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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 11 to 19 of 19 (0.011 seconds)| 11 |
Presidential Manifestation of Verbal Dominance : A discourse analysis of conversational dominance strategies employed by Joe Biden and Donald TrumpAlafifi, Markus January 2021 (has links)
This study aims to observe linguistic disparities in the distribution of the conversational dominance strategies interruptions, amount of talk, and questions in the first U.S. 2020 presidential debate between Joe Biden and Donald Trump. Subsequently, these findings establish the evaluation of how the interactive phenomena relate to the masculinity conceptualizations of hegemonic masculinity and subordination. To examine the study objective, the methodology conducted was a discourse analysis of the debate transcript. Hence, the method intended to measure to which extent Biden and Trump employed interruptions, amount of talk, and questions during the debate. The outcome of the review established the discursive dominance framework used to discuss how the presidential candidates demonstrated adherence to diverse masculinities’ conceptualizations. The discourse analysis outcome revealed an asymmetrical distribution of the interactive phenomena across all variables measured in favor of Donald Trump. These results suggest that Trump’s discursive performance signaled adherence to hegemonic masculinity norms to a greater extent than Biden through employing more conversational dominance strategies during the debate. Consequently, Biden’s discursive performance indicated closer relations to masculine subordination than Trump’s performance.
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Det narrativa kriget om nationens själ : En studie om presidentvalskampanjen i USA år 2020, identitet, och sammankopplingen av interna och externa andre / The narrative war for the soul of the nation : A study about the 2020 presidential campaign, identity, and the linking between internal and external othersNorbäck, Sara January 2021 (has links)
This study explores how presidential candidates during the 2020 American election were tied to external others, taking the shape of China and Russia. The study argues that an identity perspective becomes fruitful for addressing the research problem, as it becomes a matter of who "we" as a nation are. In general, identity studies tend to focus on the external other, while this study aims to contribute with an understanding of how the internal and external other can be interconnected. American exceptionalism - the notion that the US has a unique role to play on the world stage - is a prominent part of American political identity. Nonetheless, the concept of exceptionalism also implies that being an American is an act of choice and not exclusively a birthright, thus individuals and values can be labeled as "un-American". Drawing on and combining the theoretical insights from Michel Foucault, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, and Ty Solomon, politics in itself becomes a narrative war to fill nodal points with a hegemonic substance based on a wish for identity-fulfillment. The study finds that the other candidate is separated from the idea of what constitutes the US by reference to foreign and threatening powers. The other candidate is framed as unfit to be president, and since he does not correspond with the identity of the nation itself, he can not lead and personify the US. Thus, the other candidate is narratively constructed as unable to grant the wish for national identity fulfillment. The substance of the nodal points also does not exhibit a value in themselves but has to be contrasted against something or someone - in this case, an Other.
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Význam Indiánského hlasování: Hodnocení vlivu Indiánů na výsledek prezidentských voleb ve Spojených státech v roce 2020 - případová studie Arizona. / The Power of the Native Vote: Evaluation of the Influence of Native Americans on the Outcome of the 2020 Presidential Elections in the United States - A Case Study of Arizona.Štroblová, Radka January 2021 (has links)
More Americans voted in the 2020 elections than in any other in 120 years, and the majority supported the Democratic candidate - Joseph R. Biden, Jr. In 2020, Biden won 26 states, including Arizona, where he won as the first Democrat in the presidential elections since 1996. With a small margin of only 10,457 votes, every vote was essential. In Arizona, 412,256 people identify as American Indian and Alaska Native and their support for the Democratic candidate proved to be decisive in the 2020 elections. However, only little has been written about American Indians and Alaska Natives and their voting habits. Existing studies suffer from examining only one tribe or state, are old or ambiguous. American Indians and Alaska Natives are also often excluded from collecting and reporting data, and when included, the data is either inaccurate or put them in "the other" category. This work is the first to examine Native American voting in the 2020 presidential election. It aims to prove that the Native vote was one of the aspects that helped Biden win the elections since Native Americans traditionally support the Democratic candidates. To prove my thesis, I compared the results of the 2016 and 2020 elections from the precincts overlapping with tribal lands in Arizona and conducted a quantitative analysis of...
