As the 29-year Duvalier dictatorship ended in 1986, the emergence of Mouvement Lavalas out of the grassroots organizations of Haiti's poor majority, and election of charismatic priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1990, challenged efforts by Haitian political parties and the U.S. foreign policy establishment to contain the parameters of Haiti's democratic transition. This dissertation examines the politics of Lavalas to determine whether it held a particular conception of democracy that explains the movement's antagonistic relationship with the political parties and U.S. democracy promoters. Using the qualitative methodology of process-tracing outlined in the works of Paul F. Steinberg (2004) and Tulia G. Falleti (2006), this study analyzes primary and secondary sources associated with Aristide and the grassroots organizations across the period of contested democratization from 1986 to 1991, with emphasis on four critical junctures: 1) the rule of the Conseil National du Gouvernement; 2) the government of Leslie Manigat; 3) the military regimes of Henri Namphy and Prosper Avril; and 4) Aristide's 8 months in power before being overthrown on September 29, 1991. This study concludes that there were systematic differences in how Lavalas pursued democracy in Haiti, as contrasted to the political parties and U.S. foreign policy-makers. Evidence indicates that while Lavalas placed emphasis on popular mobilization to challenge Haiti's legacy of authoritarianism, the political parties and U.S. democracy promoters emphasized processes of negotiation and compromise with Haiti's anti-democratic forces. Lavalas was rooted in the long historic struggle of the country's poor masses to, not simply establish procedural democracy, what noted political scientist Robert Dahl calls polyarchy, but to expand the parameters of politics to guarantee the right of all Haitians to participate directly in the process of governing, in order to share more equitably in the distribution of national resources, in what critical scholar William I. Robinson calls "popular democracy."

[pt] O principal objetivo desta dissertação é o de analisar de que forma a transição portuguesa para a democracia, iniciada pela Revolução de 25 de abril, foi determinante para a mudança drástica no conteúdo da política externa do país. Mais especificamente, analisamos de que forma a mudança na relação entre o Estado e a sociedade portuguesa, provocada pela ruptura revolucionária com o regime autoritário, favoreceu a adoção da opção européia da política externa portuguesa. Para além de uma opção econômica, a adesão de Portugal à Comunidade Econômica Européia implicou na adoção de uma nova identidade e um novo posicionamento do país no cenário internacional. Assim, depois de um debate teórico em que demonstramos a interação necessária entre as esferas doméstica e internacional, procuramos demonstrar a relação entre mudança de regime político e mudança de política externa. Em primeiro lugar, caracterizamos a redemocratização portuguesa como uma transição política por ruptura e analisamos os impactos deste modo de transição sobre a mudança de regime e sobre o conteúdo de política externa de um país. Depois, utilizando um modelo teórico, procuramos identificar a relação entre Estado e sociedade como uma das propriedades do regime político capazes de exercer influência sobre o conteúdo de política externa. Uma vez estabelecida a relação entre esta propriedade do regime e o conteúdo da política externa, analisamos a mudança ocorrida nesta relação após a Revolução dos Cravos. / [en] The main goal of this dissertation is the analysis of the impact of the portuguese democratic transition on the nature of the country s foreing policy. More specifically, our purpose is to analyse how the change caused by the political transition in the state-society relations determined Portugal s accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986. More than an economic necessity, EEC membership meant a new identity for Portugal, from an overseas empire to an modern, european country. In the first chapter, after a theoretical debate, where we highlight the interaction between the domestic and the international arenas, we narrow our focus and try to explain the relational ties between political change and foreign policy. In that sense, it is important to identify the impact of the mode of transition on the nature of the new regime and, as a consequence, on its foreign policy. There, we classify the portuguese transition as a reform throug rupture. Then, using a theoretical model, we try to understand the relevance of the state-society relation as a variable for explaining foreign policy change. In the second and third chapters, we analyse the relational ties between this variable and the portuguese foreign policy under the Estado Novo and after the Carnation s Revolution.

