Cette thèse est une étude onomasiologique et sémasiologique de noms de plantes, d'animaux et de champignons dans cinq langues bantu des groupes B80 et H40. Elle débute par une description élémentaire des systèmes phonologiques et morphologiques de ces langues avant d'en faire une étude diachronique. Le dernier chapitre traite des catégorisations populaires des plantes, animaux et champignons. Les usages traditionnels des plantes, des champignons et des animaux sont donnés en annexe, ainsi qu'une vue comparative et la distribution de ces noms sur l'aire bantu.

Ce travail de thèse propose une étude des nouvelles méthodes de classification, dites phylogénétiques, empruntées à la biologie dans le but de proposer une nouvelle classification linguistique. Les langues étudiées appartiennent à la famille « bantu », présentes au sein de la famille linguistique Niger-Congo, parlée en Afrique. De nombreux travaux ont été établis sur les langues bantu, montrant ainsi la complexité de cette famille linguistique. Notre étude se spécialise sur la zone « Nord-Ouest », qui comprend les pays suivants : Cameroun, Guinée Équatoriale, Gabon, Congo et République Démocratique du Congo. Ce travail présente une nouvelle classification de ces langues à travers l’étude du lexique. Nous avons ainsi constitué une base de données de 100 mots appartenant au vocabulaire de base pour les 207 langues retenues. Plusieurs arbres ont été générés par l’application des algorithmes Neighbor-Joining (Saitou et Nei, 1987) et Neighbor-Net (Bryant et Moulton, 2004). L’étude de la classification des langues du Nord-Ouest a permis de mieux comprendre les relations de proximité linguistiques qui existent entre les langues parlées dans cette région. De même, l’analyse de la classification a permis de proposer un schéma de migrations des langues bantu. / This dissertation is presenting a linguistic classification based on phylogenetic methods borrowed from biology. The sample of languages considered here belongs to the Bantu family, a linguistic sub branch of Niger-Congo languages spoken in Africa. Numerous publications have shown a complexity and the diversity of Bantu languages. Our study focus on the North-West region which includes the following countries: Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Congo and Democratic Republic of Congo. This new classification is based on the comparison of lexical items. We have organized a database including 100 words from the basic vocabulary for 207 languages. Several tree representations were obtained by using Neighbor-Joining (Saitou and Nei, 1987) and Neighbor-Net (Bryant and Moulton, 2004) algorithms.This study allows us to get a better understanding of the linguistic proximity of these languages. It also provides a historical scenario for Bantu migrations.

Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-04-24T17:58:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-04-25T17:54:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-04-25T17:54:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-25T18:03:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This enterprise, whose geo-ethnographic impact falls on Muhlabje – one of the neighbourhoods of Macia, southern Mozambique – tries to understand the social relations and political dynamics that move people, community social networks and the Bantu-mozambican authoririties with the municipal bureaucracy and politics, without losing sight of the simultaneously continuous and changing social institutions in that community, which are precedent and in movement with colonial domination and with post-independence Mozambique. The argument also unfolds in capturing the social situations intertwined with each other in a continuous and transdynamic flow, that is, the worship of the ancestors, the ceremony by the Mozambican heroes, the achievements of agriculture, the purchase and sale of a land, the wine donated to the community by politicians and agricultural products donated by the community to politicians and bureaucrats and local feasts are activities-social institutes that cut across the supposed institutional divisions of the impersonal republican bureaucracy and (as opposed to) interpersonal relations (Municipality and communities [neopatrimonialism/clientelism]), the reason why this flow gains the concept of bureaucratictransinstitutional reciprocities. / Este empreendimento, cuja incidência geo-etnográfica recai sobre Muhlabje – um dos bairros do Município de Macia, sul de Moçambique –, tenta compreender as relações sociais e dinâmicas políticas que movimentam as pessoas, as redes sociais da comunidade e as autoridades bantu-mocambicanas e estas, na mesma via das interações políticas, com a burocracia e política municipal, sem perder de vista as instituições sociais simultaneamente contínuas e em mudanças, naquela comunidade, precedentes e em movimento com a dominação colonial e com Moçambique pós-Independente. O argumento desdobra-se, ainda, em capturar as situações sociais entrelaçadas umas com as outras num fluxo contínuo e transdinâmico, ou seja, o culto dos antepassados, a cerimônia pelos heróis moçambicanos, os ganhos de agricultura, a compra e venda de um terreno, o vinho doado à comunidade pelos políticos e os produtos de agricultura doados pela comunidade aos políticos e burocratas e as festas locais são atividades-institutos sociais que cortam transversalmente as supostas divisões institucionais da burocracia republicana impessoal e (em contraposição às) relações interpessoais (Município e comunidades [neopatrimonialismo/clientelismo]), razão pela qual esse fluxo ganha o conceito de reciprocidades burocrático-transinstitucionais.