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Donald Trump, Joe Biden och det religiösa USA : Analys av tal från Donald Trump och Joe Biden ur en religiös kontext. / Donald Trump, Joe Biden, and the religious USA : Analysis of speeches from Donald Trump and Joe Biden out of a religious context.Ladenstedt, Felicia January 2023 (has links)
We all know the great impact religion has had on the western civilization throughout an exceptional amount of time. It has been prevalent in a lot of fields and the political field is to no exception. Though The United States of America was founded on secular governmental terms, religion has come to have an immense impact on the field. In this dissertation, the two latest presidents of the country, Donald Trump and Joe Biden will be studied in the context of their speeches at the annual “National Prayer Breakfast”. The method used is that the transcripts of their speeches have been analyzed through three concepts: reality, utopia, and strategy they have then separately been linked to the domain religion.
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Les sénateurs qui changent le monde : l'évolution de l'influence du président de la Commission du sénat américain sur les relations extérieures après 1945Gagnon, Frédérick January 2008 (has links) (PDF)
L'influence du président de la commission du Sénat américain sur les Relations extérieures (Senate Foreign Relations Committee ou CSRE) a-t-elle inéluctablement diminué depuis 1945? Le président de la CSRE joue-t-il toujours un rôle déterminant dans la formulation et la conduite de la politique étrangère américaine? Ces questions animent plusieurs experts du Congrès des États-Unis et guident notre thèse. Décrivant l'expérience de quatre sénateurs qui ont occupé la tête de la CSRE depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, soit Arthur Vandenberg (1947-1949), J. William Fulbright (1959-1975), Jesse Helms (1995-2001) et Joe Biden (2007-présent), nous recourons à une approche récente de la politique intérieure américaine - l'étude du développement politique américain (American Political Development) - pour formuler trois conclusions à propos de l'influence du président de la CSRE sur la politique étrangère américaine après 1945. D'abord, les experts du Congrès ont tort d'affirmer que l'impact du président de la CSRE sur la politique étrangère n'a cessé de diminuer depuis 1945. Non seulement ces experts n'offrent-ils pas d'indicateurs précis pour mesurer le déclin du président de la CSRE, mais nos propres indicateurs et observations contredisent leur thèse linéaire et simpliste. Vandenberg, Fulbright, Helms et Biden se sont effectivement démarqués par rapport aux autres sénateurs qui ont occupé la tête de la CSRE depuis 1945, ce qui mine l'argument voulant que l'influence du président de la CSRE a décru de manière inéluctable. Ensuite, à l'aide d'une approche à trois niveaux d'analyse, nous utilisons les cas de Vandenberg, Fulbright, Helms et Biden pour développer une théorie de l'influence du président de la CSRE. À notre avis, les expériences de ces quatre sénateurs sont comparables et démontrent que les présidents de la CSRE qui marquent le plus l'histoire possèdent les trois caractéristiques suivantes, sans exception: a) ils dirigent la CSRE lors d'une période cruciale de la politique étrangère américaine, c'est-à-dire lorsqu'un événement international d'envergure les incite à s'imposer dans les débats à Washington (niveau international); b) ils oeuvrent dans un environnement institutionnel et sociétal qui favorise leur réussite (niveau national); et c) ils ont les intérêts, les aptitudes et les convictions nécessaires pour exercer un fort leadership au Congrès et face au président américain (niveau individuel). À notre avis, l'histoire se souvient moins des autres présidents de la CSRE parce qu'ils ne répondaient pas à un ou à plusieurs de ces critères. Qui plus est, notre thèse porte à croire que les présidents de la CSRE qui risquent le plus de marquer la politique étrangère à l'avenir sont également ceux qui rempliront ces trois conditions. Enfin, faisant la distinction entre les actions législatives (introduction de projets de loi et d'amendements, adoption des budgets, votes législatifs, etc.) et non législatives (apparitions télévisuelles, lettres au président américain, conférences publiques, etc.) du président de la CSRE, nous démontrons que les experts du Congrès ont tort de croire que l'influence législative des sénateurs est plus importante que leur influence non législative. Certes, l'influence législative permet au président de la CSRE d'exercer un poids plus significatif et direct sur la politique étrangère que les apparitions télévisuelles, sites Internet ou encore discours au Sénat. Or, les présidents de la CSRE n'ont pas le choix de recourir aux outils non législatifs pour garantir l'adoption de leurs projets de loi. L'influence non législative est donc un préalable à l'influence législative. À ce titre, Fulbright, Helms et Biden ont marqué l'histoire parce qu'ils ont su faire preuve d'innovation: ils ont créé de nouveaux outils non législatifs qui, comme les apparitions télévisuelles, les manoeuvres dilatoires et les apparitions sur Internet, ont permis au président de la CSRE de continuer à s'imposer dans les débats à Washington malgré l'avènement de la
« présidence impériale » et l'évolution du contexte socio-politique américain. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Congrès des États-Unis, Sénat des États-Unis, Commission du Sénat sur les Relations extérieures, Politique étrangère des États-Unis, Politique intérieure des États-Unis, Arthur Vandenberg, J. William Fulbright, Jesse Helms, Joe Biden.