Le défi de cette thèse a été de présenter la pensée et les actions marquantes de l’histoire du mouvement islamiste tunisien, Ennahdha, depuis sa création à la fin des années 1960, jusqu’en 2018. La première partie de la thèse se concentre sur son engagement politique. Cette approche nous a amenée à distinguer plusieurs phases qui rythment le développement du parti: après être passé par l’action clandestine à l’époque du jama‘a islamiyya et du MTI avec de brefs instants de semi-légalité (dans les années 1980) et une vingtaine d’années de répression, le leadership du parti fait preuve, surtout depuis 2013, de pragmatisme en politique. En effet, l’expérience d’Ennahdha indique que depuis la révolution les victoires électorales sont devenues son intérêt majeur. La deuxième partie de la thèse met en évidence que cette stratégie impose au parti une évolution constante, afin de répondre aux demandes des acteurs politiques, tout en gardant sa base militante fidèle et en aspirant à attirer des nouveaux adhérents en dehors du noyau islamiste. Dès lors, notre recherche étudie les reconfigurations récentes du mouvement et attire l’attention sur les limites de ces mutations. Nous insistons surtout sur la reconstruction du discours d’Ennahdha qui a renouvelé ses références politico-idéologiques lors de son dixième congrès, en mai 2016. De plus, nous avons eu recours à diverses théories sur les élites et les transitions politiques, afin d’analyser la pratique politique d’Ennahdha après la révolution. En outre, dans une perspective comparative, nous avons examiné son histoire et ses reconfigurations idéologiques en contraste avec l’expérience des partis communistes et chrétiens-démocrates occidentaux et du Parti de la justice et du développement au Maroc. Ce cadre théorique nous a permis d’évaluer les stratégies politiques et les mutations idéologiques d’Ennahdha et d’étudier le fonctionnement du parti, sa structure et la sélection de ses dirigeants, afin de déterminer son degré de démocratisation, ainsi que ses perspectives sur la scène politique tunisienne. / The challenge of this thesis was to present the ideology and the turning points in the history of the Tunisian Islamist movement, Ennahdha, starting from its creation in the late 1960s until 2018. The first part of the thesis focuses on its political commitment. This approach enabled us to distinguish several phases that marked the development of the party: after the clandestine activity at the time of the jama‘a islamiyya and the MTI, some brief moments of semi-legality (in the 1980s) and about twenty years of repression, the leadership of the party has been giving evidence of political pragmatism mostly after 2013. In fact, Ennahdha’s experience indicates that since the revolution the electoral victories have become its major interest. The second part of the thesis highlights that this strategy imposes on the party a constant evolution in the attempt to respond to the political actors’ demands, while keeping its militant base faithful and aiming, at the same time, to attract new members outside the Islamist core. Thus, our research studies the recent reconfigurations of the movement and draws the attention to the limits of these mutations. We emphasize especially on the “restyling” of Ennahdha′s discourse which renew its political and ideological references on the occasion of its tenth congress (in May 2016). Moreover, we resorted to various theories of elites and political transitions, in order to analyse Ennahdha′s political practice after the revolution. Additionally, in a comparative perspective, we examined its history and ideological reconfigurations in contrast with the experience of the occidental communist and Christian democratic parties and the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco. This theoretical framework enabled us to evaluate Ennahdha′s political strategies and its ideological mutations and study how the party operates, how it is structured and how its leaders are selected, in order to determine its degree of democratization, as well as its perspectives on the Tunisian political scene.

The problematic of Romanian transition to democracy after the year 1989 was by its major part determined by the form of previous regime. Because of the extreme pressure and control exercised on the opposition and personal dictatorship of the regime of Nicolae Ceaușescu, no major dissent groups or centers existed, bearing the potential to take part in the overthrow of the regime. In the swift and still unclear events of December 1989, National Salvation Front rose to hold the power, being directed by Ion Iliescu. As a formerly top positioned communist apparatchik, who had been swept out from status and power after several conflicts with Ceausescu, he transferred almost complete communist structure to the newly formed regime, including Securitate, the secret service. Deconstruction of the former regime was actually performed by the execution of the former president and his wife and by trials of several Securitate generals. Iliescu concentrated most of the power around NSF and in contradiction with the original proclamation postponed transition to democracy. The new regime, which was led by Ion Iliescu demonstrated in its ideological presentation and exercise of power apparent similarities with the era of communist rule, nevertheless, it worked under formal democratic framework. Because of this fact,...

