Esta tese investiga a história de um dos mais longevos partidos políticos do nosso sistema partidário, o Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). A partir de uma perspectiva nacional e diacrônica, analisamos sua história interna cobrindo mais de duas décadas de sua trajetória, de 1979 a 2002, com o intuito de compreender como o partido passou do protagonismo ao pano de fundo da política nacional, mas mantendo-se, ainda assim, um ator determinante em nosso arranjo político institucional. Levando em conta o peso que os órgãos de direção têm na definição dos rumos dos partidos políticos brasileiros, assim como a forte presença de parlamentares nesses órgãos no que se refere especificamente ao PMDB (Ribeiro, 2014), fazemos uso do conceito de coalizão dominante de Panebianco (2005) para analisar a face diretiva do partido (Katz e Mair, 1993) e argumentamos que a compreensão da dinâmica interna dos seus principais órgãos de direção contribui para entender as mudanças ocorridas nas estratégias políticas e eleitorais adotadas pelo PMDB, sobretudo no que tange às disputas pelo cargo de Presidente da República. Para realizar esse objetivo, a tese apoia-se tanto em um amplo levantamento documental quanto em entrevistas em profundidade, realizadas com políticos importantes para a história do partido em seus respectivos estados, um esforço pioneiro nos estudos em relação a este objeto. Ainda nesse sentido, este estudo divide-se em duas partes. A primeira delas investiga o recorte histórico de 1979 a 1988, período no qual as transformações internas do partido estiveram mais ligadas às constantes entradas e saídas de quadros. Incluem-se nesse período, entre outros eventos, a refundação da sigla em 1979, a incorporação do Partido Popular em 1982, a entrada de José Sarney no partido em 1985, a legalização dos partidos comunistas em 1985 e a formação do PSDB em 1988. Por sua vez, na segunda parte deste estudo investigamos o recorte histórico de 1989 a 2002. Neste segundo período, as transformações internas na coalizão dominante e consequentemente as estratégias eleitorais adotadas estiveram mais ligadas a disputas internas entre suas diferentes alas. Incluem-se nesse período as breves hegemonias ulyssista e quercista, que levaram Ulysses Guimarães e Orestes Quércia a serem os candidatos presidenciais respectivamente em 1989 e 1994, a indefinição quanto a lançar candidatura própria ou coligar-se com outro partido nas eleições presidenciais de 1998 e, por fim, a chegada de Michel Temer à presidência do partido em 2001, consolidando o bloco chamado de governista enquanto coalizão dominante do partido a partir de então. Sugerimos que o estudo deste partido em específico de maneira aprofundada, dados o tamanho e a complexidade do PMDB, permitem-nos uma compreensão de processos e dinâmicas que vão além dele. Seu estudo proporciona uma visão, a partir de um ponto de vista específico, da história política do Brasil durante e após a transição democrática, e nos permite, também, lançar luz sobre outros aspectos do nosso sistema político-partidário, como, por exemplo, a dinâmica de bipolarização das disputas presidenciais no país entre candidaturas de PT e PSDB, que se consolida durante o recorte histórico aqui estudado. / This thesis investigates the history of one of the longest-lived political parties in our party system, the Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement (PMDB). From a national and diachronic perspective, we analyze its internal history covering more than two decades, from 1979 to 2002, in order to understand how the party moved from the protagonism to the background of national politics, but remaining yet as a determining actor in our political system. Taking into account the weight that the governing bodies have in defining the directions of the Brazilian political parties, as well as the strong presence of parliamentarians in these bodies with regard to the PMDB (Ribeiro, 2014), we use the concept of ruling coalition of Panebianco (2005) to analyze the party in central office (Katz and Mair, 1993) and argue that the understanding of the internal dynamics of its main governing bodies contributes to understanding the changes in the political and electoral strategies adopted by the PMDB, especially regarding the presidential elections. In order to achieve this goal, the thesis is based on a wide documentary investigation and on in-depth interviews with important politicians to the history of the party in their states, a pioneering effort in the studies related to this object. In this sense, this study is divided into two parts. The first one investigates the time period from 1979 to 1988, a moment in which the internal transformations of the party were more linked to the constant flow of politicians in and out of it. This period includes, among other events, the refoundation of the party in 1979, the incorporation of the Popular Party in 1982, the entry of José Sarney