Esta dissertação tem por tema o conceito de “bem comum”, tal como é compreendido por Tomás de Aquino em sua obra magna, a Suma Teológica. Teve-se por objetivo analisar as relações deste conceito tanto com a teologia quanto com o direito canônico do séc. XIII, saberes que embasam e legitimam as discussões sobre o bem comum na sociedade medieval. Também objetivou-se articular as reflexões de Tomás de Aquino ao desenvolvimento da Inquisição na Idade Média central. No primeiro capítulo, foi analisado como este conceito é entendido pelo teólogo e como está localizado na Suma, em outras palavras, quais são as outras reflexões que orbitam ao redor da questão do “bem comum” para Tomás. Nesse sentido, para entender as reflexões teológicas e jurídicas que embasam a concepção tomista de bem comum no séc. XIII, com o auxílio da metodologia da história intelectual, foi possível fazer um mapeamento na obra para verificar quais são as referências de autoridade (auctoritas) para o teólogo, sendo possível questionar: quem Tomás de Aquino cita ao falar sobre este conceito? Assim, filiando o Aquinate a uma tradição intelectual que remonta tanto a Agostinho quanto a Aristóteles, foi possível verificar qual é a inovação deste teólogo no debate em relação aos seus antecessores. No segundo capítulo, foi possível compreender que o conceito de bem comum está intimamente ligado às discussões de Tomás a respeito do pecado, da heresia, do lugar do herege na sociedade e sobre como e porquê ele deve ser exterminado da civitas. Situando a posição de Tomás a respeito do bem comum ao estabelecimento progressivo da Inquisição na Idade Média central, foi possível perguntar: Tomás de Aquino representa a Igreja na segunda metade do séc. XIII? Tal questionamento revelou que Tomás não é um representante unilateral da reforma que a Cristandade empreende no período. No último capítulo, o conceito de bem comum, conforme Tomás de Aquino, também foi associado ao desenvolvimento de uma sociedade perseguidora no séc. XIII, o que permitiu tanto refletir sobre uma “nova” espiritualidade que entra em vigor com a atuação dos mendicantes na civitas quanto, a partir de um exercício de antropologia escolástica, ver como Tomás, a exemplo dos seus pares, enxergava a comunidade cristã na qual estava inserido. Através da criação de uma categoria conceitual, a civitas christiana, foi possível entender que – pelo menos para Tomás de Aquino –, apesar da perseguição institucional empreendida, o lugar do herege na Idade Média não é fora da sociedade cristã, mas ao contrário, tendo funções a desempenhar nessa communitas, seu lugar é dentro dela. / The subject of this dissertation is the concept of “common good”, as understood by Thomas Aquinas in his magna opera, the Summa Theologica. One goal was to analyze the relationship of this concept with both the theology and in canon law of the XIIIth, knowledge that support and legitimize discussions of the common good in medieval society. Also aimed to articulate the thoughts of Thomas Aquinas to the development of the Inquisition in the Central Middle Ages. In the first chapter, was intended to analyze how this concept is understood by the theologian and as it is located in the document, in another way, what are the other reflections that orbiting the question of “common good” for Aquinas. In this sense, in order to understand the theological and juridical considerations underpinning the Thomist conception of the common good in XIIIth century with the help of the methodology of intellectual history, it was possible to map the work in order to verify what are the authority of references (auctoritas) to the theologian and, therefore, to question: who Aquinas quotes when talking about this concept? Wherefore, affiliating Aquinas to an intellectual tradition that dates back as far as Aristotle to Augustine, it was possible to find what is the innovation of this theologian in the debate over its predecessors. In the second chapter, from these issues, it was possible to understand that the concept of common good is closely linked to Aquinas’s discussions about sin, heresy, heretic’s place in society and how and why it should be destroyer from the civitas. Situating Aquinas’s position on the common good to the progressive establishment of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages central, it was questioned: Is Thomas Aquinas representative of Church in the second half of XIIIth century? Such questioning illustrated that Thomas is not an unilateral representative of reform that Christianity undertakes the period. In the last chapter, the concept of the common good, according Thomas Aquinas, was also associated with the development of a persecuting society in the XIIIth, which allowed both reflect about a “new” spirituality which takes effect with the activities of mendicants in the civitas as well as an exercise in scholastic anthropology, see how Aquinas, like its peers, understand the Christian community in which he was inserted. By creating a conceptual category, the civitas christiana, was possible to understand that – at least for Aquinas –, despite the undertaken institutional persecution, the place of the heretic in the Middle Ages is not “out” of Christian society, it’s the opposite, having duties in this communitas, their place is in it.

