<p>Ett livligt debatterat ämne är huruvida det var på grund av media som USA förlorade Vietnamkriget. Denna diskussion har skapat ett förhållningssätt mellan försvarsmakter och media världen över. Ett förhållande där journalisterna hävdar att medborgarna har rätt att veta och militären hävdar att soldaten har rätt att leva. Vidare tar de stora världsledarna stora mått och steg i syfte att säkerställa att hemmaopinionen är positivt inställd till deras gärningar. När Saddam Hussein planerade att anfalla Kuwait och i dennes bedömning av omvärldens reaktion, lägger han stor vikt vid hur eventuella intervenerande nationers hemmaopinion skulle inverka på deras deltagande. Mitt syfte med detta arbete är att studera mediarapporteringen i två konflikter, Vietnamkriget och Gulkriget, diskutera kring frågeställningen om vilken påverkan medias rapporteringskaraktär hade på den amerikanska hemmaopinionen i samband med dessa två konflikter. Under arbetets gång kommer jag att använda mig Westley och MacLeans kommunikationsteori samt Daniel C Hallin teori avseende rapporteringssfärer för att studera tre variabler: Presidentpåverkan, TV-påverkan och slutligen Journalistpåverkan. <strong></strong></p><p>I de båda fallstudierna hittar man likheter och olikheter. Tillvägagångssätten har varit olika men inte sällan har liknande resultat uppnåtts. Skillnaden är egentligen graden av beredskap inför hanteringen av medieuppgiften. I Vietnamkriget är den något trevande hanteringen i del framgångsrik men kan inte mäta sig med den grad av framgång som koalitionens mediehantering uppvisade. Två fundamentalt grundläggande beteenden kan identifieras. Mediehanteringen under Vietnamkriget är att anse som reaktiv i sin hantering samtidigt som densamma under Gulfkriget var att anse som proaktiv. Denna skillnad resulterar i att opinionen på den egna arenan under Gulfkriget blir långt mer hanterbar och generellt mycket mer positiv inställd. Rapporteringskaraktären har en stor inverkan på opinionsbildningen. Där den militärpolitiska intressenten har absolut mest att förlora på en ofördelaktig rapporteringskaraktär. Analysen om journalistpåverkan under Vietnamkriget styrker otvivelaktigt detta. Av de två fallstudierna är resultatet av en förändrad rapporteringskaraktär tydligast här.</p> / <p>One of the most important issues debated in retrospect of the Vietnam war is whether media is to be blamed for the defeat. However, the debate has created a form of antagonistic fellowship between armed forces and media around the world. A fellowship where the media claims the people’s right to know and the military claims the soldiers’ right to live. The arguments importance increases further in view of the steps taken by world leaders in order to keep the home front opinions in favour of their actions. When Saddam Hussein planned to invade Kuwait he took into account how the home opinions of possible nations, who would be likely to intervene, would hamper its leader’s actions on Kuwait’s behalf. The purpose of this work is to study two conflicts, the Vietnam War and the Gulf War, in order to discuss the possible impact media might have had on the home opinion in the USA. During the work I will study the conflict by using the communication theory developed by Westley and McLean and Daniel C Hallin theory of spheres of reporting. These to theories will be used to study the three conceptual factors. These factors have been constructed in order to be able to study conflict by analysing the impact three variables; the President, TV and journalists.</p><p>In both case studies you find both differences and similarities. The methods of approach have been different, but results not seldom coherent. There is difference is the degree of preparation in handling the media assignment. In the Vietnam War the methods of approach were occasionally successful but nowhere near the degree of success presented in the coalitions way of approach. Two rudimentary methods can be identified. The method of approach in handling media in the Vietnam War is to be labeled as reactive whilst the same during the Gulf War is to be labeled as progressive. This fundamental difference result in the opinion being far more positive and far easier handled during the Gulf War. The character of reporting has an impact on opinion. The military political part is the one with absolutely most at stake in losing favorable public opinion. The analysis on impact of journalism, during the Vietnam War, undoubtedly supports this. Of the two case studies, the result on opinion because of change in reporting character is most easily supported here. </p>

Was haben Menschenrechte und Mediation miteinander zu tun? Was bezwecken sie, und welche Rolle spielt das Wissen der Natur- und Verhaltenswissenschaften über zwischenmenschliche Kommunikation? Der Beitrag versucht, ausgehend von den Begriffen Menschenrechte und Mediation deren Beziehungsgefüge aus interdisziplinärer Sicht aufzudecken. / What combines human rights and mediation? What do they aim at and which role plays the knowledge of science of nature and of behaviour about the interpersonal communication? This article tries to find out the relation between human rights and mediation from an interdisciplinary view.

