Relational aggression, behaviors that manipulate social relationships, is a pressing issue among Black college women (Dahlen, Czar, Prather, & Dyess, 2013). As a result of experiencing and using relational aggression, Black women may experience diminished interpersonal interactions and poorer overall psychological well-being (Gomes, Davis, Baker, & Servonsky, 2009). The present study examined how Black reality television (BRTV) models relationally aggressive behaviors for viewers. According to Cultivation theory, television has the power to influence the social reality (i.e. attitudes and perceptions) of individuals who consume high amounts of television (Gerbner et al, 2002), while Identification theory suggests that deep cognitive and emotional connection with a media character can lead to imitation (Cohen, 2001). Data was gathered from 93 Black college women through a survey measuring relational aggression, BRTV television consumption and media identification. Participants were randomly assigned a BRTV viewing condition (a non –aggressive BRTV or aggressive BRTV). Results indicated that aggressiveness of the BRTV program and continued exposure to BRTV did not significantly increase relational aggression over time. In contrast, relational aggression was found to significantly decrease across both viewing conditions. Regression analyses revealed that identification did not significantly mediate the relationship between continued exposure to BRTV and relational aggression. Implications and recommendations for future research on relational aggression among Black women were also examined.

Healing the Wounds of the Colonised Body: Writing Back in Twenty-first-century Works by British Caribbean Women Writers Thesis abstract Veronika Vítková Black women`s position within the world of male superiority and white supremacy came to be characterised by the term "double colonisation". Both patriarchal and imperial social order focused on their corporeality to justify their subjugation. Accordingly, black women writers came to conceptualise their experience of colonisation and slavery as wounds suffered by the black female body. They thereby use the master`s tools to dismantle the master`s house. Their "writing back" - a means of healing the body - constitutes a multi-level response to both sets of mythologies as well as other types of marginalisation and othering, which the two involved, such as sexual, territorial or discursive. It results in the construction of a complex space - a healing vision - which is not dissimilar to Homi Bhabha`s empowering theoretical concepts. However, while providing such progressive literary vision, black women writers also maintain connection with reality, where, as Gayatri Spivak argued, there is no space from where the subaltern sexed subject can speak. Their broad historical and geographical perspective, which is a product of the multi-levelness of their oppression,...

Master of Science / Department of Family Studies and Human Services - Marriage and Family Therapy / Joyce Baptist / There has been a decline in marriage rates in the U.S., with Black persons showing the lowest numbers in relation to other racial groups. Unlike previous generations where marriage was associated with a sense of familism, today marriage is associated with individual growth and the creation of a fulfilling relationship. To better understand how single Black women manage the tension between individuality and togetherness, a phenomenological study was conducted to explore the lived experience of singlehood of six Black women. Findings support Knudson-Martin‟s (1996) reframed concept of differentiation and previous studies pertaining to family and community values' influence on perspectives about gendered roles in marriage. Gendered power imbalance appears to be a main contributor to ambivalence about marriage although marriage remained to be valued and desired. Findings can prevent helping professionals from imposing our socialized worldview that values intact families, marriage, and gendered power equity on single Black clients. Clinical and research implications are discussed.

D.Phil. / The major part of what is known about women in leadership positions, and the challenges they are facing, is based on studies conducted in first-world countries. There clearly is a gap in the literature in terms of studies that focus on female leaders in Africa. Much has still to be said about the role that cultural practices and prejudices play in hampering the growth and progress of these women. This authentic study of a South African Zulu female manager provides a unique insight into the way she negotiated the challenges of climbing the corporate ladder in a male-dominated environment. Its postmodernist approach challenges the writer to use herself as a research subject while applying the principle of reflexivity in stepping back and analysing lived experiences from a researcher‟s perspective. In opening up her innermost feelings to the world, the researcher reveals who she really is, and how she, as a Zulu woman, wife, mother, and manager, negotiated her way between her own traditional culture and the Western corporate world. This creates real challenges to the researcher, as she has to keep sliding between being the subject and being the researcher at the same time. This narrative of "self" is recreated through interviewing people who had been part of the researcher‟s life during the period which was the focus of the study as well as the researcher recalling significant events. The research focuses on the challenges of being a minority leader in a South African workplace. The resistance to a black female as their superior by black males is highlighted, as is the manner in which these cultural prejudices result in discrimination against women by members of their own culture. The research also illuminates the impact of legislation aimed at transforming the local workplace and the leadership fraternity in a post-apartheid South Africa.