Dans les assemblées traditionnelles des Bapunu du Gabon, l’exercice de la parole constitue toujours un « événement de communication » (communicative event). Cette étude, qui porte sur l’art oratoire de ce peuple bantu d’Afrique centrale, en est une démonstration manifeste. À partir du cas de deux types de « palabre » à la fois différents et apparentés, à savoir le mariage traditionnel et le jugement coutumier, l’auteur nous plonge au coeur d’une rhétorique interactionnelle particulière. Il nous montre que l’art oratoire punu a un caractère tout à la fois dialogique et monologique : les orateurs, au cours de ces événements communicatifs, se donnent la réplique dans l’« espace de discours » qu’ils occupent tour à tour. Mais ces interventions ― contributions individuelles à l’échange ― correspondent, en fait, à des tirades au cours desquelles se déploient à la fois l’argumentation et un certain nombre de procédés rhétoriques qui mettent à contribution l’auditoire. / In ritualized encounters of the Bapunu in Gabon, there is no doubt that speech is always a communicative event. This dissertation deals with two types of speech events – traditional weddings and customary trials. In these two different though related events, the author gives evidence of a very specific interactional rhetoric. He shows that punu oratory presents aspects of dialogue and aspects of monologue all at the same time. In fact, each orator comes to take the « speechfloor » in order to answer other orator’s contradictions. But these dual contributions to the interaction are intrinsically tirades where argumentation is displayed, and some rhetoric processes are designed to seek the public’s reaction. On the whole, the demonstration leads us to a comprehensive and insightful approach to Punu oratory.

The aim of this dissertation is to investigate the attributive noun classes, as well as their suffixal counterparts, firstly in Bantu, and secondly in Zulu. The investigation will be done with reference to aspects such as the following: the general distribution, meaning and function of the attributive noun class prefixes in Bantu. This study will also investigate the distinction between those prefixes which are exclusively used to categorise size and shape deviations, namely those belonging to classes 12/13, 19, 20, 21 and 22; and those class prefixes which have a secondary function of indicating such deviations, namely the prefixes of classes 5/6, 7/8 and 11. The main concern is the way in which these prefixes are often associated with positive or negative emotive perceptions regarding size and shape, and are therefore often used to express amelioration and derogation. In languages such as Zulu and Northern Sotho the existence of possible frozen remnants of such attributive noun class prefixes will be investigated. Some Bantu languages such as Venda that express variations in size and shape as well as the emotive perception by means of suffixes, or by a combination of prefixes and suffixes will be investigated. The possible semantic overlap between the meanings expressed by attributive class prefixes, and/or between the meanings expressed by attributive class prefixes and so-called ‘attributive suffixes’ will also be scrutinized. Apart from the aspects mentioned above, the relationship between augmentative and diminutive suffixes and the notion [+ feminine] in languages such as Zulu and Northern Sotho will be scrutinized. The occurrence of the Zulu suffix -azana/-azane, which is apparently a combination of the diminutive and augmentative suffixes, will also be investigated. This study will firstly provide a typological overview of the various strategies employed in Bantu in order to express variations in shape and size, as well as of the emotive perceptions that accompany such variations. Secondly, this study will provide an insight into the way in which shape and size variations, amelioration and derogation are expressed in Zulu through the utilisation of diminutive and augmentative suffixes. An indication will also be given of the possible diachronic development of attributive categories in this language. This study will make a significant contribution not only to the field of diachronic and comparative Bantu linguistics, but also to Zulu linguistics. This research will furthermore lead to a deeper understanding of the strategies employed in Zulu to express the semantic nuances of amelioration and derogation. / Dissertation (MA (African Languages))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / African Languages / unrestricted

