New research has shed light on the origin of the Danish glass beads dating to the BronzeAge and the increase in long-distance exchange during this period. This has provided newknowledge about glass beads during the Bronze Age, which unlocked the question of whatit looks like in the rest of Scandinavia. To get a broader perspective I have chosen to studythe first evidence of early craft sites where glass beads were made in Scandinavia. Then acomparison is made between the Bronze and Iron Ages from a broader perspective, whichincludes both the use of glass beads and the glass productions sites. I have therefore chosento study glass beads from a long-term perspective, from the introduction of the first glassbeads in Scandinavia during the Early Bronze Age until the Vendel period when the firstglass beads were manufactured in Scandinavia. By studying glass beads from a long-termperspective, we can learn more about the significance of glass beads in society.

Parental leave policies have been shown to play a significant role in enhancing gender equality. The European Union has recognised this and has issued a Directive to its Member States, in order to instigate parental leave policy reform. However, not all Member States have sought to implement this. This thesis addresses this problem and seeks to answer the following research question: Why have progressive parental leave policies failed to transfer across the European Union? In doing so, this study also aims to explore the limits of Europeanisation. The research question has been addressed through a qualitative comparative case study of four European Union Member States: Sweden, Denmark, Hungary and Greece. These states have been chosen on the basis of Most Different System Design. The thesis deploys a theoretical framework based upon concepts of Europeanisation and policy mobility and draws particularly on the work of Stone’s four core concepts of policy mobility: Diffusion, Transfer, Convergence, Translation (Stone, 2012). The key factors that have been identified in this study as restricting the potential of a policy to transfer are: institutional surroundings, shared beliefs and norms, internal political dynamics and a lack of force/action from the European Union. These differences have acted to constrain the transferability of progressive parental leave policy across the European Union and therefore the process of Europeanisation in this area.

Since 2015, especially after the syrian conflict, there has been an increasing number of refugees arriving in Denmark. following the refugee crisis, Danish governments series of policy reforms in oredr to minimise the effects of refugee crisis on Denmark. The research is motivated by the importance of the contemporary migration in this ever more globalising world. The study is aiming to answer how Danish immigration and integration policies problematise and politicise refugees and assylum-seekers as well as the solusions they present to solve the problem. In order to answer the question, the study uses the WPR approach by Bacchi to analyse the Denmark's Immigration and integration policies, through conducting a political discourse analysis on the selected policies from 2015 to 2019. The findings of the study indicates that refugees are prolematised, politicised and presented as both 'short-term' and 'long-term' threats to the Danish society, especially Denmarks 'ethnic and religous cohesion' as well as a threat to Denmark's national security. They are further represented as an undesirable from of immigrants who are seeking assylum in Denmark due to Denmark economic attractivness.

The main aim of this thesis is to describe the issue of diversification of the Tertiary Education in the Czech Republic and to highlight the difference of the tertiary education of the Czech Republic and the tertiary education in developed countries. Therefore this thesis has sought to compare the system of tertiary education of the Czech Republic with the systems of tertiary education of developed European countries, those whose rates in the competitiveness report were very high, Denmark and the Netherlands. This work is based on the characteristics of systems of tertiary education of all three countries which were analysed to learn the extent to which the systems of their tertiary education are diversified. The goal of this thesis is to answer the main research question which is: To which extend is the diversification of tertiary education of the Czech Republic comparable with the diversification of the tertiary education of developed countries, those that rate in the competitiveness reports high. The results of the comparison of the case studies of the countries show that the system of the tertiary education of the Czech Republic is not sufficiently diversified, due to the lack of the professional study programs, which currently represent in the European Western countries an important sector of...