in 1985, the legalization of the communist parties in 1985 and the formation of the PSDB in 1988. On the other hand, in the second part of this study we investigate the time period from 1989 to 2002. In this second period, the internal transformations in the ruling coalition and consequently the electoral strategies adopted were more related to internal disputes between its different wings. Included in this period were the brief Ulyssist and Quercist hegemonies, which led Ulysses Guimarães and Orestes Quércia to be the presidential candidates respectively in 1989 and 1994, the indefiniteness in launching their own candidacy or joining with another party in the 1998 presidential elections and, finally the arrival of Michel Temer to the presidency of the party in 2001, consolidating the wing called \"governists\" as the party\'s ruling coalition thereafter. We suggest that the in depth study of this particular party, given the size and complexity of the PMDB, allow us an understanding of processes and dynamics that go beyond it. His study provides a view, from a specific point of view, of Brazil\'s political history during and after the democratic transition, and also allows us to shed light on other aspects of our political-party system, such as the dynamics of bipolarisation of the presidential elections in the country between PT and PSDB candidacies, which has consolidated during the time period studied here.

La présente thèse analyse la relation entre le régime politique et le système financier. Plus précisément, les investigations empiriques menées dans le cadre de cette thèse visent à étudier le rôle de la démocratie dans le développement et la structure des systèmes financiers. Pour cela, nous procédons en trois étapes. Dans un premier temps, nous examinons l’impact de l’événement de la transition démocratique sur le développement du secteur financier des pays qui sont passés vers un régime démocratique. Ainsi, après avoir défini ce qu’on entend par un système financier développé et mis en évidence les facteurs qui déterminent son évolution, nous montrons que la transition vers un régime démocratique accroît la taille du système financier à moyen et long terme. En revanche, cette dernière n’aura pas d’effet à court terme (chapitre 1). Puis, dans un second temps, nous nous intéressons aux facteurs qui conditionnent l’efficacité de ce régime politique. En effet, étant donné que les échanges d’arguments théoriques témoignent d’un manque de consensus autour de la relation entre la démocratie et le développement, il nous semble que cette question peut s’appréhender autrement à travers la prise en compte du rôle du cadre institutionnel dans l’analyse de cette relation (chapitre 2). Ainsi, nous montrons que la démocratie contribuerait au développement du secteur financier en présence de bonnes institutions, tandis qu’elle briderait son évolution lorsque la qualité des institutions se trouve en deçà d’un certain seuil. Enfin, nous tentons d’élargir la littérature existante en abordant la question du rôle de la démocratie dans l’explication de l’architecture des systèmes financiers (chapitre 3). Après avoir passé en revue les principaux facteurs qui influencent la forme du système financier, nous montrons que le régime politique constitue un facteur déterminant de la structure financière des économies émergentes. Plus précisément, nous trouvons que plus de démocratie réduit la part des financements intermédiés et élargit la place des marchés boursiers. / This thesis analyzes the relationship between the political regime and the financial system. Specifically, the empirical research conducted throughout this thesis aims to study the role of democracy in the development and structure of financial systems. To this end, we proceed in three steps. First, we examine the impact of the event of the democratic transition in the financial development of the countries that have moved towards democracy. Thus, having defined what is meant by a developed financial system and highlighted the factors that determine its evolution, we show that the transition to a democratic regime increases the size of the financial system in the medium and long term. However, it will have no short-term effect (chapter 1). In a second step, we focus on the factors that influence the effectiveness of this political regime. Indeed, since the exchange of theoretical arguments reflect a lack of consensus on the relationship between democracy and development, it seems important to otherwise understand this issue through the consideration of the role of the institutional environment in the analysis of this relationship (chapter 2). Thus, we show that democracy contributes to the development of the financial sector in the presence of good institutions while it hinders its development where institutional quality is below a certain threshold. Finally, we try to extend the existing literature by questioning the role of democracy in the explanation of the financial system architecture (chapter 3). Having reviewed the main factors influencing the shape of the financial system, we show that the political system is a determining factor in the financial structure of emerging economies. More precisely, we find that further democracy reduces the share of intermediated financing and expands the role of stock markets.