysis using Bacchis What´s the problem represented to be approach, the investigation of US policy from 2018 shows that the US has adopted theories of cyber deterrence in their policy. However, the presumptions of the problem presentation have rather descended from theories of conventional deterrence. The solutions implemented indicate that the US has an advantage in cyber offense capabilities, but the study also shows that they are moving towards more defense-oriented capabilities in the future. In the stress of taking action, the US end up interfusing premises and actions which may affect the principle of intervention and thus the security of the American population.

Under 2022, i samband med Rysslands krig mot Ukraina, valde Sverige tillsammans med Finland att ansöka om Nato-medlemskap. Sverige omvandlas därmed från att ha varit militärt alliansfria med ett defensivt luftförsvar med förmågor utvecklade för att enskilt kunna försvara landet, till att ingå i en stor försvarsallians. Denna studie syftar till att försöka kartlägga hur de svenska luftstridskrafterna bidrar till Natos avskräckning i norra Europa. Genom att svara på studiens frågeställning kan eventuellt förmågor belysas som behöver justeras för att skapa en så bra avskräckning som möjligt för Nato. För att kunna svara på studiens frågeställning undersöks vad Flygvapnet högsta företrädare anser om luftstridskrafternas bidrag till Natos avskräckning. Luftmaktsrepresentanternas svar kompletteras med en analys av Försvarsmaktens styrande dokument i syfte att kartlägga hur dessa skapar förutsättningar för en trovärdig avskräckning.  Studien grundar sig till del på Thomas C. Schellings avskräckningsteori, John Stones definition av trovärdig avskräckning samt Robert A. Papes luftmaktsteori. Studiens visar att svenska luftstridskrafter kommer att bidra med defensivt luftförsvar samt tillgången till Sveriges territorium och geografiska läge. Det senare medför logistiska fördelar, vilket leder till att ett högre tempo i luftstriden kan föras och fler flyguppdrag kan utföras.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss the ethical issues which arise by nuclear deterrence. I have taken the position that the use of nuclear weapons is morally wrong. Nuclear deterrence is kind of a preventive measure, but not a way of fighting a war. Therefore, I used the ‘just war theory’ as a starting point to formulate analytical questions through which I have interpreted my material. The analytical questions are based on proportionality, utilitarianism, deontology and the ‘Doctrine of double effect’. I have used contemporary material by political scientists which form a symposium where they discussed on the topic of ‘just deterrence’. In my thesis, I argue that the liberty, life and happiness must be defended, but not to any price. I argue that we must see the value life itself has, because if our life, liberty and happiness is threatened, we have nothing to defend. The question that arises is whether there is an ethical approach which can help us understand these questions.

Sweden is the only state in the Baltic Sea region currently not under NATO protection, which puts the state in a particularly vulnerable position. On 18 May 2022, Sweden officially deemed NATO alignment a more effective option of security strategy in projecting deterrence and dealing with the security challenges the state is facing, compared to a strategy of non-alignment which has been Sweden’s security posture for over 200 years. The aim of the thesis is to explain this shift in Sweden’s security policy.  The thesis will explain small states’ security policy beyond the traditional explanations found in realist theory of state-centric threat balancing and sovereignty. Shelter theory claims that small states’ options for security is either to find a protecting power or join an alliance in order to be politically and militarily sustainable. The thesis will analyse Sweden’s shift in security policy by examining shelter theory’s claim that in order for small states to survive and prosper, buffering up domestic capabilities does not suffice, they need to seek political and military shelter from external security providers by implementing bi- or multilateral agreements with neighbouring states, great powers and by joining alliances.  Analysing a long-time deviant case of a non-aligned small state, this thesis argues that Sweden’s drawn-out road-map to NATO membership is problematic to explain from the perspective of shelter theory. Consequently, the thesis makes the additional claim that factors related to Sweden’s domestic policy, such as public opinion and the nearly institutionalised practice of broad political consensus in issues relating to security policy, also play an important role for the design of Sweden’s security policy. Shelter theory in combination with domestic factors’ influence on security policy change offer a more fully fledged explanation of Sweden's shift in security policy to NATO alignment. This thesis argues that its findings complement and enhance shelter theory by shedding light on the importance of domestic factors in the study of small states’ security policy.