M.A. / This research report seeks to examine and analyse the role of recreation and leisure in improving the quality of life of women. The critical areas of poverty alleviation and the engendering of self sufficiency and empowerment through appropriate and goal directed programming and strategies will be investigated. Gender relations and hegemonies that govern women's choices will be critically explored with the assumption that women's participation and enjoyment of leisure are dependent on economic capacity and decision making freedom. The underlying aim of recreation is seen to provide an avenue for women to address these inequalities, find means to alleviate poverty, and learn skills for personal growth and enhancement of quality of life. The perceptions that women have of their leisure needs and the constraints to realising those needs are reflective of the amount of, freedom of choice that women are able to exercise. The relationship between freedom to experience leisure and social and ideological constraints to other social aspects of women's lives are important considerations. This research argues that lack of participation in recreational activities is indicative of a range of inequalities experienced by women. Data for this research has been collected from questionnaires and focus groups and contextualised within a feminist framework with a view to effect change in the understanding of recreation's role in the empowerment of women and the establishment of programmes that address inequalities and social problems.

Esta pesquisa investiga as experiências e trajetórias de vida de mulheres africanas e crioulas escravizadas que viveram a gravidez, o parto e a amamentação das crianças senhoriais e de seus próprios filhos na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, durante o século XIX. O período situado entre 1830 e 1888 encerrou um amplo processo de transformações das relações escravistas, abrangendo a disseminação da posse de escravizados na cidade até 1850, quando cessou definitivamente o tráfico com a África. A continuidade do regime passou a depender da escravização das filhas e filhos crioulos das mulheres cativas até a promulgação da Lei do Ventre Livre em 1871, que conservou os interesses senhoriais sobre as escravizadas e sobre a força de trabalho de seus filhos, chamados de ingênuos. Integrando-as ao complexo quadro da escravidão urbana e ao processo de mudanças das relações escravistas e de sua superação, esta tese se debruça sobre as vivências das africanas e crioulas com relação à autonomia sexual, à gravidez e aos partos, bem como sobre as práticas de amamentação e cuidado de seus bebês e crianças pequenas escravas, libertas e ingênuas. Procuramos compreender as visões de mundo, as sociabilidades e as estratégias mobilizadas por estas mulheres diante das dificuldades e restrições que o convívio próximo com seus senhores, seus projetos e suas demandas de trabalho destacadamente a ocupação de ama de leite impuseram ao cotidiano da gestação e do parto, e ao cuidado e sobrevivência de seus bebês. Recuperamos suas vivências integrando-as ao mundo social dos livres, cativos e libertos, africanos e descendentes, em laços de parentesco e amizade que constituíram redes de amparo fundamentais para mulheres que viveram a maternidade em embates permanentes com seus senhores e seus interesses. / This dissertation investigates African and creole women\'s life experiences and trajectories regarding pregnancy, labour and breastfeeding of their own children, as well as of those of their masters in the city of Rio de Janeiro between years 1830 and 1888. Over these decades, Brazilian slavery society went through major changes in close connection with the apex of the arrival of African enslaved people and the dissemination of slave-ownership in the city until 1850, when Atlantic trade was effectively terminated. As of then and until the publication of the Free Womb Law, in 1871, the reproduction of slavery depended on the existence of creole sons and daughters of enslaved women. Preserving the rule of masters over these women, as well as over their offspring\'s workforce, the law, however, eliminated the partus sequitur ventrem principle, which guaranteed the continuity of slave-ownership within the Empire. By integrating enslaved women into the complex scenario of urban slavery and the overarching context of transformations in slavery as a whole, this dissertation investigates experiences of sexual autonomy, pregnancy, labour, breastfeeding, and care of slave and freed babies and children born of free wombs. Such dimensions of enslaved women\'s lives are intertwined with their engagement in urban services especially wet nursing as well as with masters\' limited, yet persistent interest in their children. This dissertation aims to grasp enslaved women\'s worldviews and sociability, as well as their daily life strategies to cope with obstacles to pregnancy, labour and childcare created by intensive work routines and close coexistence with their masters. It unravels the importance of kinship and friendship bonds with African or African descent enslaved, freed and free people, with whom enslaved women shared mothering and childcare responsibilities. These social and emotional support networks were vital in their daily struggles with slave-owners and their conflicting interests regarding their bodies and their children.