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Milton Pinheiro de Souza.pdf: 1215040 bytes, checksum: 5a86c1192a84ae37ed14d7196e84d0bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-15 / The main objective of this thesis in to unraveling the pathways that led to the great political and organizational crisis of PCB in the late 1980s. To this end, we sought investigate, with the focus on the period 1971-1991, as the PCB, in the search for space of formal democracy, broke with its historic tradition of struggle and submitted the working class in its wide range of theoretical and political interpretation. Our raised hypothesis is that policy formulations developed by leading core stagnant (CC), which was mostly exiled on account of bourgeoismilitary dictatorship, led the PCB to the exile of political during Brazilian long democratic transition. This party, political operator built for defends the political and social program of the proletariat, succumbed to the legality of the bourgeois order by virtue of their formulations and subaltern political practice developed by his direction during the studied period. Its analytical framework was inherited from of March Declaration (1958) and helped to defeat the party during the political process of transition from the bourgeois-military dictatorship to the formal (bourgeois) democracy / O objetivo central desta tese é contribuir para desvendar os caminhos que levaram à crise política e orgânica do PCB no final dos anos 1980. Para tanto, buscou-se investigar, tendo como balizas temporais o período de 1971 a 1991, como o PCB, na procura da democracia formal, rompeu com a sua tradição histórica de luta e subalternizou a classe operária no seu amplo conjunto de interpretação teórico-político. Nossa hipótese é que as formulações políticas desenvolvidas pelo núcleo dirigente estagnado (CC), que se encontrava majoritariamente exilado em virtude da ditadura burgo-militar, levaram ao exílio da política na conjuntura brasileira na longa transição democrática. Este partido, operador político que se formou para defender o programa políticosocial do proletariado, sucumbiu à legalidade da ordem burguesa em virtude das suas formulações e da prática política subalterna desenvolvida pela sua direção no período estudado. O seu arcabouço analítico foi herdeiro da Declaração de março de 1958 e contribuiu para derrotar o partido durante o processo de transição política da ditadura burgo-militar para a democracia formal (burguesa)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Milton Pinheiro de Souza.pdf: 1215040 bytes, checksum: 5a86c1192a84ae37ed14d7196e84d0bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-15 / The main objective of this thesis in to unraveling the pathways that led to the great political and organizational crisis of PCB in the late 1980s. To this end, we sought investigate, with the focus on the period 1971-1991, as the PCB, in the search for space of formal democracy, broke with its historic tradition of struggle and submitted the working class in its wide range of theoretical and political interpretation. Our raised hypothesis is that policy formulations developed by leading core stagnant (CC), which was mostly exiled on account of bourgeoismilitary dictatorship, led the PCB to the exile of political during Brazilian long democratic transition. This party, political operator built for defends the political and social program of the proletariat, succumbed to the legality of the bourgeois order by virtue of their formulations and subaltern political practice developed by his direction during the studied period. Its analytical framework was inherited from of March Declaration (1958) and helped to defeat the party during the political process of transition from the bourgeois-military dictatorship to the formal (bourgeois) democracy / O objetivo central desta tese é contribuir para desvendar os caminhos que levaram à crise política e orgânica do PCB no final dos anos 1980. Para tanto, buscou-se investigar, tendo como balizas temporais o período de 1971 a 1991, como o PCB, na procura da democracia formal, rompeu com a sua tradição histórica de luta e subalternizou a classe operária no seu amplo conjunto de interpretação teórico-político. Nossa hipótese é que as formulações políticas desenvolvidas pelo núcleo dirigente estagnado (CC), que se encontrava majoritariamente exilado em virtude da ditadura burgo-militar, levaram ao exílio da política na conjuntura brasileira na longa transição democrática. Este partido, operador político que se formou para defender o programa políticosocial do proletariado, sucumbiu à legalidade da ordem burguesa em virtude das suas formulações e da prática política subalterna desenvolvida pela sua direção no período estudado. O seu arcabouço analítico foi herdeiro da Declaração de março de 1958 e contribuiu para derrotar o partido durante o processo de transição política da ditadura burgo-militar para a democracia formal (burguesa)