As the main research interest of this study one is able to highlight the issue of early- modern political thought, whose patterns have been analysed as protomodern grounds within the formative process of national identity. The thesis is based on the assumption that the political discourse of Polish aristocracy can be read as a specific part of European republicanism. Republican attributes are thus supposed to have stood for an essential core of Polish political culture at that time; core that was widely accepted by different political writers irrespective of their ideological distinctions. Hence, the study aims to prove that one is able to find the grounds of Polish "national" self-identification neither in ethnical nor in strict class traits, because concerning the question of identity, there was a crucial concept of a republic, closely linked to the peculiar values of liberty, equality and common good, which played a decisive role. In this regard, the thesis contradicts the traditional categories of Sarmatism or Sonderweg and instead of them, it introduces the concept of republican triangle as the hypothesis that is able to identify interdependence between political thought of that time and the image of Polish noble identity. Regarding methodological approaches, the study is based on the...

The pillars on which this study is based (stands) could be compared with the observations of Ejiofor (1981: 4), who says the modern-and-African political models have not been sufficiently discovered, developed, and operated in African states. One thinks that the social and political behaviour of African people are in conflict with the present day political structures and institutions. Political and economic actors fail to harness the knowledge, attitudes, and responses with the indigenous values. Own to these reasons the present political dispensations in Africa are misconceived and ill-adapted to their reality. Hence, the call for detailed study of home-grown African values as a means to redress these imbalances has become inevitable. This study is based on Igbo cultural solidarity as a means to address and achieve rural development in Africa. Meanwhile, this study attempts to re-ignite and re-echo ‘people-based’ and understood ‘home-based’ models of achieving rural development as focused on Okigwe-Owerri-Orlu political divisions among the Igbo of South-eastern Nigeria. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

[pt] O pensamento político de Santo Agostinho marcou profundamente a Idade Média Cristã. Contudo, devido à excepcional riqueza de suas contribuições nesta área, elas não se estagnaram no tempo. Na verdade, determinados temas abordados na Cidade de Deus continuam atuais e pertinentes. Entre estes a política ocupa um lugar preponderante. O Bispo de Hipona foi além de sua época onde ele viveu. Os princípios que, para ele, devem orientar a atividade política conservam sempre sua validade. Alias, os políticos autênticos agem inspirados e sustentados pelo amor de Deus. Nesta dissertação, propomos a visão política de Santo Agostinho contida na Cidade de Deus. As causas que levaram o Império Romano à ruína como a ganância, a soberba, os vícios, em resumo, o amor concupiscente, são retratados por santo agostinho e ele conclui que sem o amor-caritas é impossível governantes e governados construírem uma sociedade justa e tranqüila. A concórdia social só será obtida quando o Estado se abrir para os valores religiosos, prestando culto ao Deus Verdadeiro. O cristianismo contem em si uma riqueza extraordinária capaz de transforma a política no exercício da caridade. Essa encontra sua razão de ser na máxima evangélica Amar a Deus e ao próximo como a si mesmo. No entanto, o Pastor de Hipona não esconde que o estado, embora tenha uma papel importante para a sociedade ele é relativo. A atividade política é notável, porém não é absoluta. Ela pode quando bem exercida tornar a vida dos cidadãos da pátria celeste confortável e serena. Porém, de forma parcial, pois seu campo de atuação se esgota nos estreitos limites da cidade terrena. O destino final dos governantes e dos seus súditos