Interaction between South Africa's government policy and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk's mission policy from 1948 tot 1954 were analysed. This interaction proved simbiotic. To meet black people's needs - seen as disrupted through straying from their ancestry - and to prove the credibility of apartheid, government appointed the Tomlinson Commission. They found christian mission to do wonders towards changing black people's so called attitude of obstinacy and therefore proposed a vital role to christian mission in realization of the Bantu Development Programme. Thus government and church became team members defining christian mission as answering to a Godly call to custodianship over black people seen as of a lesser race. Custodianship ends when black people reached a stage of self sufficiency. Meantime church members were challenged to bring offerings of missionary acts. This call resulted in missionary involvement of many church members and stirred a missiological revival in the N G Church. / Interaksie tussen Suid-A:frikaanse staatsbeleid en Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk-sendingbeleid tussen 1948 en 1954 is geanaliseer. Hierdie interaksie is simbioties bevind. Om swartmense - gesien as ontwrig weens vervreemding van hulle afstamming - se behoeftes aan te spreek asook die kredietwaardigheid van apartheid te bewys, benoem die owerheid die Tomlinsonkommissie. Hulle bevind christelike sending doen wonders om swartmense se sogenaamde onwil te verander en verleen daarom aan christelike sending 'n sleutelrol in die Bantoegebiede-ontwikkelingsgprogram. Sodoende word kerk en staat spanmaats en word sending gedefinieer as 'n Godgegewe roeping tot voogdyskap oor swartmense wat as 'n mindere ras gesien is. V oogdyskap eindig wanneer swartmense selfstandigheid bereik het. Tussentyd word lid.mate opgeroep tot sendingofferdade. Hierdie oproep het tot grootskaalse sendingbetrokkenheid en sendingherlewing in die N G Kerk gelei. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / Th. M. (Sendingwetenskap)

Este trabalho propõe a análise da morfologia verbal do lembaama, que é uma língua do subgrupo banto (da floresta), B.62 (Guthrie, 1971), do grupo Benuê-Congo, do tronco Nigero-congolês. Como esta língua não apresenta nenhum estudo deste gênero, espera-se que esta primeira análise possibilite estudos posteriores neste e em outros campos linguísticos. A análise morfológica dos verbos revelou, primeiramente, que a estrutura verbal dessa língua é composta dos seguintes elementos: sujeito, índice do sujeito, negação1, marca de Tempo, raiz do verbo, extensão, vogal final ou marca de Aspecto, objeto(s) ou índice do objeto, negação2 que se seguem numa ordem fixa na oração. Constatamos que o índice do objeto, que é geralmente anteposto à raiz do verbo na maioria das línguas bantas, é posposto ao verbo em lembaama. A negação, por sua vez, é representada pelo morfema descontínuo composto por dois elementos: ka- (negação1) e -ní (negação2). Sendo que na estrutura verbal, ka- aparece depois do índice do sujeito (à esquerda da raiz do verbo) e -ni aparece depois do índice do objeto (à direita da raiz do verbo), é o último elemento da estrutura do verbo. Ao estudar a derivação verbal em lembaama, constatamos que a estrutura das extensões desta língua difere daquela encontrada nas outras línguas bantas pelo fato do lembaama ter acrescentado à estrutura -VC- preexistente no protobanto, estruturas do tipo -C-, -CV- e -CVC-. A extensão mais comum e mais fácil de ser reconhecida nessa língua é aquela que marca o habitual, tanto no presente (-ag-) como no passado (-ig-). O estudo dos sufixos derivativos do lembaama revelou também a existência de uma correlação entre o valor gramatical e o valor semântico das extensões. Vimos que seres humanos e animados são envolvidos em orações que apresentam uma transitividade alta. O estudo da transitividade mostrou-se, ainda, como uma noção fundamental nessa língua porque distingue ações e estados, por exemplo. Quanto à análise das categorias Tempo, Aspecto e Modo (TAM), essa língua evidenciou três tempos: um presente que não tem marcas e que se confunde com o presente pontual, o