Esta Dissertação de Mestrado pretende a partir de uma análise sobre a representatividade quantitativa e qualitativa dos mandatos das deputadas estaduais negras brasileiras, pensar as relações entre poder, gênero e raça em uma sociedade patriarcal. Para tanto, utilizaremos como amostra quatro mandatos de deputadas negras das Assembleias Legislativas dos estados da Bahia e São Paulo, durante o período de 2011 a 2014. O objetivo desta Dissertação é primeiro demonstrar que o cenário da democracia parlamentar brasileira mantém traços similares de gênero e raça que não coincidem com a real diversidade étnica/racial e de gênero que compõe a sociedade brasileira e em segundo, constatar que os mandatos das deputadas estaduais negras influenciam e resultam na implementação de mais políticas transversais que buscam a promoção da igualdade racial e de gênero e de combate ao racismo e ao sexismo / This Master\'s Dissertation intends to reflect upon the relationship between power, gender and race in a patriarchal society from an analysis of the quantitative and qualitative representativeness of the terms of the black female deputies from Brazilian states. To this end, we will use as a sample four terms of black female deputies of the Legislative Assemblies of the states of Bahia and São Paulo during the period from 2011 to 2014. The purpose of this dissertation is to first demonstrate that the setting of the Brazilian parliamentary democracy holds traits of gender race that are similar but that do not match the real ethnic/racial and gender diversity that makes up the Brazilian society, and secondly, to verify that the mandates of black female state deputies influence and result in the implementation of more crosscutting policies that seek to promote racial and gender equality and to fight racism and sexism

