In the wake of the misbegotten US invasion of Iraq in 2003, we have to acknowledge that there are critical flaws in how our intelligence community (the CIA and its “sister-agencies”) produces knowledge. Instead of arguing that the intelligence community acted in bad faith, or that the mistaken pre-war intelligence was a “perfect storm” of bad luck, as others have, this dissertation argues that the intelligence community’s rhetorical culture led it into fatally flawed epistemological practices, demonstrated most dramatically in the mistaken pre-invasion allegations of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction programs. Chapter one explains the problematic assumptions behind the question of whether or not the intelligence community overtly politicized its pre-war intelligence estimates. In chapter two, the intelligence community’s theories of language are explored. Chapter three addresses how the intelligence community teaches and practices writing. The intelligence community’s inflexible commitment to writing in a “clear” prose style proves problematic when that clarity belies the uncertainty of its estimates. The fourth and final chapter addresses issues of disciplinarity in the intelligence community, explores the possibility of a rhetorical theory of intelligence, and offers conclusions. / text

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M.)" / En imposant une obligation constitutionnelle de négocier aux autres parties de la fédération, les juges de la Cour suprême dans le Renvoi sur la sécession rendent légitimes les aspirations des souverainistes québécois. Le processus menant à l'obligation constitutionnelle de négocier souffre toutefois d'imprécision et est à l'origine de la situation juridique contradictoire actuelle. La doctrine est divisée sur la signification des expressions «acteurs politiques», «question claire» et «majorité claire» et l'ambiguïté de ces expressions a permis aux partis politiques au pouvoir de justifier leur loi respective portant sur la sécession du Québec. Les deux lois en vigueur, la Loi sur les droits fondamentaux et la Loi sur la clarté, sont à des pôles opposés sur des sujets aussi importants que la formulation de la question et la majorité requise. Chacune des législatures a procédé unilatéralement sans se soucier de créer un cadre juridique cohérent. Les représentants élus devraient envisager la constitutionnalisation des règles menant à la sécession d'une province comme voie de solution pour régler l'impasse juridique actuelle. Le Canada ne serait pas le premier pays à prévoir de telles règles dans sa Constitution. / By imposing a constitutional obligation to negotiate to aIl parties of the federation, the Supreme Court of Canada in the Secession Reference legitimizes the aspirations of Quebec's sovereignist movement. However, the Supreme Court's ambiguity, in regards to the process leading up to the constitutional obligation to negotiate, is the cause of the current juridical debate. The doctrine is divided on the meaning of the expressions "political actors", "clear question" and "clear majority" and the lack of precision of these expressions allows the political parties in power to justify their respective laws on Quebec secession. The two laws in force, an Act respecting the exercise of the fundamental rights and prerogatives of the Quebec people and the Quebec State and the Clarity Act, are at polar opposites on issues as important as the formulation of the question and the required majority. Both legislatures have proceeded unilaterally without any concem in creating a coherent juridical framework. Elected representatives should consider the constitutionalisation of the mIes leading to secession as a solution to solve the current juridical deadlock. Canada would not be the first country to provide such provisions in its Constitution.

TITLE: Use of illustration in Russian language teaching. ABSTRACT: The aim of the thesis is the illustration, using the principle of clarity in the teaching of foreign languages and an analysis of interactive textbook for Russian Raduga po-novomu 1 in comparison with its printed form. The basis of the work creates the monitoring of progress of the concept of clarity, the using of visual aids and different teaching methods from J. A. Comenius to the present, when we have a modern education technique at the disposal, which allows the application of the principle of illustration in all its forms. The survey questionnaire form is designed to measure the level of popularity of modern teaching techniques for visual teaching. KEYWORDS: Illustration, principle of clarity, visual teaching, teaching method, motivation, interactive teaching, interactive board, interactive textbook.

Understanding the practical implications related to experiential learning is complex. It is important to first view experiential learning as an umbrella term under which work-based learning (WBL) is housed. To further particularize, there are different avenues for students to pursue work-based learning opportunities (WBLOs), with internships and cooperative education being two. Although these are not new learning environments, understanding and clearly defining them (to both internal and external bodies) is increasingly necessary. In Kentucky, WBLOs are part of the political discourse on postsecondary education. The Council on Postsecondary Education (CPE) and local economic development agencies have incorporated strengthening and growing WBLOs into their strategic plans. This demand is echoed by students and parents. By interviewing faculty with varying enrollments in their WBLOs, this study set out to explore influences on the development and implementation of these experiences from their perspective. The dissertation is written in three manuscripts, including a companion piece written in collaboration with Robert Boone that examines WBLOs from a complementary faculty (McCrary) and student perspective (Boone). It situates the problem of practice (WBLOs) in the current landscape of Kentucky Community and Technical College System. The second manuscript describes anticipated and unanticipated findings related to the development and implementation of WBLOs drawn from my interviews with WBLO coordinators across the state. Selected examples include the role of the advisory board and faculty background on the development of WBLOs and stakeholder preparation and conveying benefits to the community during implementation. The third manuscript explores obstacles encountered and offers potential avenues to circumvent or overcome said obstacles based on information collected through the interviews of this qualitative, exploratory study. This dissertation will be of use to both senior administrators interested in increasing WBLOs at their institution and to faculty who are interested in offering the opportunities to their students. This study offers insight to current practices related to WBLO development and implementation and offers potential avenues to overcome obstacles.