progressivo e o futuro. Dois futuros: um mais próximo, sem marcas, que se confunde com o presente pontual e o progressivo; outro, mais distante, marcado pelo verbo auxiliar odze \"ir\". Três passados: um recente, marcado pelo morfema mí- de tom alto e anteposto ao radical do verbo; um distante, marcado pelo morfema máá- de tom alto e anteposto ao radical do verbo; um remoto, expresso pela junção do verbo auxiliar -ki \"estar\" e o morfema do passado mí-. Assim, contrariamente aos morfemas de Aspectos, os morfemas de Tempo são sempre antepostos ao radical do verbo. É o caso dos dois morfemas que marcam os passados recente e distante. Há dois aspectos: o perfectivo, marcado pela vogal final -í; o imperfectivo, sem marca específica. A análise dos tempos e dos aspectos revelou que o Aspecto é mais fundamental em lembaama. O estudo dos modos permitiu identificar três: o imperativo, o condicional e o indicativo. / This work proposes an analysis of the verbal morphology of Lembaama (B62) according to Guthrie (1971). Officially called Obamba in Gabon, Lembaama is a Bantu language of the forest, from the Benue-Congo group and Niger-Congo phylum. As far as we know, this language has yet to receive a detailed study. It should be noted that Lembaama shows some interesting features. Indeed, the verbal morphology analysis shows that a single inflected verb contains the following elements: subject, subject marker, negative1, Tense marker, root, extension, Final Vowel or Aspect marker, negative2 occurring in a fix order in a sentence. The object marker comes after the root. Negation consists of a discontinuous morpheme: kaní. Ka- is placed before the root (by the left) and -ní occurs after the root (by the right) being the last element of this structure. The verbal derivation study reveals the following structure of Lembaama extensions: -C-, -CV-, -VC- and -CVC-.The habitual marker -ag- being the commonest extension. This study also highlights the existence of a correlation between the grammatical value and the semantic value of extensions. Hence, human and animate beings are evoked in clauses with higher transitivity than things. Therefore, transitivity is fundamental in Lembaama, as it can distinguish actions from states, for example. Tense, Aspect and Mood study defines three Tenses. First, there is a present that, because it is used without tense marker, can be merged with near future or with progressive. Then, we note two future tenses: a near future (F1) occurring without mark and a distant future (F2) marked by the auxiliary verb odze go. Finally, we count three past tenses: a recent (P1) marked by mí- with a high tone; a distant (P2) marked by máá- with a high tone too, and a remote past (P3) marked by kí be, an auxiliary verb with high tone and mí-, the recent past marker, both coming before the root (by the left). Thus, Tense marker morphemes are always placed before the root (by the left) and Aspect markers occur after the root (by the right). This analysis highlighted two Aspects: a perfective marked by the Final Vowel -í; an imperfective without a specific mark. Tense and Aspect analysis allows to conclude that Aspect is more fundamental than Tense in this language. Concerning Mood, the analysis revealed three: imperative, conditional and indicative.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-02-16T12:33:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marco Antonio Fontes de Sá.pdf: 12581511 bytes, checksum: 1e34f2547d91a3552a431906e020c78e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-16T12:33:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marco Antonio Fontes de Sá.pdf: 12581511 bytes, checksum: 1e34f2547d91a3552a431906e020c78e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-02 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The devotion of those enslaved in Brazil to the so-called black saints, especially Our Lady of Rosary and Saint Benedict, began in Central Africa, particularly where Congo and Angola are today, before Cabral’s arrival to the land that would be Brazil. Unlike what is often called syncretism and defined as a simple replacement of icons, Catholicism that grew out of those brought from Africa as slaves had a much more complex and elaborated origin. It was this special Catholicism that unfolded in the feasts in devotion to the same saints that exist until today