Between 2002 and 2006 the Colombian government of Álvaro Uribe counted with great international support to hand a demobilization process of right-wing paramilitary groups, along with the implementation of transitional justice policies such as penal prosecutions and the creation of a National Commission for Reparation and Reconciliation (NCRR) to address justice, truth and reparation for victims of paramilitary violence. The demobilization process began when in 2002 the United Self Defence Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, AUC) agreed to participate in a government-sponsored demobilization process. Paramilitary groups were responsible for the vast majority of human rights violations for a period of over 30 years. The government designed a special legal framework that envisaged great leniency for paramilitaries who committed serious crimes and reparations for victims of paramilitary violence. More than 30,000 paramilitaries have demobilized under this process between January 2003 and August 2006. Law 975, also known as the “Justice and Peace Law”, and Decree 128 have served as the legal framework for the demobilization and prosecutions of paramilitaries. It has offered the prospect of reduced sentences to demobilized paramilitaries who committed crimes against humanity in exchange for full confessions of crimes, restitution for illegally obtained assets, the release of child soldiers, the release of kidnapped victims and has also provided reparations for victims of paramilitary violence. The Colombian demobilization process presents an atypical case of transitional justice. Many observers have even questioned whether Colombia can be considered a case of transitional justice. Transitional justice measures are often taken up after the change of an authoritarian regime or at a post-conflict stage. However, the particularity of the Colombian case is that transitional justice policies were introduced while the conflict still raged. In this sense, the Colombian case expresses one of the key elements to be addressed which is the tension between offering incentives to perpetrators to disarm and demobilize to prevent future crimes and providing an adequate response to the human rights violations perpetrated throughout the course of an internal conflict. In particular, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration processes require a fine balance between the immunity guarantees offered to ex-combatants and the sought of accountability for their crimes. International law provides the legal framework defining the rights to justice, truth and reparations for victims and the corresponding obligations of the State, but the peace negotiations and conflicted political structures do not always allow for the fulfillment of those rights. Thus, the aim of this article is to analyze what kind of transition may be occurring in Colombia by focusing on the role that transitional justice mechanisms may play in political negotiations between the Colombian government and paramilitary groups. In particular, it seeks to address to what extent such processes contribute to or hinder the achievement of the balance between peacebuilding and accountability, and thus facilitate a real transitional process. / Zwischen 2002 und 2006 hat die kolumbianische Regierung von Álvaro Uribe einen Demobilisierungsprozess von paramilitärischen Gruppen und der Implementierung von Transitional Justice-Mechanismen durchgeführt als einem politischen Versuch, Frieden in Kolumbien durchzusetzen. Der Demobilisierungsprozess wurde durch einen sondergesetzlichen Rahmen geregelt: durch das Gesetz 782, das Dekret 128 und das Gesetz 975. Insbesondere das Gesetz 975 aus dem Jahr 2005, auch bekannt als das „Gesetz für Gerechtigkeit und Frieden“ (Ley de Justicia y Paz), bietet Strafmilderung für angeklagte Mitglieder illegaler Gruppen, die Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Mord begangen haben. Um diese Strafmilderung in Anspruch nehmen zu können, sind die angeklagten Ex-Kombattanten im Gegenzug aufgefordert, Informationen über ihre ehemalige Gruppe zu erteilen und illegal angeeignete Güter auszuhändigen. Um den Demobilisierungsprozess im Einklang mit Transitional Justice-Prinzipien umzusetzen, wurden eine Vielzahl von Institutionen eingerichtet: acht Sondergerichtskammern, eine Sondereinheit der Staatsanwaltschaft (Unidad Nacional de Fiscalia para la Justicia y la Paz), ein staatlicher Fonds für Entschädigung (Fondo de Reparación) und eine Nationale Kommission für Wiedergutmachung und Versöhnung (Comisión Nacional de Reparación und Reconciliación). In Kolumbien herrscht seit mehr als 40 Jahren ein bewaffneter Konflikt. Es ist der längste bewaffnete Konflikt in der westlichen Welt. An diesem Konflikt sind der Staat, die rechtsgerichteten Paramilitärs und linksgerichtete Guerillagruppen beteiligt. Bis heute hat der Staat in weiten Teilen des Landes de facto kein Gewaltmonopol über einige Gebiete, die stattdessen von der Guerilla oder den Paramilitärs beherrscht werden. Die paramilitarischen Gruppen sind für die überwiegende Zahl von Menschenrechtsverletzungen seit mehr als 30 Jahren verantwortlich. Als Folge wurden tausende Bauernfamilien von ihrem Land vertrieben. Kolumbien steht mit drei Millionen Binnenvertriebenen nach dem Sudan weltweit an zweiter Stelle. Neben Bauern sind auch andere Gruppen Opfer des Konflikts, vor allem Afro-Kolumbianer, Frauen, Gewerkschaftsfunktionäre, Menschenrechtsverteidiger und Journalisten. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist eine wesentliche Voraussetzungen für einen Übergang von Konflikt- zu Frieden, dass der Staat die Garantie der Nicht-Wiederholung der vorausgegangenen Verbrechen und die Stärkung der demokratischen Bürgerrechte sicherstellt. In diesem Zusammenhang sind Transitional Justice-Instrumente, wie u. a. Strafverfolgungen und Amnestie, Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommissionen, Wiedergutmachungen und Demobilisierungsprozesse zu sehen, die im Rahmen von Übergangsprozessen eingesetzt werden. Sie verfolgen das Ziel, die Vergangenheit eines gewaltsamen Konfliktes oder Regimes aufzuarbeiten, um so den Übergang zu einer nachhaltig friedlichen demokratischen Gesellschaftsordnung zu ermöglichen. Einerseits wird mit Hilfe von Transitional Justice-Instrumenten versucht, Gerechtigkeit und Entschädigung für die Opfer herzustellen. Andererseits sollen die angeklagten Täter mit Hilfe von Amnestie und Wiedereingliederungsprogrammen in die Gesellschaft reintegriert werden. So steht die Anwendung dieser Instrumente einem Dilemma zwischen Frieden und Gerechtigkeit, Verantwortlichkeit und Straflosigkeit, Strafe und Vergeben gegenüber. Diese Arbeit evaluiert die Umsetzung des Demobilisierungsprozesses, die gerichtlichen Prozesse und die Wiedergutmachungspolitik. Wichtig ist es zu analysieren, ob der Demobilisierungsprozess der paramilitärischen Gruppen einen Übergang von Krieg zu Frieden zum Ergebnis hat. Ein Übergang sollte die Erfüllung der oben erwähnten Bedingungen – Ausübung des legitimen Gewaltmonopols durch den Staat, Garantie der Nicht-Wiederholung von Gewaltverbrechen und die Stärkung von Bürgerrechten – bedeuten.