En imposant une obligation constitutionnelle de négocier aux autres parties de la fédération, les juges de la Cour suprême dans le Renvoi sur la sécession rendent légitimes les aspirations des souverainistes québécois. Le processus menant à l'obligation constitutionnelle de négocier souffre toutefois d'imprécision et est à l'origine de la situation juridique contradictoire actuelle. La doctrine est divisée sur la signification des expressions «acteurs politiques», «question claire» et «majorité claire» et l'ambiguïté de ces expressions a permis aux partis politiques au pouvoir de justifier leur loi respective portant sur la sécession du Québec. Les deux lois en vigueur, la Loi sur les droits fondamentaux et la Loi sur la clarté, sont à des pôles opposés sur des sujets aussi importants que la formulation de la question et la majorité requise. Chacune des législatures a procédé unilatéralement sans se soucier de créer un cadre juridique cohérent. Les représentants élus devraient envisager la constitutionnalisation des règles menant à la sécession d'une province comme voie de solution pour régler l'impasse juridique actuelle. Le Canada ne serait pas le premier pays à prévoir de telles règles dans sa Constitution. / By imposing a constitutional obligation to negotiate to aIl parties of the federation, the Supreme Court of Canada in the Secession Reference legitimizes the aspirations of Quebec's sovereignist movement. However, the Supreme Court's ambiguity, in regards to the process leading up to the constitutional obligation to negotiate, is the cause of the current juridical debate. The doctrine is divided on the meaning of the expressions "political actors", "clear question" and "clear majority" and the lack of precision of these expressions allows the political parties in power to justify their respective laws on Quebec secession. The two laws in force, an Act respecting the exercise of the fundamental rights and prerogatives of the Quebec people and the Quebec State and the Clarity Act, are at polar opposites on issues as important as the formulation of the question and the required majority. Both legislatures have proceeded unilaterally without any concem in creating a coherent juridical framework. Elected representatives should consider the constitutionalisation of the mIes leading to secession as a solution to solve the current juridical deadlock. Canada would not be the first country to provide such provisions in its Constitution. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M.)"

There is currently no legislation counteracting the impact of workplace bullying on South African employees, consequently generating an open invitation for all perpetrators in the organisation. The significance of bullying by superiors and bullying by colleagues is explored in this regard. Workplace bullying refers to behaviour which harasses, offends, excludes and affects the employees’ work tasks. This behaviour occurs repeatedly, frequently and over a period of time. As a result, the impact of bullying on employees has massive consequences on the absenteeism, profitability, turnover intention and the compensation claims of the organisation. The most common solution of workplace bullying results in resignation. Thus, this study also explores perceived organisational support (POS), acting as a moderator, to counteract workplace bullying in this regard. POS is defined by employees experiencing: role clarity, participation in decision–making, colleagues’ support, having sufficient job information and good supervisory relationships. This will not necessarily put an end to this phenomenon but creates awareness in the South African context. Many international researchers focused on defining bullying, exploring different perpetrators and identifying characteristics associated with targets of bullying. Nationally, research is still in its infancy, hence, this research explores workplace bullying in general, by focusing on different sectors across South Africa. This research addresses the main perpetrators, the impact on turnover intention and explores POS acting as a moderator in the relationship between workplace bullying and turnover intention. The objectives of this research was 1) to determine how workplace bullying, perceived organisational support and turnover intention are conceptualised according to the literature; 2) to determine the relationships between workplace bullying by superiors/colleagues, the sub–facets of perceived organisational support (role clarity, job information, participation in decision–making, colleague support and supervisory relationships) and turnover intention; 3) to determine the moderating role of the sub–facets of perceived organisational support (role clarity, job information, participation in decision–making, colleague support and supervisory relationships) in the relationship between workplace bullying (superiors and colleagues) and turnover intention. An availability sample of N =13911 participants were gathered over a spectrum of 9 provinces and 5 sectors. Hierarchical regression analyses was conducted in order to determine if POS acts as a moderator in the relationship between workplace bullying (either by superiors or by colleagues) and turnover intention. Results highlighted the prevalence of workplace bullying in the South African context. The statistical analysis revealed that workplace bullying by superiors and by colleagues has a negative relationship with all the sub–facets of POS. This implies that when bullying by superiors or colleagues increases, the sub–facets of POS will decrease. The intention to leave the organisation correlated negatively with the sub–facets of POS. This suggests that when POS exists in organisations employees will be retained. There is a positive relationship between both bullying by superiors and bullying by colleagues and the propensity to leave the organisation. In practice, this implies that when bullying increases (by either superiors or colleagues) more targets of bullying will be inclined to leave the organisation. According to the empirical results, POS, role clarity, participation in decision–making and supervisory relationships, was the only facets which acted as moderators in the relationship between workplace bullying by superiors and turnover intention, whereas no moderation was found with bullying by colleagues. Recommendations were made for the organisation and future research. / Thesis (M.A. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

