This thesis explores the practice of “youtubing Sápmi”, which entails Sámi decolonial mobilization, multisemiotic and multilingual language use on YouTube. The aim is to understand how YouTube videos can function as a tool for discursive mobilization and as a complement or alternative to linguistic and cultural revitalization. In recent years, more interest has been directed towards Sámi music and media. While such research has explored acts of resistance, anti-colonial counter-narratives and negotiations of identity in Sámi music and media, few studies have investigated the discursive strategies used in Sámi performance in the Swedish context. In addressing this research gap, drawing from sociolinguistic research on interdiscursivity, indexicality and sociolinguistic scales, this thesis analyses how multisemiotic resources are used in discursive strategies of Sámi decolonial mobilization on YouTube. The analysis reveals that a variety of multisemiotic resources and discourses are used to construe type and token interdiscursivity that establish connectivity across time, space and scales that connect local issues to the national and the global. Furthermore, the deployment of different language repertoires – North Sámi, Swedish and English – point to the multi-scalar aspects of Sámi decolonial mobilization. These results indicate that the practice of youtubing Sápmi is a powerful tool for raising awareness, challenging coloniality and creating space for Sámi linguistic and cultural practices. In sum, the thesis provides insights into the potentials for agentive and creative use of interdiscursivity, as well as the affordances for creative multisemiotic language use on YouTube.

Dungeons and Dragons (D&D) is a Tabletop Roleplaying Game (TRPG) which offers playersthe chance to create and inhabit a fantastical hero in an equally fantastical world, creating ashared experience with their other players and the Game Master (GM) who facilitates play.Much research has examined D&D as an artifact, highlighting its problematic aspects and thepotential of the worlds and rules it presents as reinforcing real world hegemony orshortcoming such as male domination and racism. While building upon these ideas, thisresearch explores how players’ experiences in D&D interact with notions of heroism, how thegame presents what it means to be a hero and how it truly is experienced within my longtimeD&D playgroup. It does this through semi-structured interviews, to examine how the playersexperience the game, including my own reflections and input as GM for this group for anextended period of time. It utilizes the concepts of coloniality and hegemonic masculinity asframes for understanding the mechanics and narratives of D&D and how they interact withconceptualisations of heroism. Through thematic analysis of the interview data, it highlightswhere the players' experiences line up with conceptualisations of coloniality and hegemonicmasculinity, yet also highlights where players' experiences break with or undermine theseconcepts, highlighting alternatives that move away from colonial and masculine heroism.Ultimately determining that while these players understand heroism in D&D in ways whichreinforce or echo coloniality and hegemonic masculinity such as imperial violence, theiractual experiences with heroism are often removed from this, focusing more on collaborationand problem solving devoid of violence.

[pt] As formas como as discussões sobre as chamadas epistemologias decoloniais são apropriadas e impactam as pesquisas em Ensino de História no Brasil consistem no problema a ser investigado. Esta pesquisa, situada na intersecção entre o campo da História Social e do Ensino de História, buscou mapear e analisar a receptividade aos estudos decoloniais na área do Ensino de História desde de seu processo de emergência e fortalecimento nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 até 2023, de forma similar, ou não, à observada nos estudos de Filosofia e das Ciências Sociais desde o final da década de 1990. Constata-se que as epistemologias decoloniais foram apropriadas pelos estudos de Filosofia e Ciências Sociais no Brasil em momento anterior aos estudos de História. O problema surge do reconhecimento que ainda não existem pesquisas sobre a apropriação das epistemológicas decoloniais pelos historiadores do Ensino de História. Esta investigação inova na medida que busca elucidar a interação entre esta perspectiva que disputa espaço acadêmico atualmente, as epistemologias decoloniais, com os historiadores do Ensino de História. Campos latentes que se tornam relevantes desde a virada do milênio. A decolonialidade e o Ensino de História detêm notória importância na produção e afirmação de subjetividades e identidades. Neste sentido, por meio do mapeamento de todos os grupos de pesquisa do Ensino de História do Brasil e de suas subdivisões subsequentes no que constam no diretório do CNPq, foi possível elucidar o grupo amostral analisado de forma mais profunda no último capítulo da dissertação. Logo, por meio da busca em banco de dados e a realização de entrevistas, esta pesquisa procurou