A análise desta tese foi centrada na relação entre raça e política, e considerou como seu objeto o ativismo feminista e de mulheres negras na criação da política de promoção de gênero e raça no município de Santo André, governado pelo PT, durante os anos de 1989 a 2005 O percurso da análise procurou responder em primeiro lugar à questão: por que, após a Conferência Durban em 2001, quando a questão racial ganhou destaque e reconhecimento nacional, o PT, ao conquistar a Presidência da República, criou um órgão, com status de ministério, para desenvolver a política de promoção da igualdade racial? Em segundo lugar, dentre os governos administrados pelo PT, em que medida a experiência de Santo André e a profissionalização política de ativistas negros foram relevantes na definição do modelo de política racial adotado em nível nacional? O desenvolvimento da tese compreendeu a análise da bibliografia sobre raça e política, dos documentos e relatos das ativistas feministas e de mulheres negras para confirmar, primeiro, que a confluência histórica entre a organização política da esquerda, o feminismo e o ativismo negro permitiu na região do grande ABC, em especial em Santo André, a emergência de uma experiência de política racial; em seguida, demonstrar que o alinhamento político do ativismo feminista e negro com a tendência hegemônica no PT foi uma potente estratégia para conquista de poder, cujos efeitos foram a mobilidade das ativistas, a sua institucionalização, a implementação da agenda racial e o fortalecimento eleitoral do PT. A tese conclui que o processo de redemocratização brasileira possibilitou a institucionalização dos ativistas dos movimentos sociais negros por meio da política de promoção da igualdade racial. No entanto, o posicionamento da temática racial no partido e em Santo André correspondeu não apenas ao ciclo organizacional do ativismo negro, mas também à estrutura de oportunidades políticas e restrições e à relevância dada à questão racial, configuradas na permeabilidade da estrutura partidária e do governo, especialmente nos períodos eleitorais. / The analysis of this thesis was focused on the relationship between race and politics, and considered as its object feminist and black women activism in the creation of a policy promoting gender and race in Santo André, governed by the PT during the years 1989 to 2005 The route of the first analysis sought to answer: Why, after Durban Conference in 2001, when the racial issue gained prominence and national recognition, PT, after winning presidential elections,, created a body with ministerial status to develop a policy promoting racial equality? Second, among the governments run by PT, to what extent the experience of Santo André and the professionalization of political black activists were relevant in defining the model of racial policy adopted at the national level? The development of the thesis included analysis of the literature on race and politics, the documents and reports of feminist activists and black women to confirm, first, that the historical confluence between the political left, feminism and black activism, allowed in the Region of Greater ABC, especially in Santo André, the emergence of an experience of racial politics, and secondly, to demonstrate that the political alignment of feminist and black activism with the hegemonic trend in PT, was a powerful strategy for gaining power, whose effects were the mobility of activists, their institutionalization, implementation of racial agenda and electoral strengthening of PT. The thesis concludes that the process of Brazilian democratization enabled the institutionalization of social black movement activists through a racial equality promotion policy. However, the positioning of the race issue in the party and in Santo André corresponded not only to the organizational cycle of black activism, but also to the structure of political opportunities and constraints, and relevancy given to the racial question, configured in the permeability of the party structure and the government, especially at election times.

Esta dissertação trata dos movimentos de resistência ao questionamento judicial acerca da validade do exercício profissional de professoras negras admitidas por meio de cotas raciais em um concurso público municipal realizado na cidade de Porto Alegre, no ano de 2005. A ação judicial, protagonizada pelo Tribunal de Contas do Rio Grande do Sul (TCE/RS), considerava a política de cotas inconstitucional. O estudo problematiza como estas mulheres negras, professoras e cotistas ressignificaram suas histórias de vida e de atuação docente a partir dessa experiência. Constitui-se no campo da pesquisa em Educação, com abordagem qualitativa, utilizando estratégias metodológicas como a entrevista compreensiva (KAUFFMANN, 2013) e a análise documental e se anuncia dentro dos princípios da pesquisa ativista (D’SOUZA, 2014). Opero com a categoria raça como fundamento do fenômeno em análise, destacando-o como expressão do racismo institucional. Simultaneamente, ressalto memórias da vivência desse racismo, contadas por seis mulheres capazes de agenciar e resistir, movidas pelas histórias de seus ancestrais, de seus familiares e dos grupos do movimento negro que a elas se uniram. Ressalto como conclusão parcial o fato de que essas mulheres deixaram uma marca negra por dentro da institucionalidade, criando brechas, rompendo barreiras, avançando e retrocedendo, garantindo uma política pública que se estende até hoje aos cidadãos porto-alegrenses. Este trabalho é fruto dessas marcas e objetiva sistematizar fragmentos das diversas possibilidades epistemológicas que as professoras negras cotistas proporcionam através de suas subjetividades desestabilizadoras (GOMES, 2017). / The dissertation deals with the movements of resistance to judicial questioning about the validity of the professional exercise of black teachers, admitted through racial quotas in municipal public tender held in the city of Porto Alegre, in the year of 2005. The lawsuit, starring by the Court of Auditors of Rio Grande do Sul (TCE/RS), considered the policy of quotas unconstitutional. The study problematizes as these black women, quota teachers, resignified their stories of life and teaching acting, from this experience. It constitutes in the field of research in education, with qualitative approach, using methodological strategies such as the comprehensive interview (KAUFFMANN, 2013) and the documentary analysis. It is advertised within the principles of activist research (D'SOUZA, 2014). It operates with the race category to understand the phenomenon under analysis, highlighting it as an expression of institutional racism. Simultaneously, it highlights memories of the experimentation of this racism, told by six women, capable of acting and resisting, driven by the stories of their ancestors, their families and the groups of the black movement that joined them. As a partial conclusion, the fact that these women left black marks within the institutional framework, creating gaps, breaking barriers, advancing and receding, guaranteeing a public policy that extends to the citizens of Porto Alegre. The work is tributary to these marks and systematizes fragments of the various epistemological possibilities constructed from the destabilizing subjectivities (GOMES, 2017) of black teachers.