S’étant imposés comme acteurs incontournables de la transition démocratique des années 1990 et de l’instauration d’un régime démocratique consociatif post-Accord d’Arusha d’août 2000, les partis politiques du Burundi constituent toujours de principaux canaux de mobilisation pour les acteurs politiques. Cependant, les déficits de ces formations politiques dus à leurs origines même, à leur histoire jalonnée de conflits ethnopolitiques, à leur très faible niveau d’institutionnalisation, à l’absence de culture politique démocratique ainsi qu’à leur inscription dans les dynamiques du système politique marqué par les pesanteurs des pratiques clientélistes et néopatrimoniales, de violences ethnopolitiques, d’autoritarisme militaro-civil et monopartiste, les réduisent à de simples instruments pour l’obtention des gains politico-économiques parfois personnels, au lieu d’être des leviers pour le changement démocratique qualitatif. Cette étude montre également que l’existence de plusieurs partis politiques, de textes légaux et la tenue d’élections à intervalles réguliers ne signifie pas nécessairement l’existence de régime démocratique dans la mesure où la démocratie n’est pas un processus technique et linéaire applicable sur base d’une simple prescription ou injonction de nature uniquement institutionnelle. / Having asserted themselves as key players in the democratic transition of the 1990’s and the establishment of the Arusha post-Agreement consociate democratic regime in August 2000, Burundi’s political parties remain the main channels of mobilization for political actors. Nonetheless, the deficits of these political formations regarding their origin, ethnopolitical conflits that stand out their history, their very low level of institutionalization, the lack of democratic political culture and their inclusion in the dynamics of the political system marked by the weigth of practices of patronage and neo-patrimonial practices, ethno-political violence, military civilian and one-party authoritarianism, reduce them to simple instruments for obtaining politico-economic profits, sometimes personal, rather than being levers for qualitative democratic change. This study also chows that the existence of several political parties, legal texts and the holding of elections at regular intervals does not necessarly mean the existence of democratic rule because that democracy is not a technical and linear process applied on the basis of a simple prescription or only institutional order.

本論文主要透過新制度主義研究途徑以探析「轉型正義」行為模式之創制與發 展，並循比較政治研究途徑對俄羅斯及台灣實踐「轉型正義」之特性，進行異同 比較。 檢視20 世紀下半葉，諸多威權政體相繼歷經民主轉型過程，對前朝政權系統 性斲害人權等罪愆之施暴者與蒙難者該如何處置，往往為此等轉型國家之嚴峻挑 戰；「轉型正義」即泛指新興民主國家面對該挑戰時所採取之各項措施。相關對 以往威權罪愆之回應，現今，國際間已啟動轉型正義機制之國家，大多循經刑事 訴責、公共遺却及真相委員會等三途徑以進行。 本論文認為，歷經民主轉型，俄羅斯發生轉型正義之動因乃為深化與維持民主 體系，遏止威權復辟之可能，並擇取「祛記憶」途徑以進行，在實踐作為層面則 因集體遺却與政治冷漠，而遭所侷限；台灣發生轉型正義之動因為深化與維持民 主體系，遏止威權復辟之可能，並擇取一類似於「真相委員會」途徑以進行，在 實踐作為層面則受到國家認同與族群分立等情境所制約。 / The purpose of this study is to analyze the creation and development of "transitional justice" behavior patterns through new institutionalism approach, and to compare the similar and different features that “transitional justice” practiced in Russia and Taiwan through comparative politics approach. Recalling the second half of the 20th century, many authoritarian regimes have been through the process of democratic transition, the regime of former victims of systematic human rights of battle sins of the perpetrators and how to dispose of those battered, often for this and other challenges in transition countries; "transitional justice "that refers to the new democracies of the challenges faced by the various measures taken. The relevant authority of the past sins of the response, now, internationally, the nations that begun the transitional justice mechanism, great majority, through the prosecution channel, the amnesia channel and the truth commissions channel to proceed. This author argues in this study that, after democratic transition, the factor of transitional justice in Russia is to deepen and maintain the democratic system, guarding against the possible of authoritarian of restoration, and to choose the ”disremembering” channel. The practice is restricted by collective amnesia and indifferent of politics; the factor of transitional justice in Taiwan is to deepen and maintain the democratic system, guarding against the possible of authoritarian of restoration, and to choose a channel similar to the "truth commissions ". The practice is restricted by some situations like national identity and ethnic division.