que aderiram aos preceitos de Cristo é o gozo da paz duradoura e perfeita. Esta já desfrutam os cidadãos da pátria celeste. / [en] The thought politician of Saint Augustin marked the Christian Average Age deeply. However, due to bonanza wealth of its contributions in this area, them they were not estagnaram in the time. In the truth, determined boarded subjects in the City of God they continue current and pertinent. The politics enters these occupies a preponderant place. The Bishop of Hipona was beyond its time where it lived. The principles that, for it, must guide the activity politics always conserve its validity. You unite, the authentic politicians act inhaled and supported for the love of God. In this dissertação, we consider the vision politics of Saint Augustin contained in the City of God. The causes that had taken the Roman Empire to the ruin as the greed, the magnificent one, the vices, in summary, the love concupiscente, are portraied by saint Augustin and it it concludes that without the love- caritas it is impossible governing and governed to construct to a society calm joust and. The social concord will only be gotten when the State if to open for the religious values, giving cultured to the True God. The Christianity will count in itself a capable extraordinary wealth of transforms the politics into the exercise of the charity. This finds its reason of being in the evangélica principle Amar the God and to the next one as itself exactly. However, the Shepherd of Hipona does not hide that the state, even so has an important paper for the society it is relative. The activity politics is notable, however she is not absolute. It can when exerted well to become the life of the citizens of the comfortable and calm celestial native land. However, of partial form, therefore its field of performance if depletes in the narrow limits of the terrena city. The final destination of the governing and its subjects who had adhered to the rules of Christ is the joy of the lasting and perfect peace. This already enjoys the citizens of the celestial native land. / [fr] La pensée politique de Saint Augustin a marqué profondément le Moyen-Age chrétien Toutefois, c´est la richesse exceptionnelle de ses contributions dans ce domaine qui l´ont empêchée de se stagner à travers le temps. En effet, certains thèmes abordés dans la - Cité de Dieu - sont encore actuels et pertinents. Parmi ceux-ci, la politique occupe une place prépondérante. L´évêque d´Hipona a dépassé l´époque où il vivait. Les principes qui, d´après lui, doivent orienter l´activité politique sont toujours valables. D´ailleurs, les politiciens authentiques agissent sous l´inspiration de Dieu et sont soutenus par Son amour Dans notre dissertation, nous proposons la vision politique de Saint Augustin contenue dans la - Cité de Dieu -. Il signale, d´une manière toute spéciale, les causes qui ont provoqué la chute de l´Empire Romain, telles que, l´ambition, l´orgueil, les vices, en résumé, l´amour concupiscent, et il conclut en affirmant que, sans l´amourcharité, il s´avère impossible aux gouvernants et à leurs sujets de construire une société juste et pacifique. La paix sociale ne sera obtenue que si l´Etat s´ouvre aux vraies valeurs religieuses, rendant à l´unique et véritable Dieu le culte qui Lui est dû. Le christianisme contient en lui-même une richesse extraordinaire, capable de transformer la politique en exercice de charité. Sa raison d´être se résume dans la maxime de l´Evangile:- Aime dieu et ton prochain comme toi même -. Toutefois, le pasteur d´Hipona ne s´omet pas quand il affirme qu´en effet l´Etat joue un rôle important dans la société, mais il est relatif. L´ activité politique est notable, mais pas absolue. Quand elle est bien exercée, elle peut rendre la vie des citoyens confortable et paisible. Mais ceci d´une façon partielle, car son champ d´action s´épuise dans les limites étroites de la cité terrestre. La destinée finale des gouvernants et de leurs sujets qui ont adhéré aux précepts du Christ est la jouissance d´une paix durable et parfaite, dont se benéficient déjà les citoyens de a patrie céleste.