in all Brazil. This research intends, through a reading of photographs obtained over almost 10 years, to point out elements of this original African culture, of people that were called Bantu, showing how these elements are still present today. Studies on this religiosity, cosmology or spirituality, whatever the reader's preference, were made punctually, always focused on a community or city. The importance of this work is to bring a comparison of these parties in various regions of Brazil and to show Bantu presence in all of them / A devoção dos escravizados, no Brasil colônia, aos chamados santos negros, de modo especial N. Sra. do Rosário e São Benedito começou na África Central, de modo particular onde hoje estão o Congo e Angola, antes da chegada de Cabral ao que iria ser o Brasil. Diferentemente do que é frequentemente chamado de sincretismo e definido como uma simples substituição de ícones, o catolicismo que cresceu entre os que foram trazidos da África como escravos tinha uma origem muito mais complexa e elaborada. Foi esse catolicismo especial que se desdobrou nas festas em devoção aos mesmos santos que existem até hoje em todo o Brasil. Essa pesquisa pretende, através de uma leitura de fotografias obtidas ao longo de quase 10 anos, apontar elementos dessa cultura africana original, de povos que foram chamados de Bantu, mostrando como esses elementos continuam presentes até hoje. Estudos sobre essa religiosidade, cosmologia ou espiritualidade, qualquer que seja a preferência do leitor, foram feitas pontualmente, sempre focadas em uma comunidade ou cidade. A importância desse trabalho é trazer uma comparação dessas festas em várias regiões do Brasil e mostrar a presença Bantu em todas elas

Este trabalho propõe a análise da morfologia verbal do lembaama, que é uma língua do subgrupo banto (da floresta), B.62 (Guthrie, 1971), do grupo Benuê-Congo, do tronco Nigero-congolês. Como esta língua não apresenta nenhum estudo deste gênero, espera-se que esta primeira análise possibilite estudos posteriores neste e em outros campos linguísticos. A análise morfológica dos verbos revelou, primeiramente, que a estrutura verbal dessa língua é composta dos seguintes elementos: sujeito, índice do sujeito, negação1, marca de Tempo, raiz do verbo, extensão, vogal final ou marca de Aspecto, objeto(s) ou índice do objeto, negação2 que se seguem numa ordem fixa na oração. Constatamos que o índice do objeto, que é geralmente anteposto à raiz do verbo na maioria das línguas bantas, é posposto ao verbo em lembaama. A negação, por sua vez, é representada pelo morfema descontínuo composto por dois elementos: ka- (negação1) e -ní (negação2). Sendo que na estrutura verbal, ka- aparece depois do índice do sujeito (à esquerda da raiz do verbo) e -ni aparece depois do índice do objeto (à direita da raiz do verbo), é o último elemento da estrutura do verbo. Ao estudar a derivação verbal em lembaama, constatamos que a estrutura das extensões desta língua difere daquela encontrada nas outras línguas bantas pelo fato do lembaama ter acrescentado à estrutura -VC- preexistente no protobanto, estruturas do tipo -C-, -CV- e -CVC-. A extensão mais comum e mais fácil de ser reconhecida nessa língua é aquela que marca o habitual, tanto no presente (-ag-) como no passado (-ig-). O estudo dos sufixos derivativos do lembaama revelou também a existência de uma correlação entre o valor gramatical e o valor semântico das extensões. Vimos que seres humanos e animados são envolvidos em orações que apresentam uma transitividade alta. O estudo da transitividade mostrou-se, ainda, como uma noção fundamental nessa língua porque distingue ações e estados, por exemplo. Quanto à análise das categorias Tempo, Aspecto e Modo (TAM), essa língua evidenciou três tempos: um presente que não tem marcas e que se confunde com o presente pontual, o progressivo e o futuro. Dois futuros: um mais próximo, sem marcas, que se confunde com o presente pontual e o progressivo; outro, mais distante, marcado pelo verbo auxiliar odze \"ir\". Três passados: um recente, marcado pelo morfema mí- de tom alto e anteposto ao radical do verbo; um distante, marcado pelo morfema máá- de tom alto e anteposto ao radical do verbo; um remoto, expresso pela junção do verbo auxiliar -ki \"estar\" e o morfema do passado mí-. Assim, contrariamente aos morfemas de Aspectos, os morfemas de Tempo são