There are several theories involving civil-military relations that have been established since the Cold War. Shaped by the political transitions of Europe and Latin America, how do these theories apply to the Third Wave of democratizations? How does a more contemporary analysis of theory help understand more contemporary insurgencies such as the Arab Spring?

[pt] Paralelo às transições do Cone Sul, a transição política para a democracia em Honduras iniciou no ano 1980 com um conjunto de caraterísticas singulares e atípicas que a distinguem do resto das transições do continente Latino-americano, visto que coincidiu com o período mais crítico de violação sistemática dos direitos humanos, incluindo desaparecimentos forçados, assassinatos e repressão política de mais de uma centena de cidadãos pertencentes aos movimentos sociais de esquerda e de oposição política. Em consequência, sob intensas lutas sociais, o dia 30 de agosto de cada ano é oficialmente reconhecido como o Dia Nacional dos Detidos-Desaparecidos em Honduras, em que centenas de pessoas se reúnem para exigir ao Estado que forneça os espaços pertinentes para reconhecer que em Honduras há desaparecidos políticos, assassinados e torturados. Diante desses acontecimentos, as perguntas que subjazem são: i) como podemos entender a relação entre os estudos e preceitos teóricos mais minimalistas das transições políticas para a democrática e essa lacerante contradição histórica ocorrida em Honduras? ii) é possível construir um futuro democrático sobre as bases de uma história negada e esquecida? Em razão desses questionamentos, decorre a necessidade e o grande desafio de desenvolver a presente pesquisa, referente à evolução da transição política e da memória em Honduras, relacionada ao passado traumático do período 1980-1993, visto que após mais de duas décadas da passagem das ditaduras militares e golpes de Estado para a democracia, percebem-se resquícios delatórios em sua estrutura atual, social e institucional. / [en] Simultaneously with the Southern Cone transitions, the political transition to democracy in Honduras began in 1980 with a unique and atypical characteristics that distinguish it from the rest of the Latin American transitions, since it coincided with the most critical period of systematic violations human rights, including forced disappearances, murders and political repression of more than a hundred citizens belonging to leftist social movements and political opposition. Consequently, under intense social struggles, August 30 is officially recognized as the National Day of the Detained-Disappeared citizens in Honduras, where hundreds of people come together to demand that the State provide appropriate efforts to recognize that political disappeared, murdered and tortured have taken place in Honduras. In this regard, the questions that arise are: i) how can we understand the relationship between studies and the more minimalistic theoretical precepts of political transitions to democracy and this lacerating historical contradiction that occurred in Honduras? ii) is it possible to build a democratic future on the basis of a neglected and forgotten history? Due to these questions, the need and the great challenge of developing the present research, referring to the evolution of the political transition and memory in Honduras, related to the traumatic past of the 1980-1993 period, arises, since after more than two decades of the military dictatorships and coups d état for the democratic transition, there are vestiges in its current social and institutional structure.