(by Eric Holtschke) The end of the Cold War and thus the collapse of the Eastern Bloc was, in the words of Mary Farrell, "one of the late twentieth century's defining moments"1 : Communist rule in Central and Eastern Europe collapsed, opening up the road to democracy together with freedom of speech, freedom of thought and free elections, as well as free and independent movement of people. The end of the Cold War, which started as a direct result of the Second World War, came about by means of mass demonstrations, the first of which took place in Plauen (GDR) on 7 October 1989. Only a few months later, no-one could be sure how the world would develop. The so-called 'voice' was followed by 'exit' in the German Democratic Republic - and the Czechoslovakians were close to the events taking place in the embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany in Prague. The end of the autocratic system was followed by the process of democratisation, characterised by upheavals and the restructuring of political conditions. Free and independent elections marked the end of democratisation in both the German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia. The consolidation period was determined by the dissolution of both of the aforementioned countries, succeeded by 1) the absorption of the entirety of former East German...

Despite promising prospects to transition towards a democracy after attaining its independence in 1980, Zimbabwe somehow fell into authoritarian rule and became increasingly undemocratic compared to other countries in southern Africa. Therefore, this thesis seeks to understand why a “most likely” case of democratization in the region failed and instead slipped into authoritarianism between 1980 and 2000. The single case study investigates a set of elite level dynamics, using components of process tracing and case study techniques. The analysis is built upon a theoretical framework focusing on dimensions of power dynamics in terms of Bratton’s power capture, power division and power sharing along with Svolik’s politics of authoritarian rule and the dominant party system. The research indicates that the political party Zanu-Pf, under the leadership of Mugabe, has dominated the political arena since the first democratic elections of 1980. With the help of the party’s majority, the ruling elites captured, divided, shared and controlled power; to serve authoritarian ends that ensured regime survival at the expense of democracy.

This qualitative case study aims to explain the cause behind India's unique and in some aspect’s deviant democratization process. Due to the abstinence of a clear official date for Indian democratic transition, a time between the year of 1947 during the time of its independence and the year of 1975 has been chosen for the specific study. The theoretical foundation is based on the theory of civil society and the economic theory, also known as the modernization theory, based on the works of Martin Seymour Lipset. India's democratic transition is deeply connected to the struggle for independence which has roots back in the colonial period. The Indian civil society would see significant mobilization during the first decades of the 20th century and would play a major role in both during the independence movement as well as the initiator of the nation's democratization process.The modernization theory would prove to not be as significant as the civil society. Based on the low level of overall economic development a democratic transition depending on the nation's economic development or modernization would seem improbable.

The theme of this research paper is political Islam and democratic transition in the MENA. The study is delimited to the Ennahda Movement and the Muslim Brotherhood as two prominent political Islamist movements, focusing specifically on their experiences during the democratic transition period. It employs a comparative analytical framework, drawing on a qualitative analysis of primary and secondary databases, including survey data, statistics tables, documentaries, media sources, and scholarly works. Through a comparative lens and within three theoretical anchors, the study explores the puzzle of contradictory outcomes, with Tunisia experiencing a relatively successful democratic transition while Egypt faced setbacks and a return to authoritarian rule. By examining their ideologies, governance styles, reform approaches, and responses to in-and-external challenges, the study illustrates the key factors resulting in their divergent trajectories.  The study findings indicate that the Ennahda's adoption of a bottom-up reform approach, inclusive leadership philosophy, and flexible governance style; not to mention the ability to tackle in-and-external challenges effectively, contributed to the success of the democratization process in Tunisia. In contrast, the Brotherhood faced serious challenges due to its top-down reform approach, exclusive leadership philosophy, and rigid governance style; let alone the disability to handle in-and-external challenges adequately, led to the failure of the democratization process in Egypt. The study concludes that leadership philosophy, governance ways, reform approaches, and capacity to navigate in-and-external challenges play pivotal roles in shaping the trajectories of Islamist political movements in the course of democratic transitions.