analisar a recente apropriação das epistemologias decoloniais pelo Ensino de História do Brasil. / [en] The ways in which discussions about so-called decolonial epistemologies are appropriate and impact research in History Teaching in Brazil are the problem to be investigated. This research, located at the intersection between the field of Social History and History Teaching, sought to map and analyze the receptivity to decolonial studies in the area of History Teaching since its emergence and strengthening process in the 1980s and 1990s until 2023, in a similar way, or not, to that observed in Philosophy and Social Sciences studies since the end of the 1990s. It appears that decolonial epistemologies were appropriated by Philosophy and Social Sciences studies in Brazil at a time prior to History studies. The problem arises from the recognition that there is still no research on the appropriation of decolonial epistemologies by historians of History Teaching. This investigation innovates as it seeks to elucidate the interaction between this perspective that currently competes for academic space, decolonial epistemologies, and historians of History Teaching. Latent fields that have become relevant since the turn of the millennium. Decoloniality and History Teaching have notorious importance in the production and affirmation of subjectivities and identities. In this sense, through the mapping of all research groups in the Teaching of History of Brazil and its subsequent subdivisions in what appears in the CNPq directory, it was possible to elucidate the sample group analyzed in more depth in the last chapter of the dissertation. Therefore, through database searches and interviews, this research sought to analyze the recent appropriation of decolonial epistemologies by Brazilian History Teaching.

This study deploys the decolonial epistemic perspective in an attempt to unmask the spectre of xenophobia. The decolonial epistemic thinking is in turn predicated on three important concepts, namely coloniality of power, coloniality of being and coloniality of knowledge. The study is focused on understanding the dynamics of the violent May 2008 attacks that took place in Alexandra and Yeoville. It problematised the use of the term xenophobia. The term occludes rather than enlightening the complex phenomenon of violence. Such violence has consistently and systematically engulfed people living in poor predominantly black areas of residence such as Yeoville and Alexandra. The study also used empirical evidence collected from the field to support its central arguments. What has been understood as xenophobia is in actual fact, part of the manifestation and outcome of abject living conditions of the poor. This study argues that what manifests itself as xenophobia is an additional element to various forms of violence taking place in locales such as Alexandra and Yeoville, places that decolonial theorists term ‘zones of non-being,’ where violent death is a constitutive part of human existence. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

This study deploys the decolonial epistemic perspective in an attempt to unmask the spectre of xenophobia. The decolonial epistemic thinking is in turn predicated on three important concepts, namely coloniality of power, coloniality of being and coloniality of knowledge. The study is focused on understanding the dynamics of the violent May 2008 attacks that took place in Alexandra and Yeoville. It problematised the use of the term xenophobia. The term occludes rather than enlightening the complex phenomenon of violence. Such violence has consistently and systematically engulfed people living in poor predominantly black areas of residence such as Yeoville and Alexandra. The study also used empirical evidence collected from the field to support its central arguments. What has been understood as xenophobia is in actual fact, part of the manifestation and outcome of abject living conditions of the poor. This study argues that what manifests itself as xenophobia is an additional element to various forms of violence taking place in locales such as Alexandra and Yeoville, places that decolonial theorists term ‘zones of non-being,’ where violent death is a constitutive part of human existence. / Development Studies / M. A. (Development Studies)

This thesis examines the potential of the graphic novel as a site for rethinking identity from a postcolonial perspective. I begin with an in-depth analysis of comic theory and breakdown the elements that distinguish the graphic novel from other literary genres. In addition, I highlight the importance of narration in the graphic novel, thus setting a framework for how to analyze the interplay between text and image as it relates to the narrative and vice versa. I use this framework to investigate how notions of masculinity, memory, and historical references are employed in the Brazilian graphic novel, Dois Irmãos, and the French graphic novel, l’Arabe du Futur, thus highlighting postcolonial concepts of identity formation illuminated in the narratives of young Arab boys narratives of their fathers.

Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo principal analisar a expansão das escolas privadas na periferia do município de São Paulo tendo como recorte a Zona Leste. Buscou-se articular as duas dimensões do objeto a escola privada e a periferia para contribuir com a área de educação e dos estudos urbanos. Foram utilizados dados quantitativos das escolas privadas, por ano de autorização de funcionamento, fornecidos pela Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo, para realização de mapas por geoprocessamento, para verificar a expansão no tempo e no espaço. Elegeu-se como quadro teórico a conceituação da colonialidade do poder à brasileira para analisar o papel da escola privada nas estruturas de poder que justificasse sua presença ao longo do século XX. De um lado, isto implicou em considerar que havia uma hierarquização social, de base racial, forjada desde os tempos coloniais, que separa os setores privilegiados nos postos de trabalhos e de comandos, tendo a educação formal privada como um dos mecanismos materiais e simbólicos de acesso. Por outro lado, buscou-se questionar o estigma da periferia como um espaço de carência e violência, assim como de lócus reservado à escola pública. Defende-se, pois, a tese de que a instalação das escolas privadas é concomitante com a formação da periferia leste desde o início do século XX, indicando que diversos atores da iniciativa privada estiveram presentes na configuração da produção do espaço periférico. / This research main objective was to analyze the rise of private schools in the suburbs of São Paulo city, mainly in East Zone. It aimed to articulate both dimensions of the object private schools and suburbs in order to contribute to the education field and urban studies. Quantitative data about the foundation year of these private schools was provided by São Paulo States Education Secretariat, which was used to build maps through geoprocessing and to verify their rise in space and time. We voted for the conceptualization of coloniality of power in Brazil as an explanatory matrix with the goal of analyzing private schools roles in power structures and to justify their presence in East Zone throughout the 20th century. On one hand, it meant consider the existence of a social hierarchy based on race, which has been constructed since the colonial period and separates privileged sectors in work and control through formal private education as a material and symbolic mechanism of access. On the other hand, we investigated the East Zones stigma, which characterizes the suburb as poor and violent and, therefore, as a public schools exclusively locus. The thesis supported is that the settlement of private schools is concomitant with the east suburbs formation, started in the beginning of the 20th century, which reveals that many private initiative actors have been present in the production configuration of the suburb space.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-11-14T15:25:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Bigolin Neto_.pdf: 1923474 bytes, checksum: d7edbb6188e73aa40dae2819d9d3bdb9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-14T15:25:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Bigolin Neto_.pdf: 1923474 bytes, checksum: d7edbb6188e73aa40dae2819d9d3bdb9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-29 / Nenhuma / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar, simultaneamente, em que medida os conflitos territoriais envolvendo os Guarani e Kaiowá e o agronegócio no Mato Grosso do Sul são contextos propícios para a ocorrência de crimes de atrocidade e são motivados pela lógica colonial. Apesar das conquistas jurídico-formais que apontam para o reconhecimento de suas particularidades, os conflitos envolvendo indígenas e ocupantes de terras têm-se agravado nos últimos anos e têm sido marcados por episódios de extrema violência, notadamente no Mato Grosso do Sul. As investidas contra os habitantes originários têm íntima relação com a ampliação da ocupação de terras na região, destinadas fundamentalmente à monocultura de exportação de commodities, à pecuária intensiva e à indústria sucroalcooleira nas áreas em disputa. Percebe-se, com isso, uma tendência de vulnerabilização dos povos indígenas. Para realização do estudo, são apresentadas como teoria de base e ferramental analítico a perspectiva descolonial e o Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes. A primeira compreende a colonialidade como constitutiva da modernidade, como uma forma de articulação de uma matriz de poder calcada na hierarquização racial dos sujeitos, na premissa de que somente o conhecimento