L’objet de cette étude est d’offrir une vision à la fois d’ensemble et particulière sur les revues satiriques publiées durant les dernières années du franquisme et pendant Transition démocratique. En effet, de nombreux bouleversements politiques et sociaux s’opèrent entre 1970 et 1982, ce qui représente objectivement une période relativement courte mais très riche en événements dans l’histoire de l’Espagne et de la Catalogne. En ce qui concerne la presse, l’entrée en vigueur de la Ley de Prensa e Imprenta en mars 1966 marque un point d’inflexion car elle supprime la censure préalable et permet le développement de publications beaucoup plus critiques et irrévérencieuses au début des années 1970, tels que Mata Ratos, Barrabás ou Por Favor. Très imprégnées par la tradition satirique catalane (comme Xut!, El Be Negre ou ¡Cu-Cut!), les revues de cette époque sont aussi influencées par la presse française, américaine et anglaise (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Peu à peu, elles réussirent à fissurer le carcan de la censure au prix de nombreuses mises sous séquestre, jugements, suspensions et condamnations. Après deux années troublées entre 1976 et 1978 où les menaces d’attentats contre les rédactions sont de plus en plus oppressantes, l’avènement de la démocratie est le point de départ d’un nouveau type d’humour plus général et incarné par El Jueves, et basé sur des faits de société ou d’actualité. De par leur style particulier et les thèmes qu’elles abordent, ces revues satiriques marquent profondément la société et le moment politique dans lequel elles évoluent. Leur impact est toujours perceptible aujourd’hui puisqu’El Jueves continue d’être publiée en 2017. / The purpose of this thesis is to provide both an overview and an analysis of the satirical journals published during the last years of Francoism and the Democratic Transition. Indeed, the country underwent many dramatic political and social changes between 1970 and 1982, which objectively represents a relatively short, extremely eventful period in the history of Spain and Catalonia. As concerns the press, the coming into effect of the Ley de Prensa e Imprenta in March 1966 marked an inflection point by suppressing prior censorship and paving the way for much more critical and irreverent publications, such as Mata Ratos, Barrabás or Por Favor, at the beginning of the 1970’s. Very much in debt to Catalan satirical tradition (e.g. Xut!, El Be Negre or ¡Cu-Cut!), the publications of the time were also influenced by the French, American, and English press (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Gradually, they succeeded in breaking the straitjacket of censorship at the cost of numerous confiscations, trials, suspensions and condemnations. Following two troubled years between 1976 and 1978, when editorial offices were subject to increasingly oppressive threats of attack, the advent of democracy was the starting point of a new, more general type of humor embodied by El Jueves and based on societal and current events. Due to their specific style and to the themes they dealt with, these satirical journals made a deep mark on society and on the political period. Their impact has endured, since El Jueves is still published in 2017.

Cette thèse analyse la fonction politique et identitaire du football en Espagne pendant le franquisme et la transition démocratique, en se focalisant particulièrement sur deux clubs : le Real Madrid et le FC Barcelone. L’un est considéré comme le meilleur ambassadeur de l’Espagne à l’étranger. L’autre, un instrument pour la mobilisation de l’opposition démocratique, et surtout un refuge pour les revendications de types identitaires à cette époque. Réaliser une étude sur le football peut sembler a priori ne pas s’inscrire dans une démarche scientifique. Pourtant, au-delà du sport et du divertissement, le football est un fait social, dont l’analyse est essentielle à la compréhension des sociétés contemporaines. Il mérite de ce fait une attention particulière, notamment lorsque l’on s’intéresse à l’histoire de l’Espagne, laquelle est extrêmement révélatrice des enjeux socioculturels et politiques que revêt le football dans ce pays / This thesis analyzes the political and social function of football in Francoist Spain and during the democratic transition, focusing particularly on two clubs: Real Madrid and FC Barcelona. One is considered the best ambassador of Spain abroad. And the other is an instrument for the mobilization of the democratic opposition, and above all a hub for ethno-social identity related claims at that time. A study about football may at first seem to not to belong within the scientific approach. Yet, beyond sport and entertainment, football is a social phenomenon, the analysis of which is essential to the understanding of contemporary societies. It deserves attention, especially when one is interested in the history of Spain, which is extremely revealing of the socio-cultural and political stakes that football has in this country