This dissertation deals with religious conflict in a number of local communities of Sweden during early modern times, i.e. from 1630 to 1800. Religious conflict, in my understanding, comprises all kinds of conflicts in which the religious element is essential. The area of investigation in the dissertation is the northern part of the county of northern Hälsingland in northern Sweden. It is an area of particular interest in this context, since it featured a multitude of religious conflicts during early modern times. For the area and period of time under consideration here, the study of religious conflicts entails a study of three phenomena: major community conflicts in connection with outbreaks of witchcraze; major community conflicts during religious revivals; and minor conflicts, such as individual court cases involving witchcraft or blasphemy. The purpose of the dissertation is understand the pattern of such religious conflicts in northern Hälsingland in its local context. The local perspective is central and has also made me direct my interests towards the prelude to and aftermath of the conflicts in question. Particularly the latter has, to a large part, been neglected in earlier research. Theoretically the dissertation is inspired by the theoretical discussions of social scientist Walter Korpi. He maintains that identifying the distribution of power resources in society is essential to understanding conflict. This has proved to be a fruitful approach to the understanding of local, religious conflict in northern Hälsingland and I have been able interpret the witchcraze of the 1670s and the religious revivals in the latter part of the 18th century as the results of changes in power relations in the local community. The major community religious conflicts of northern Hälsingland – i.e. the conflicts during the witchcraze and the religious revivals -- were serious local traumas. The dissertation has also dealt with the aftermath of these conflicts, and the result does, among other things, emphasize the importance of honour in early modern society. Those accused during the witch trials of the 1670´s fought extensively for their right to attend communion together with the other members of their congregation -- a struggle to a large part due to the fact that taking part of the communion together with other honourable people could serve to restore their honour and reintegrate them in society. / <p>Sammanfattning på engelska med titeln: Religious conflicts in northern Hälsingland from 1630 to 1800</p>