científico-moderno é válido e na inferiorização das subjetividades não-modernas. Sua permanência até os dias de hoje se revela na negação da diferença e na busca por eliminá-la. O segundo consiste num documento elaborado pela ONU, cuja finalidade é de avaliar a presença de fatores de risco para crimes de atrocidade [genocídio, crimes contra a humanidade, crimes de guerra e limpeza étnica]. O trabalho consiste num estudo crítico diagnóstico, valendo-se de pesquisas bibliográfica, legislativa, documental e visitas in locu. São explorados elementos territoriais dos povos Guarani e Kaiowá e de sua história no contato com os karaí [não-índios] para explicitar a subsistência de um padrão de tratamento que deixa de levar em consideração suas particularidades culturais e viola as legislações nacionais e internacionais. Como resultados, foram encontrados diversos indicadores de fatores de risco para crimes de atrocidade, que consistem em: discriminações estruturais de iniciativa pública e privada, intimamente relacionadas pelo poder político-econômico do agronegócio; privações e violações de direitos humanos básicos, muitas delas decorrentes da não-regularização da questão fundiária indígena; um histórico consistente de violências, ataques e assassinatos; e a manutenção de um imaginário que inferioriza as identidades indígenas por sua diferença como estratégia de desapropriação territorial pelo projeto colonial. Para a superação destes impasses, deve-se buscar respostas na construção de um projeto outro, que lide com a diferença de modo horizontal e, de modo mais imediato, na demarcação dos territórios ancestrais dos povos originários. / This dissertation aims to analyze simultaneously the extent to which the territorial conflicts involving the Guarani and Kaiowá and the agribusiness in Mato Grosso do Sul are favorable contexts for the occurrence atrocity crimes and are motivated by the colonial logic. In spite of the legal-formal achievements that point to the recognition of their particularities, the conflicts involving indigenous and land occupants have been aggravated in recent years and have been marked by episodes of extreme violence, notably in Mato Grosso do Sul. The charges against original inhabitants are closely related to the expansion of the land occupation in the region, mainly destined to the monoculture of commodities for export, livestock farming and the industries of sugar and alcohol in the disputed areas. This shows a trend towards the vulnerability of indigenous peoples. To carry out the study, the decolonial perspective and the Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes are presented as ground theory and analytical tool. The first one understands coloniality as constitutive of modernity, as a form of articulating a matrix of power based on the racial hierarchy of the subjects, on the premise that only scientific-modern knowledge is valid and in the inferiorization of non-modern subjectivities. Its permanence to the present day is revealed in the denial of difference and in the quest to eliminate it. The second consists of a document prepared by the UN, whose purpose is to assess the presence of risk factors for atrocity crimes [genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing]. The work consists in a critical diagnostic study, using bibliographical, legislative, documentary and in locu visits. Territorial elements of the Guarani and Kaiowá peoples and their history are explored in the contact with the karaí [non-Indian] to make explicit the subsistence of a standard of treatment that fails to take into account their cultural particularities and violates national and international laws. As results, several indicators of risk factors for atrocity crimes were found, which consist of: structural discrimination of both public and private initiative, closely related by the agribusiness's political-economic power; deprivations and violations of basic human rights, many of them resulting from the non-regularization of the indigenous land issue; a consistent history of violence, attacks and killings; and the maintenance of an imaginary that inferiorizes indigenous identities by its difference as a strategy of territorial expropriation by the colonial project. In order to overcome these impasses, one must seek answers in the construction of another project, which deals with the difference horizontally and, more immediately, in the demarcation of the ancestral territories of native peoples.