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The securitization of climate change in the United States : A case-study of the Biden-Harris administration’s first hundred days in officeSäll, Anna January 2021 (has links)
The Biden-Harris administration’s discussion of climate change is analyzed during the transformative time of the administration’s first hundred days in office. The theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies (CS) is used to develop the coding frame to perform a qualitative content analysis of empirical material consisting of speeches and other documents of the administration. Several securitization moves have been identified and climate change has been presented as a security issue and an existential threat by the Biden- Harris administration. A wide range of referent objects are identified, which is the people and things presented to be threatened by climate change. The whole world, ecosystems, the American people and future generations are a few of the identified referent objects. International and national solutions are presented, though the solutions are not interpreted as extreme measures as discussed by the CS. Therefore, this study supports the critique of a too narrow definition of securitization by the CS.
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Political Campaigning 2.0: How the 2008 Obama-Biden and McCain-Palin Campaigns and Web Users Framed Race, Gender, and AgeArmstrong, Erin H. January 2013 (has links)
No description available.
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Thawing the tension: U.S.-Greenland relations and climate change (non)securitizationCrowther, Joe Edward 27 January 2022 (has links)
U.S. Arctic foreign policy and the U.S. influence on Greenland has been studied predominantly regarding U.S. military and defence concerns. However, during the Trump Administration, the U.S. Arctic foreign policy agenda significantly shifted, placing Greenland as an integral component of the 2017-2021 Republican administration’s Arctic geopolitical aspirations, and not only for defence purposes. I argue that U.S-Greenland relations were significantly impacted when President Trump offered to purchase Greenland from the Kingdom of Denmark in the summer of 2019. Following the offer, Greenland emerged as a focal point of the Trump Administration’s geopolitical and economic security interests in the Arctic. Consequently, Greenland finds itself at the centre of a complex Arctic arena, with vastly larger and more powerful states taking an interest in Greenland’s economic potential due to its natural resources. Nevertheless, Trump’s offer was highly problematic as Greenland is an Inuit nation with the political goal to become independent from their colonial ties with Denmark. Despite the offer causing initial outrage, U.S.-Greenland collaborative relations have only developed since. I analyze why this has occurred, conveying that the similar approaches of Trump and Greenland towards climate change created the possibility for the strengthening of U.S.-Greenland bilateral relations. Climate change threatens the Arctic, yet the melting ice also provides more accessibility to rich natural resources. Climate change therefore presents not only threats, but opportunities. Greenland has a right and desire to pursue economic development for a financially viable independence through utilizing carboniferous, extractive industries. The U.S. has also sought to utilize the economic opportunity that Arctic climate change presents but with different motives. The U.S. and Greenland have subsequently become interlinked in a complex Arctic constellation of foreign policy and economic opportunity. Regardless of changing approaches to climate change, the Trump Administration has significantly impacted the future of U.S.-Greenland relations and Greenland’s political future. / Graduate
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Embracing LOLitics: Popular Culture, Online Political Humor, and PlayTay, Geniesa January 2012 (has links)
The Internet, and Web 2.0 tools can empower audiences to actively participate in media creation. This allows the production of large quantities of content, both amateur and professional. Online memes, which are extensions of usually citizen-created viral content, are a recent and popular example of this. This thesis examines the participation of ordinary individuals in political culture online through humor creation. It focuses on citizen-made political humor memes as an example of engaged citizen discourse. The memes comprise of photographs of political figures altered either by captions or image editing software, and can be compared to more traditional mediums such as political cartoons, and 'green screens' used in filmmaking. Popular culture is often used as a 'common language' to communicate meanings in these texts. This thesis thus examines the relationship between political and popular culture. It also discusses the value of 'affinity spaces', which actively encourage users to participate in creating and sharing the humorous political texts. Some examples of the political humor memes include: the subversion of Vladimir Putin's power by poking fun at his masculine characteristics through acts similar to fanfiction, celebrating Barack Obama’s love of Star Wars, comparing a candid photograph of John McCain to fictional nonhuman creatures such as zombies using photomanipulation, and the wide variety of immediate responses to Osama bin Laden's death. This thesis argues that much of the idiosyncratic nature of the political humor memes comes from a motivation that lies in non-serious play, though they can potentially offer legitimate political criticism through the myths 'poached' from popular culture.
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