The studies in the present thesis focus on post-decision processes using the theoretical framework of Differentiation and Consolidation Theory. This thesis consists of three studies. In all these studies, pre-decision evaluations are compared with post-decision evaluations in order to explore differences in evaluations of decision alternatives before and after a decision. The main aim of the studies was to describe and gain a clearer and better understanding of how people re-evaluate information, following a decision for which they have experienced the decision and outcome. The studies examine how the attractiveness evaluations of important attributes are restructured from the pre-decision to the post-decision phase; particularly restructuring processes of value conflicts. Value conflict attributes are those in which information speaks against the chosen alternative in a decision. The first study investigates an important real-life decision and illustrates different post-decision (consolidation) processes following the decision. The second study tests whether decisions with value conflicts follow the same consolidation (post-decision restructuring) processes when the conflict is controlled experimentally, as in earlier studies of less controlled real-life decisions. The third study investigates consolidation and value conflicts in decisions in which the consequences are controlled and of different magnitudes. The studies in the present thesis have shown how attractiveness restructuring of attributes in conflict occurs in the post-decision phase. Results from the three studies indicated that attractiveness restructuring of attributes in conflict was stronger for important real-life decisions (Study 1) and in situations in which real consequences followed a decision (Study 3) than in more controlled, hypothetical decision situations (Study 2). Finally, some proposals for future research are suggested, including studies of the effects of outcomes and consequences on consolidation of prior decisions and how a decision maker’s involvement affects his or her pre- and post-decision processes.

This case study was made in Kiru Valley in the northeast Tanzania in order to study the water management to get a picture of which institutions that are involved, how conflicts are resolved, and also to see if all farmers in the area have an influence in the management. The area consists of big-scale farmers, small-scale farmers with IFAD irrigation scheme and small-scale farmers without irrigation scheme. The irrigation scheme was built in 2004 in the villages Mawemairo and Matufa. Mapea village is located downstream and has got less water after the scheme was built. The case study was conducted by semi-structured interviews with some officials at different institutions in the District, Mawemairo and Mapea and also with some farmers in Mawemairo. The results were mainly analysed with Integrated Water Resources Management approach which have been adapted by Tanzania government. Mawemairo and Matufa have established a Water Users Association (WUA) and the water management seems to work quite good for those who are members of this. But those farmers who are not members of a WUA seem to be outside of the management of the rivers in Kiru Valley. What is missing is a platform where all relevant stakeholders in Kiru Valley, like farmers, can participate in the decision-making and where conflicts can be resolved.

I det moderna samhället är det många faktorer som leder till upplevelsen av stress. Dessa faktorer kan bland annat bero på samhällets snabba förändringar, de höga kraven, och att vi ska finnas till hands större delen av dygnet. Kombinerar man dessa faktorer med individens olika sociala roller är risken hög att individen upplever kraven som stressande. Förutom arbetets krav existerar även krav efter arbetet när man måste ägna sig åt familjen. Min studie fokuserar på att ta reda på vilka faktorer som kan ge upphov till stress hos arbetande föräldrar. För att komma närmare det studerade ämnet valde jag att göra en fallstudie på min egen arbetsplats och låta fyra medarbetare som har barn att komma till tals om sin vardag i intervjuer. Uppsatsen fokusserar på att ta reda på hur sociala roller påverkar föräldrars vardag.  I uppsatsen har teorier från Robert Karaseks och Töres Theorells krav-kontroll-stöd modell tillämpats. Denna modell beskriver kombinationen mellan individens höga krav och låga egenkontroll. Studien är sedan styrkt med teoretiska utgångspunkter från Anthony Giddens modernitetsperspektiv och Mikael Nordenmarks teorier om rollkonflikter. Resultatet blev att intervjupersonerna upplever en viss grad av stress i relationen mellan arbetsliv och privatliv. Bristen på egenkontroll, beslutsutrymme och socialt stöd bidrar till uppkomsten av stress. Resultaten av intervjuerna visade att det främst var bristen på struktur och kontroll över vardagen som skapade stress hos individen. Samtliga respondenter ansåg också att stress är ett naturligt inslag i dagens moderna samhälle. / There are many contributing factors to the experience of stress in modern society. These factors may among others be caused by the fast changes of society, the high demands, a person’s low rate of self-control and the that we are supposed to be available almost all the time. These factors combined with the different social roles of the individual increases the risk for the individual to experience stress. Except from the demands at work there are also demands after the working day when you have to spend time at home with the family. Focus in this thesis is to find out what may cause stress among full-time working parents. To get closer to the problem, I decided to carry out a case study and interviews with four persons at the work in which I am employed. The research wants to find out what causes stress by focusing on the conflict between the social roles that parents play in their every day life. The thesis is assumed from the demand-control-social support model of Robert Karasek and Töres Theorell. This model describes the combination between the high rate of self-demands and low rate of self-control. Further the thesis is supported by theoretical views of Anthony Giddens perspective of modernity and the theories about multiple social roles of Mikael Nordenmark. The results of the interviews showed that it was mainly the lack of self-control and lack of structure in every day life that caused stress. All the interviews also claimed that stress is a part of modern society.