I denna uppsats studeras hur avvägningarna mellan allmänna och enskilda intressen hanteras avde dömande organen och hur de olika sakägarna resonerar utifrån de olika intressena. Arbetet har genomförts som en fallstudie där fyra olika byggprojekt studerats. Gemensamt för alla är att de ligger i Stockholms innerstad och har mött motstånd i form av överklaganden. Det finns lite olika definitioner för vad allmänintresset är, somliga menar att allmänintresset är ensammanslagning av flera enskilda intressen medan andra definierar att det bestäms av folkets valda representanter. Det ideologiska tillvägagångsättet som diskuteras är utilitarism, enhetligt, rättighetsbaserad ochdialogbaserad. För att tolka domstolarna domslut används fjäder- och balansvågsmodellen där fjädervågsmodellen symboliserar gränsen för vad man som sakägare är skyldig att tåla. Balansvågsmodellen symboliserar det beslut som tas baserat på de sammanvägda för- och nackdelarna. Det första fallet är kvarteret Plankan 24 där Svenska Bostäder vill bygga nya bostäder i den oexploaterade innergården, planen har mötts av kritik från de boende som menar att luftkvaliteten, bullernivåerna, ljusinsläpp, rekreationsytor, barnens miljö och kulturmiljön avsevärt kommer att försämras. Mark och miljööverdomstolen anser att de skäl som de klagande åberopat inte är tillräckliga för att planen inte ska genomföras. Fall nummer två handlar om Orgelpipan 6, en hotellbyggnadskomplex och en av citybanans uppgångar mittemot centralstationen. De klagande menar bland annat att ett nytt hotell kommer att skapa obalans på en redan obalanserad marknad, att ljusförutsättningarna kommer att försämras och att byggnaden kommer att för skada Stockholm. Länsstyrelsen anser inte att deklagomål som kommit in är tillräckliga för att planen inte ska vinna laga kraft. Det tredje fallet handlar om Mårtensdal 6, ett kontorskomplex som ska bli 125 meter högt. De klagande är befintliga hyresgäster som anser att deras verksamhet inte ska behöva flytta och Fortum Värme AB som anser att höjden på byggnaden riskerar att inskränka deras verksamhet pga. att den är högre än deras egen skorsten. Mark- och miljööverdomstolen beslutar att Fortums överklagande bör accepteras och upphäver därför planen pga. av allmänintresset. Det sista fallet är byggandet av Nobel Center på Blasieholmen bakom Nationalmuseum. De klagande är gemensamt emot planen då det kommer påverka riksintresset och kulturmiljön. I Mark- och miljödomstolens domslut går man på de klagandes linje och upphäver planen för att planen innebär påtaglig skada på kulturmiljön och riksintresset. Den ideologi som tycktes vara den som tillämpades mest var en blandning mellan utilitarismenoch enhetliga. Den rättighetsbaserad ideologin användes inte alls och den dialogbaserade är något som används tidigare i planprocessen. Något entydigt samband i domstolarnasbedömningar har dock inte kunnat konstaterats, det kan bero på att varje fall är unikt och har dess egna förutsättningar. Kommunen och övriga sakägare resonerar på olika sätt när det kommer till avvägningar mellan allmänna och enskilda intressen. Generellt gör kommunen avvägningar genom ett utilitaristiskt och enhetligt tillvägagångsätt medan sakägarna använder olika tillvägagångssätt beroende påom de representerar ett företag, en förening eller är en privatperson. / This paper examines how the balances between public and private interests are handled by the appeals court and how the different stakeholder’s reason based on the different interests. The work has been carried out as a case study in which four different construction projects were studied. Common to all is that they are in Stockholm's inner city and have met with resistance in the form of appeals. There are slightly different definitions for what the public interest is,some believe that the public interest is a combination of several individual interests, while others define that it is decided by the elected representatives of the people. The ideological approach under discussion is utilitarianism, unitary, rights-based and dialogical. To interpret the court's verdict, the dynanometer and beam scale model is used wherethe dynamometer model symbolizes the boundary of what you as a stakeholder are obliged toendure. The beam scale model symbolizes the decision that is made based on the weighted pros and cons. The first case is Kv. Plankan 24, where Svenska Bostäder wants to build new housing in the undeveloped courtyard, the plan has been met by criticism from the residents who believe that the air quality, noise levels, day light, recreation areas, children's environment and the cultural environment will deteriorate significantly. The Land and environmental court consider that the reasons cited by the complainants are not sufficient for the plan not to be implemented. Case number two is about Kv. Orgelpipan 6, a hotel building complex and one of the new entrances for the new commuter track, Citybanan. The complainants believe, among otherthings, that a new hotel will create imbalance in an already unbalanced market, that the lighting conditions will deteriorate and that the building will harm the character of Stockholm. The County Administrative Board does not consider that the complaints received are sufficient for the plan not to get implemented. The third case is about Mårtensdal 6, an office complex that will be 125 meters high. The complainants are existing tenants who feel that their business should not need to relocate and Fortum Värme AB who believes that the height of the building risks reducing their business because it is higher than their own chimney. The Land and environmental court decide that Fortum's appeal should be accepted because the public interest of Fortums appeal is greater than the office building to be higher than the chimney. The last case is the construction of the Nobel Center at Blasieholmen behind the NationalMuseum. The complainants jointly oppose the plan as it will affect the national interest and the historical culture environment. The Land and Environmental Court cancels the plan because it involves significant damage to the historical cultural environment and the national interest. The ideology that seemed to be the one most applied for the court was a mix between utilitarianism and unitary. The rights-based ideology was not used at all and the dialogue-based is something that is used earlier in the planning process. However, no clear connection in the judgments of the courts has been found, it may be because each case is unique and has its ownconditions. The municipality and the other stakeholders reasoning in different ways when it comes to the delimitation of public and private interests. In general, the municipality balances through autilitarian and uniform approach, while the business owners use different approaches depending on whether they represent a company, an association, or a private person.