Introdução – A mortalidade materna apresenta grande diferença entre os países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento e espelha a qualidade da assistência prestada à saúde da mulher. Para evidenciar melhor essa assistência novos métodos de estudo vêm sendo utilizados, dentre eles a investigação das morbidades materna graves – near misses. Objetivo - Analisar se a cor é fator de risco determinante de casos de near miss, das mulheres residentes em três municípios da Região Metropolitana de Curitiba. Método - Estudo de caso-controle prospectivo de base populacional. Resultados - Foram identificados 68 casos de near miss, dentre eles um óbito materno direto, um indireto tardio e um direto tardio, sendo relação de 1 óbito para cada 23 casos de near miss ou 4,41%. A razão de mortalidade materna ficou em 36,05/100 mil nascidos vivos, atingindo 108,15/100 mil nascidos vivos considerando os dois óbitos tardios. Os casos representam taxa de 2,45% das gestantes ou 24,50/1000 partos. Tanto na análise univariada como na multivariada a cor não apresentou significância estatística sendo o p= 0,497 e 0,8964 respectivamente. Houve significância estatística na interação entre cor e paridade p= 0,0095, OR 3,67 (IC 95% 1,37 – 9,80). Conclusões – Dentre outros achados a relação de 1 óbito materno para 23 casos de near miss e o salto da razão de mortalidade materna de 36,05 para 108,15/100 mil nascidos vivos justificam o estudo da morbidade materna grave, possibilitando conhecer a real situação da assistência a saúde da mulher. A variável cor não foi identificada como sendo fator de risco para near miss. Evidenciou-se a necessidade de aprofundamento da análise das variáveis identificadas como fatores de risco para near miss: idade e outras causas de internação para mulheres brancas, número de gestações e doenças associadas para as mulheres negras, assim como a instituição de outros parâmetros de análise como as transferências e reinternações. / Introduction - Maternal mortality presents great difference between the developed and developing countries and reflects the quality of the woman health care delivered. To evidence this assistance better new study methods come being used, amongst them, the investigation of the severe maternal morbidity - near misses. Objective – Evaluate if the color is a determinative factor to cases of near miss to women who live in three cities of Metropolitan Region Curitiba. Method – Prospective case-control study of population-based. Results – 68 cases of near miss had been identified, amongst them one direct maternal death, one delayed indirect and one delayed direct, being relation of 1 death for each 23 cases of near miss or 4.41%. The maternal mortality ratio was in 36,05/100,000 live births, reaching 108,15/100,000 live births considering the two delayed deaths. The cases represent 2,45% of the pregnants or 24,50/1000 live births. As much in the univariate analysis as in multivariate the color did not present statistic significance, being p= 0,497 and 0,8964, respectively. There was statistic significance in the interaction between color and parity p= 0,0095, OR 3,67 (IC 95% 1,37 - 9,80). Conclusions – Amongst other findings, the relation of 1 maternal death for 23 cases of near miss and the jump of the maternal mortality ratio from 36,05 to 108,15/100,000 live births justify the maternal morbidity study making possible to know the real situation of the assistance the health of the woman. The variable color was not identified as being factor of risk to near miss. It was proven necessity of deepening of the analysis of the identified variable as factors of risk to near miss: age and other causes of internment for white women, number of gestations and diseases associates for the black women, as well as the institution of other parameters of analysis as the transferences and re-internment