The objective of this study was to describe and analyze some of the conflicts in the class room using solution strategies from a human needs perspective. This was done by a qualitative in-vestigation based on the observations of the participants. The query of how every day conflicts arise in the class room and their reasons. The result was analyzed using reference frame in human needs theory. The results showed that there were several reasons for a conflict and its solution. It was also shown that creating a nice atmosphere in the class room was a continuous effort and the strategies of the teachers in a conflict situation were different depending on the situation. Human needs theories assists us to analyze and handle conflicts in the class room. / Syftet med denna undersökning var att beskriva och analysera några konflikter i mitt klassrum och mina lösningsstrategier utifrån ett human needs perspektiv. Detta gjorde jag genom en kvalitativ undersökning som grundades på deltagande observationer. Mina frågeställningar handlade om hur några vardagliga konflikter uppstått i mitt klassrum, deras eventuella orsaker, hur jag uppfattade, hanterade och försökte lösa dessa konflikter. Jag analyserade resultatet utifrån en referensram inom human needs theory. Resultaten visade att orsakerna till konflikter och lösningar i frågan var flera. De visade också att skapandet av ett gott klimat i klassrummet var ett ständigt pågående arbete och pedagogernas strategier vid konfliktsituationer kan se olika ut beroende på situationen. Det är dock samtalet i olika former som är grunden till all hantering. Human needs teorier hjälper oss att analysera, hantera och förebygga konflikter i klassrummet.

Syftet med denna studie var att jämföra ensamstående och gifta/samboende mammors syn på arbetsliv, familjeliv och hushåll samt konflikterna mellan dessa. En enkät lämnades till kvinnor på två förskolor och mailades även till en grupp deltagare, varav 64 svarade. Resultatet visade signifikanta skillnader mellan grupperna; ensamstående mammor upplevde större konflikter angående de nämnda områdena än gifta/samboende mammor. Resultatet visade även att ju sämre upplevd ekonomi, desto större konflikter gällande dessa områden. Upplevd ekonomi visade sig vara en viktigare faktor än civilståndet. Stress över sin ekonomi kanske även bidrar till stress på andra områden. Orsaken till att ensamstående mammor upplever mer konflikter kan bero på att de inte har någon att dela ansvaret med när det gäller familj, hushåll och ekonomi.

In the first essay, "Why Won't You Forgive Me? Evidence of a Financial Misreporting Stigma in Bank Loan Pricing," we examine the relation between bank loan pricing and intentional financial misreporting. Firms that misreport financial information pay greater spreads on their bank loans for five years following their restatements, whether benchmarked against their pre-restatement loans or similar loans made to matched non-misreporting firms. Misreporting firms that promptly replace certain parties who are potentially related to the misreporting see their spreads fall to benchmark levels within three years following restatement. Large fractions of firms, however, do not promptly replace the potentially related parties and continue to pay premiums over benchmark spread levels for five years following restatement. The results suggest that misreporting creates a long-lasting and costly stigma, but that certain actions can reduce the duration of the stigma. In the second essay, "Can Shareholder-Creditor Conflicts Explain Weak Governance? Evidence from the Value of Cash Holdings," we look into whether shareholder-creditor conflicts generate costs large enough to prevent improvements in governance. If firms choose to remain weakly governed, some cost must prevent improvements. We address our research question by estimating the value of cash as a function of governance, leverage, and the interaction of the two. We find that governance increases the value of cash, but that leverage reduces the gain from strong governance. However, the magnitudes are far too small to explain why weak governance firms remain weakly governed. Our estimates suggest more than 80 percent of weakly governed firms would increase the value of their cash by improving governance. In fact, half of weakly governed firms would increase the value of their cash holdings by $0.35 or more per dollar held by improving governance. Our focus on cash holdings does not seem to drive our results, nor do endogenous governance choices or nonlinearities reverse our conclusions.