Wie sollen Rechtssysteme auf Regeln reagieren, die Provider von Netzgemeinschaften wie Facebook oder World of Warcraft Nutzenden auferlegen? Das positive Recht gibt hierauf keine verlässliche Antwort. Erst ein Verständnis der Legitimität der Regeln ermöglicht ein Austarieren des Verhältnisses zwischen den Regelwerken von Netzgemeinschaften und Rechtssystemen. Nach Literaturstimmen sollen die Regeln durch außerrechtliche Mechanismen (z.B. direktdemokratische Verfahren), eine gerichtliche Kontrolle nach verfassungsrechtlichen Kriterien oder Zivilverfassungen legitimiert werden. Es ist aber zweifelhaft, ob Netzgemeinschaften legitime außerrechtliche Mechanismen schaffen können, ob sie wie Staaten behandelt werden sollten und ob Zivilverfassungen entstehen werden. Die Arbeit schlägt ein alternatives Modell vor: Im deutschen Zivilrecht zeichnet sich ein Legitimitätsmodell für private Regeln ab, das auf Regeln von Netzgemeinschaften anwendbar ist und als transnationale Schablone dienen kann. Danach werden die Regeln durch die Zustimmung und das Wohl der Nutzenden legitimiert. Letzteres gewährleistet ein Ausbeutungsschutz der Nutzenden in Form einer gerichtlichen Kontrolle. Die Anwendung des Modells führt zu folgenden Erkenntnissen: 1. Geschriebene Regeln sind schwach durch Zustimmung legitimiert. Eine gerichtliche Kontrolle nach vertragsrechtlichen Kriterien (bei Regelungen des Austauschverhältnisses zwischen Providern und Nutzenden) oder grundrechtlichen Kriterien (bei Verhaltensregeln) verleiht ihnen zusätzliche Legitimität. Die Kontrollintensität hängt von der Höhe des Ausbeutungsrisikos und der Existenz von legitimen außerrechtlichen Mechanismen ab. 2. Code-Regeln (z.B. Newsfeed- Algorithmen) sind auch nur schwach durch Zustimmung legitimiert. Gerichtliche Kontrollmöglichkeiten, die sie gegenüber Nutzenden legitimieren, müssen noch geschaffen werden. 3. Geschriebene und Code-Regeln sind illegitim gegenüber Nichtnutzenden, weil sie nicht auf deren Zustimmung beruhen. / How should legal systems respond to rules that virtual community providers such as Facebook or World of Warcraft impose on users? To answer this question, we must look beyond black letter law. Only an understanding of the legitimacy of these rules allows us to balance out their relationship with legal systems. Current scholarship theorizes their legitimacy as follows: Non-legal mechanisms (e.g. direct voting systems), judicial review according to constitutional principles, or digital civil constitutions may legitimize the rules. Yet, three points remain doubtful: whether virtual communities can develop legitimate self-governance mechanisms, whether they should be treated like states, and whether digital civil constitutions will effectively emerge. This work proposes an alternative legitimacy model: German private law reflects a legitimacy model for private rule-making applicable to rules of virtual communities which can serve as a transnational template. This model suggests that the rules can derive legitimacy from two sources: user consent and the common good of users, the latter ensured by judicial review protecting users against exploitation. This leads to the following key findings: 1. Written rules of virtual communities are weakly legitimized by user consent but derive additional legitimacy from judicial review. Contract law standard applies to rules that govern the bilateral exchange relationship between providers and users. General rules of conduct for users are checked against fundamental rights. The required intensity of review depends on the risk of user exploitation and the presence of legitimate self-governance mechanisms. 2. Rules embedded in computer code (e.g. newsfeed algorithms) are poorly legitimized by user consent. Judicial review procedures legitimizing them towards users still need to be established. 3. Both written rules and rules embedded in computer code are not legitimate towards non-users since non-users have not consented to them.