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-03-16T16:56:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciane Rocha Ferreira_.pdf: 4806009 bytes, checksum: a948f1f3bab6fdaa12db88c6fe2f9f20 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-16T16:56:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciane Rocha Ferreira_.pdf: 4806009 bytes, checksum: a948f1f3bab6fdaa12db88c6fe2f9f20 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-01-17 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente Tese tem como tema o fenômeno educativo que acontece no universo do Movimento Social da Economia Popular Solidária. A investigação aconteceu em duas experiências de educação, nascidas de projetos de política pública, regidos por editais financiados pela SENAES: a segunda versão do Centro de Formação e Assessoria Técnica em Economia Solidária (CFES Regional Sul/2013-2017) e o Projeto Municipal de Ações Integradas de Economia Solidária de São Leopoldo/RS (2013/2016). O objetivo principal foi investigar os sentidos e significados – individuais e coletivos - atribuídos pelas pessoas que participaram dos processos educativos, bem como perceber neles possibilidades e limites para a construção/consolidação de uma política pública de educação e assessoria técnica em Economia Solidária. Nas entrelinhas desta (re)leitura compreensiva, intencionou-se perceber como o processo pedagógico aconteceu por meio das práticas de participação, do diálogo, verificando de que modo as experiências de vida contribuem para uma possível conscientização e libertação das pessoas envolvidas. O referencial teórico teve por base a fenomenologia desde Merleau-Ponty, em sintonia com a Educação Popular em Paulo Freire e com a Sistematização das Experiências conforme Oscar Jara e Danilo Streck e Telmo Adams. Valorizamos também dimensões teóricas das epistemologias (des)coloniais com base em Frantz Fanon, Catherine Walsh, Walter Mignolo, Fernanda F. Bragato, e feministas que colaboram para ampliar as reflexões tecidas na pesquisa. Entre os resultados, destaca-se: o potencial do conceito de sororidade como mediação pedagógica entre as mulheres; as epistemologias do cotidiano feminino como base existencial da produção de sentidos, significados e saberes libertadores de si; a (re)significação de conceitos e práticas fundamentais à vivência da educação em Economia Solidária como estratégia de fortalecimento da política; o desafio de viver a educação solidária como princípio educativo da formação/educação em Economia Popular Solidária; a resignificação dos sentidos e práticas da participação e do diálogo como instrumentos da autogestão possível. / The present thesis has as its theme the educational phenomenon that happens in the universe of the Social Movement of the Popular Solidarity Economy. The research took place in two educational experiences, born of public policy projects, governed financed by SENAES: the second version of the Centro de Formação e Assessoria Técnica em Economia Solidária (CFES Regional Sul/ 2013-2017) and the Municipal Project of Integrated Actions of Solidarity Economy of São Leopoldo/RS (2013/2016). The main objective of this study is to investigate the meanings - individual and collective - attributed by the people who participated in the educational processes, as well as perceive in them possibilities and limits for the construction/consolidation of a public policy of education and technical advice in Solidary Economy. Between the lines of this comprehensive (re)reading, it was intended to identify how the pedagogical process happened through the practices of participation and dialogue, verifying how the life experiences contribute to a possible awareness and liberation of the people involved. The theoretical reference was based on the Phenomenological view from Merleau-Ponty, in line with Popular Education in Paulo Freire and with the Systematization of Experiences according to Oscar Jara and Danilo Streck e Telmo Adams. The theoretical dimensions of the (de)colonial epistemologies according to Frantz Fanon, Catherine Walsh, Walter Mignolo, Danilo Streck and Telmo Adams, Fernanda F. Bragato and feminists collaborate to broaden the reflections in the research. Among the results, we highlight: the potential of sorority as pedagogical mediation among women; the epistemologies of the daily feminine as existential basis of the production of senses, meanings and knowledge liberating oneself; the (re)signification of concepts and practices that are fundamental to the experience of education in Solidary Economy as a policy strengthening strategy; the challenge of living solidarity education as an educational principle of training/education in Solidary Popular Economy; the re-signification of the meanings and practices of participation and dialogue as pedagogical instruments of self-management possible.