當代世界面臨最深遠、也最鼓舞人心的影響之一便是民主化浪潮；探究民主化問題亦是政治學中的一個熱門研究領域。根據美國紐約「自由之家」（ Freedom House ）的統計調查（ 2002 ~ 2003年 ），全球「選舉的民主」（ electoral democracy ）國家總共有121個，「自由的民主」（liberal democracy ）國家計有89個。這樣的數字相較於2000 ~ 2001年與2001 ~2002年的統計──「選舉的民主」120、121個、「自由的民主」85、86個，我們發現：雖然「選舉的民主」國家幾乎維持不變，「自由的民主」國家略幅提升，但是「第三波」民主化的潮流似乎已經接近尾聲。由此可知，新興民主國家當前最重要的課題乃是如何鞏固、深化並提升民主的品質。 二十世紀末最後十年乃是台灣蛻變成長的時代，從國會全面改選到總統直接民選，不但奠定民主政治的形式，更發動了民主轉型肇始的列車。二十一世紀來臨的前夕，台灣首次完成政黨輪替的政權和平移轉，不但樹立民主轉型的典範，更締造了民主政權變遷的新頁。為了保證台灣民主化成果能夠順利地運作生存，尚須徹底通過「雙翻轉測驗」（ two- turnover test ）的試鍊，並推展更重要的民主鞏固與深化，以期待開創出更高品質與先進的民主內涵。 故本論文旨在以台灣民主化個案經驗為基礎，透過民主化理論、民主轉型模式、民主鞏固概念的檢視、適用與反思，做一個深度的分析與探討，以期對於台灣民主鞏固相關的研究和未來民主深化的發展能有所助益與啟發。 / One of the most far-reaching and inspiring influences in today's world is the wave of Democratization. Exploring Democratization and solving the problems often resulting from it are also popular issues in academia. According to the statistics of Freedom House: the number of “electoral democracy” nations is 121; “liberal democracy ”nations is 89, compared to the previous data, nevertheless, the number of “electoral democracy ”nations did not change; the number of “liberal democracy” nations is increasing slightly. In short, the “ The Third Wave ” is coming to an end, and the most important challenge ahead is consolidating the achievements of Democratization. The last 10 years of the 20th century have been an age of growth and transformation in Taiwanese politics. Regular Parliamentary elections and the direct election of the President have each been accomplished, thereby laying the basis of Democratic Politics, while also initiating a series of important Democratic Transitions. At the beginning of the 21st century, therefore, Taiwan's accomplishment of the first peaceful ruling power rotation has not only given momentum to the process of Democratic Transition but also heralds a new era in Taiwanese political power. Now, provided that Taiwan can pass the two-turnover test thoroughly, while also developing and deepening its Democratic Consolidation, the results achieved by Taiwan’s Democratic Transition will be ensured. The main purpose of this article is to analyze and explore Taiwan’s Democratization closely based on the case-study of Taiwan’s democratization and utilizing those theories concerning Democratization, models of democratic transition and reviewing, applying and reflecting concepts of democratic consolidation in the hope of making contributions to the further relevant studies of Taiwan's Democratic Consolidation and future Deepening Democracy.

La « Transition vers la démocratie » est une période-clé dans l’Histoire récente de l’Espagne. Cette thèse s’attache à l’aborder à travers l’étude de six romans contemporains [publiés soit pendant la Transition soit après elle], dus à des écrivains aussi différents que Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza et Antonio Muñoz Molina. Ces romans se penchent sur une période allant des années 60, époque dite du "Tardo-franquisme", à 1986, année de l’intégration de l’Espagne dans la CEE. Le choix de cette périodisation fait d’ailleurs l’objet d’une réflexion liminaire. Ces auteurs offrent des visions contrastées de ces bouleversements politiques, économiques et sociaux du pays d'une manière globale, mais aussi dans les deux Autonomies les plus « sensibles » en termes socio-politiques et culturels : Pays basque et Catalogne. Par-delà leur perception du contexte historique proprement dit, ils s’interrogent sur la transmission du passé et de la mémoire ainsi que sur le concept de culture et la notion d’identité individuelle et collective.L’ultime réflexion porte sur la combinaison Histoire-Littérature. Ces deux domaines sont-ils antinomiques ou complémentaires ? Enfin, ces romans de la mémoire ne rendent-ils pas compte également d’une sensibilité individuelle et intime ? / "Transition to democracy" is a key period in the recent history of Spain. This thesis endeavours to treat this period through the study of six contemporary novels (either published during or after the transition), by authors who are very different: Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza and Antonio Muñoz Molina.These novels look into a period that goes from the 1960s, an era called "Late Francoism", to 1986, the year Spain joined the EEC. Moreover, the choice of this periodisation is the subject of an introductory reflection. These authors offer contrasted visions of these political, economic and social upheavals in a comprehensive manner as well as a look at the two most sensitive autonomy movements in cultural and socio-political terms: the Basque Provinces and Catalonia.Beyond their perception of the historical context itself, they ponder the transmission from the past and memory as well as the concept of culture and the notion of individual and collective identity.The final reflection deals with the History-Literature mix. Are these two domains paradoxical or complementary? Finally, do these memory novels also not give an account of an individual and intimate sensitivity?