There is currently no legislation counteracting the impact of workplace bullying on South African employees, consequently generating an open invitation for all perpetrators in the organisation. The significance of bullying by superiors and bullying by colleagues is explored in this regard. Workplace bullying refers to behaviour which harasses, offends, excludes and affects the employees’ work tasks. This behaviour occurs repeatedly, frequently and over a period of time. As a result, the impact of bullying on employees has massive consequences on the absenteeism, profitability, turnover intention and the compensation claims of the organisation. The most common solution of workplace bullying results in resignation. Thus, this study also explores perceived organisational support (POS), acting as a moderator, to counteract workplace bullying in this regard. POS is defined by employees experiencing: role clarity, participation in decision–making, colleagues’ support, having sufficient job information and good supervisory relationships. This will not necessarily put an end to this phenomenon but creates awareness in the South African context. Many international researchers focused on defining bullying, exploring different perpetrators and identifying characteristics associated with targets of bullying. Nationally, research is still in its infancy, hence, this research explores workplace bullying in general, by focusing on different sectors across South Africa. This research addresses the main perpetrators, the impact on turnover intention and explores POS acting as a moderator in the relationship between workplace bullying and turnover intention. The objectives of this research was 1) to determine how workplace bullying, perceived organisational support and turnover intention are conceptualised according to the literature; 2) to determine the relationships between workplace bullying by superiors/colleagues, the sub–facets of perceived organisational support (role clarity, job information, participation in decision–making, colleague support and supervisory relationships) and turnover intention; 3) to determine the moderating role of the sub–facets of perceived organisational support (role clarity, job information, participation in decision–making, colleague support and supervisory relationships) in the relationship between workplace bullying (superiors and colleagues) and turnover intention. An availability sample of N =13911 participants were gathered over a spectrum of 9 provinces and 5 sectors. Hierarchical regression analyses was conducted in order to determine if POS acts as a moderator in the relationship between workplace bullying (either by superiors or by colleagues) and turnover intention. Results highlighted the prevalence of workplace bullying in the South African context. The statistical analysis revealed that workplace bullying by superiors and by colleagues has a negative relationship with all the sub–facets of POS. This implies that when bullying by superiors or colleagues increases, the sub–facets of POS will decrease. The intention to leave the organisation correlated negatively with the sub–facets of POS. This suggests that when POS exists in organisations employees will be retained. There is a positive relationship between both bullying by superiors and bullying by colleagues and the propensity to leave the organisation. In practice, this implies that when bullying increases (by either superiors or colleagues) more targets of bullying will be inclined to leave the organisation. According to the empirical results, POS, role clarity, participation in decision–making and supervisory relationships, was the only facets which acted as moderators in the relationship between workplace bullying by superiors and turnover intention, whereas no moderation was found with bullying by colleagues. Recommendations were made for the organisation and future research. / Thesis (M.A. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