Submitted by William Justo Figueiro (williamjf) on 2015-07-01T21:52:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 05.pdf: 1241685 bytes, checksum: ee79ee50c3c969c2bcadff87ca4c1c20 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-01T21:52:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 05.pdf: 1241685 bytes, checksum: ee79ee50c3c969c2bcadff87ca4c1c20 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-01-09 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar que a questão dos deslocados internos pode ser caracterizada no Brasil a partir das remoções forçadas que permeiam as violações dos direitos humanos à moradia e à cidade no processo de preparação e realização de megaeventos esportivos, em razão do modelo de desenvolvimento adotado pelo Estado brasileiro, marcado pela colonialidade do poder. Em vista disso, a pesquisa pretende analisar a configuração atual dos deslocados internos no mundo, as causas e principais violações de direitos humanos que ocorrem nesse contexto, bem como as principais manifestações de proteção e assistência que lhes são dirigidas. Ademais, busca analisar em que medida as instituições e as características do Estado moderno são determinadas por uma matriz colonial do poder, propiciando um modelo de progresso e desenvolvimento que aprofunda as desigualdades, encobre identidades e silencia lutas. Verificar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o modelo de desenvolvimento moderno/capitalista/colonial, adotado pelo Brasil, tem como consequência o padrão discriminatório, excludente e opressivo dos processos de modernização das cidades e de planejamento urbanístico, evidenciados no âmbito da preparação de grandes cidades do país para a realização de megaeventos esportivos, especialmente através da violação do direito à moradia adequada. A necessidade de caracterizar os atingidos por remoções forçadas como deslocados internos amplia as possibilidades de proteção jurídica e de consciência coletiva, subjetiva e institucional, em relação a este problema que, dentre tantos outros, foi desvelado a partir dos processos de preparação à realização dos megaeventos esportivos no Brasil. Partindo do referencial teórico do pensamento descolonial, será analisada a categoria colonialidade do poder no âmbito das violações de direitos humanos apontadas no contexto dos megaeventos, a partir da lógica desenvolvimentista em que estas violações são legitimadas. Através da análise bibliográfica, documental e de observação não participante em relação a quem está direta e indiretamente envolvido com as tensões que envolvem o processo de preparação dos megaeventos no Brasil, em especial na cidade de Porto Alegre, pretende-se revelar com maior precisão a realidade enfrentada nessa seara, bem como identificar os fundamentos teóricos que lhes explicam, a fim de concretizar um saber estratégico dos direitos humanos que não se limite aos discursos sociais, mas que se aprofunde em suas causas e apresente argumentos para atuar e gerar disposições efetivamente críticas e antagonistas à estrutura social hegemônica. / The purpose of the present study is to demonstrate that the issue of internal displacements is featured in Brazil as a consequence of forced remotions that go through violations of the human rights of housing and the city, during the process of preparation and execution of sports mega-events, in reason of the developing model addopted by the brazilian State, flagrantly marked by coloniality of power. From that, the research intends to analyze the current displaying of internal displacements around the world, the causes and the main human rights' s violations that occur in this context, as well as the main protection and assistence manifestations adressed to them. Furthermore, it intends to analyze in which measurement the institutions and the modern State features are determined by a colonial matrix of power, therefore allowing a model of progress and development that deepens unequality, conceals identities and silences conflicts. By this notion, we shall verify that this modern/capitalist/colonial model of development adopted by Brazil has got as consequece a pattern of discriminatory, excludent and opressive city modernization process and urban planning, enhanced by the scope of the preparation of major cities of the country for the accomplishment of sports mega-events, specially through compulsory evictions and the violation of the housing right. Besides the verification of traditional causes of forced internal displacements, the need of casting the affected by forced removals such as internally displaced broadens possibilities of legal protection and also collective, subjective and institutional awareness about this matter that, among others, was unveiled by the processes of preparation for the mega-events' execution in Brazil. Based on the theoretical framework of decolonial thought, analyzes the coloniality of power within the category of human rights violations identified in the context of mega-events, from the developmental logic in which these violations are legitimized. Through bibliographic, documental and non-participant observation analysis on who is directly and indirectly involved in the tensions of the process of mega events preparation, specially in the Porto Alegre town, we intend to reveal more precisely the reality faced in this harvest, as well as to identify the theoretical fundamentals which explain them, in order to concretize a strategic knowledge of human rights so it shall not be confined to social speech, but that it deepens in causes and increases arguments to act and generate critical dispositions and antagonists facing the structure or hegemonic social order.