sempre antepostos ao radical do verbo. É o caso dos dois morfemas que marcam os passados recente e distante. Há dois aspectos: o perfectivo, marcado pela vogal final -í; o imperfectivo, sem marca específica. A análise dos tempos e dos aspectos revelou que o Aspecto é mais fundamental em lembaama. O estudo dos modos permitiu identificar três: o imperativo, o condicional e o indicativo. / This work proposes an analysis of the verbal morphology of Lembaama (B62) according to Guthrie (1971). Officially called Obamba in Gabon, Lembaama is a Bantu language of the forest, from the Benue-Congo group and Niger-Congo phylum. As far as we know, this language has yet to receive a detailed study. It should be noted that Lembaama shows some interesting features. Indeed, the verbal morphology analysis shows that a single inflected verb contains the following elements: subject, subject marker, negative1, Tense marker, root, extension, Final Vowel or Aspect marker, negative2 occurring in a fix order in a sentence. The object marker comes after the root. Negation consists of a discontinuous morpheme: kaní. Ka- is placed before the root (by the left) and -ní occurs after the root (by the right) being the last element of this structure. The verbal derivation study reveals the following structure of Lembaama extensions: -C-, -CV-, -VC- and -CVC-.The habitual marker -ag- being the commonest extension. This study also highlights the existence of a correlation between the grammatical value and the semantic value of extensions. Hence, human and animate beings are evoked in clauses with higher transitivity than things. Therefore, transitivity is fundamental in Lembaama, as it can distinguish actions from states, for example. Tense, Aspect and Mood study defines three Tenses. First, there is a present that, because it is used without tense marker, can be merged with near future or with progressive. Then, we note two future tenses: a near future (F1) occurring without mark and a distant future (F2) marked by the auxiliary verb odze go. Finally, we count three past tenses: a recent (P1) marked by mí- with a high tone; a distant (P2) marked by máá- with a high tone too, and a remote past (P3) marked by kí be, an auxiliary verb with high tone and mí-, the recent past marker, both coming before the root (by the left). Thus, Tense marker morphemes are always placed before the root (by the left) and Aspect markers occur after the root (by the right). This analysis highlighted two Aspects: a perfective marked by the Final Vowel -í; an imperfective without a specific mark. Tense and Aspect analysis allows to conclude that Aspect is more fundamental than Tense in this language. Concerning Mood, the analysis revealed three: imperative, conditional and indicative.

This study addresses the use of wild and domestic animals at the Iron Age site of Bosutswe, Botswana. I argue that that the Western (commoner) inhabitants consumed more wild game than Central (elite) inhabitants. The overall roll that wild animals played in the diet decreased radically over time, perhaps due to environmental degradation, a change in hunting practices, or due to a combination of both factors. The importance of domestic animals increased over time. Both commoners and elites had access to cattle and small stock, but elites consumed a greater amount of these species. During the Early and Middle Lose, Bosutswe elites were able to preferentially consume young and aged domestic animals rather than consuming mainly adult animals. This may have been a form of conspicuous consumption. Despite the differences in what was eaten, how meat was cooked appears to be similar amongst both commoners and elites. Meat appears to have largely been boiled, as much meat is in Botswana today. The elite inhabitants of Bosutswe retained much of the favored cuts of meat- upper limbs- for themselves. Less-favored cuts of meat, especially lower limbs and craniums, were distributed to the commoners of Bosutswe. This redistribution of resources may have provided the commoners of Bosutswe with tangible material benefits, but also served to emphasize their non-elite status and reinforce the social hierarchy. Likewise, herding cattle may have provided commoners with access to their labor and milk, but also served to codify and increase social hierarchy by enabling elites to maintain large cattle herds. / text