Self-concept structure has been extensively studied in the literature especially with regard to its relationship with psychological adjustment. However, the behavioral outcomes of the cognitive structure of the self and the mechanisms through which the relationship between self-concept structure and psychological adjsutment operate are still to be maintained. This study offered that the two dimensions of self-concept structure, differention and integration, would be related to the two dimensions of behavioral flexibility: Behavioral repertoire and deliberate adjustment of behaviors. iv Differentiation, tapping behavioral repertoire, was assumed to determine whether a person is flexible or rigid, while integration tapping deliberate adjustment were supposed to determine the quality of flexibility (i.e., whether the repertoire is controlled by the individual or by situational factors). By crossing these two dimensions, a model with four behavioral patterns was proposed: (1) Functional flexibility, characterized by both high integration and high differentiation / (2) situational flexibility, characterized by high differentiation but low integration / (3) stereotypical rigidity, characterized by low differentiation but high integration, and (4) effacing rigidity, which is low on both dimensions. Three studies were conducted on university students (N = 163, N = 123 and N = 242 for the three studies respectively) in order to test this model. Results revealed that the behavioral repertoire dimension of behavioral flexibility was linked to selfconcept differentiation, whereas the deliberate adjustment dimension was related to selfconcept integration. Functional flexibility and effacing rigidity patterns were clearly specified by measures of psychological adjustment, locus of control, need for cognition, need for approval and Big Five dimensions. Stereotypical rigidity and situational flexibilty patterns, however, seemed to require more elaboration. The model offering that flexibility mediates the link between self-concept structure and self-esteem was not supported.

O Brasil possui uma característica incomum entre as democracias, seu altíssimo número de partidos políticos. Em sentido clássico, muitos partidos poderiam significar várias clivagens sociais. Na teoria, uma ampla participação partidária na arena política favoreceria uma democracia mais consensual, mais benevolente. Por outro lado, elevado número de atores partidários inibiria a clareza de responsabilidade de quem é governo, dificultando, com isso, a responsabilização eleitoral. Utilizando-se de dados eleitorais, como o índice de volatilidade eleitoral, o índice de coerência partidária e o índice do número efetivo de partidos políticos, o trabalho elabora a seguinte hipótese: no Legislativo, quanto maior a fragmentação partidária, maior a dificuldade do eleitor em identificar o partido governista. Para testá-la, foi criado uma proxy inédita de clareza de responsabilidade e um banco de dados de países presidencialistas do continente americano. Os resultados mostram como países com alta fragmentação partidária e com coalizões de governo dificultam a associação entre o sucesso ou o fracasso do partido governista no Legislativo e no Executivo. Mostra-se, ainda, que o multipartidarismo brasileiro não deriva da fragmentação sócio-cultural e sugere que as instituições políticas brasileiras atuais constrangem os partidos políticos a não sustentarem uma condição de oposição ao Poder Executivo. / The Brazil has an unusual characteristic between the democracies, yours very high number of political parties. In classic sense, many parties can mean multiple social cleavages. In theory, a wide partisan participation in political arena favors a democracy more consensual, more benevolent. By other side, a high number of partisan actors inhibit the clarity of responsibility of who is government, difficulting the electoral accountability. Utilizing electoral data, like the index of electoral volatility, the index of partisan coherence and the index of effective number of parties, the work elaborates the hypothesis: in Legislative, as bigger the party fragmentation, more difficult to the voter identify the government party. To test it, was created an inedited proxy of clarity of responsibility and a database of presidentialist countries of american continent. The results show how countries with high party fragmentation and with government coalitions hamper the association between the success or fail of party government in Legislative and Executive. It also shows that brazilian multiparty system doesn’t derives from social or cultural fragmentation and suggest that the current brazilian political institutions constrains the political parties to not sustain an condition of opposition to Executive Power.

Information security (InfoSec) policies are widely used by institutions as a form of InfoSec control measure to protect their information assets. InfoSec policies are commonly documented in natural language, which is prone to ambiguity and misinterpretation, thereby making it hard, if not impossible, for users to comply with. These misinterpretations may lead the students or staff members to wrongfully execute the required actions, thereby making institutions vulnerable to InfoSec attacks. According to the literature review conducted in this work, InfoSec policy documents are often not followed or complied with; and the key issues facing InfoSec policy compliance include the lack of management support for InfoSec, organisational cultures of non-compliance, intentional and unintentional policy violation by employees (the insider threat), lack of policy awareness and training as well as the policy being unclear or ambiguous. This study is set in the higher education context and explores the extent to which the non-compliance problem is embedded within the policy documents themselves being affected by ambiguity. A qualitative method with a case study research strategy was followed in the research, in the form of an inductive approach with a cross-sectional time horizon, whereby a selection case of relevant institutional InfoSec policies were analysed. The data was collected in the form of academic literature and InfoSec policies of higher education institutions to derive themes for data analysis. A qualitative content analysis was performed on the policies, which identified ambiguity problems in the data. The findings indicated the presence of ambiguity within the policy documents, making it possible to misinterpret some of the policy statements. Formal methods were explored as a possible solution to the policy ambiguity. A framework was then proposed to address ambiguity and improve on the clarity of the semantics of policy statements. The framework can be used by policy writers in paying attention to the presence of ambiguity in their policies and address these when drafting or revising their policy documents. / School of Computing