Every country should have a moral responsibility to sanction its residents in a bid to curb the effects of global warming. South Africa has a unique economic and social set-up which has to be considered in crafting a policy and legislation or designing an environmental tax regime. The objective of this study was to analyse the current incentives for environmental taxes as contained in the Income Tax Act and provide recommendations on proposed changes to the existing incentives. In addition, it compares and establishes what South Africa can learn and adapt from Malaysia and Denmark, two countries who have successfully implemented environmental taxes and renewable energy incentives. It also explores the arguments for and against carbon tax (tax mechanism system) in South Africa on the energy intensive sector. The study continues to consider what the prospects are of achieving this purpose and the possible adverse impact it may have on the operating profits of energy-intensive companies. Carbon tax may result in a substantial elimination of tax contributions, a massive reduction in exports and major retrenchment and job losses, given the ever rising electricity tariff. There is much debate as to whether a cap-and-trade system would be preferable to a tax mechanism system, therefore the pros and cons of both systems are addressed and both systems’ sustainable positive and negative impacts are compared. This study explored the shortcomings of South Africa’s environmental tax laws by comparing them to the environmental tax regimes and the different incentives and tax rebates offered by Malaysia and Denmark to reduce emissions. The study firstly concluded that positive encouragement through incentivising green behaviour is preferable to a punitive tax mechanism given the fact that South Africa is still growing its economy. Therefore the introduction of a carbon tax would significantly reduce company profits, may result in unemployment and a substantial reduction in exports especially if it is not gradually introduced at a minimum charge given South Africa’s volatile labour and trade union nature. Secondly, if South Africa eventually decides to introduce carbon tax, it should emulate the Danish system that is taxing the industrial emission of carbon and earmark that income for industrial subsides and investment in greener sources of energy. AFRIKAANS : Elke land het 'n morele verantwoordelikheid om sy inwoners bewus te maak van aardsverwarming in 'n poging om die gevolge daarvan te bekamp. Suid Afrika het 'n unieke ekonomiese en sosiale opset het wat behoorlik oorweeg moet word voor ʼn groenbeleid of wetgewing geïmplementeer word. Die doelwit van die studie is om die huidige groenbelastingaansporings te analiseer soos in die Inkomstebelastingwet vervat en om aanbeveelings te maak in terme van moontlike veranderinge tot dié bepalings. Bykomstig hiertoe vergelyk en bepaal die studie wat Suid Afrika van lande soos Maleisië en Denemarke kan leer in terme van groenbelastingaansporings. Albei hierdie lande het 'n reputasie dat hulle groenbelasting en hernubare-energie aansporings suksesvol geimplementeer het. ‘n Ondersoek is gedoen om die impak van koolstofbelasting (belastingmeganisme ontwerp) in Suid-Afrika op die energie-intensiewe sektor te bepaal. Die impak van koolstofbelasting en die moontlike negatiewe gevolge wat dit kan inhou vir die bedryfswins van die energie-intensiewe maatskappye, word ook in ag geneem. Die negatiewe gevolge kan moontlik lei tot ‘n substansiële afname in belastingbydraes, 'n vermindering in uitvoere en verliese aan werkgeleenthede, gegewe die immer stygende elektrisiteitstariewe in Suid-Afrika. Daar word tans gedebatteer of 'n handelsbeperkingbeleid (plafon-en-handelstelsel) beter vir Suid Afrika sal wees as 'n belastingmeganisme ontwerp om koolstofvrystellings aan te spreek. Die voor- en nadele van elke stelsel sal ondersoek word en die twee stelsels se doeltreffendheid ten opsigte van die hantering van ekologiese uitdagings sal vergelyk word. Die studie sal die tekortkominge van Suid-Afrika se groenbelastingwette ondersoek deur dit te vergelyk met die groenbelastingstelsels, die verskillende aansporingsmeganismes en belastingkortings wat deur Maleisië en Denemarke aangebied word, om koolstofgasse te beperk of te verminder. Daar is eerstens tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat positiewe aanmoediging deur insentiewe vir groengedrag verkies word bo ‘n belastingmeganisme aangesien Suid-Afrika in ‘n ontwikkelende stadium is. Koolstofbelasting mag 'n uitgebreide negatiewe effek op maatskappywins hê, wat kan lei tot ‘n toename in werkloosheid en ‘n aansienlike vermindering in uitvoere, veral as dit nie geleidelik geïmplementeer word teen 'n minimum koste nie., gegewe Suid-Afrika se wisselvallige arbeids-en vakbond-omgewing. Tweedens, indien Suid-Afrika besluit om koolstofbelasting te implementeer moet Denemarke se voorbeeld gevolg word waar belasting gehef word op industriële vrylating van koolstof. Die herinvestering van die belastinginkomste in die bedryf deur middel van subsidies vir navorsing en beleggings in alternatiewe energiebronne, skoner ontbranding van brandstof, koolstof-opname tegnologie en ander omgewingsinnoverings sal koolstofbelasting se sukses bepaal. / Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Taxation / unrestricted

The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate a new empirical and systemic geopolitical approach to the study of the ongoing territorial dispute in the Arctic resulting from the desire of two nation states, Denmark and Russia, to extend their own northernmost limits of the Exclusive Economic Zone to the central part of the Arctic Ocean. This approach combines geographic, legal and political analytical perspectives with quantitative research design to produce an inter-disciplinary study. Empirical evidence on the long-term socio-geographic development in the region (1993-2013) is provided together with information on particular territorial gains and losses for all decision-makers that arise in a number of potential scenarios (options). Variation in each decision-maker's aggregate national socio-geographic resource, as implied by particular territorial modifications in the central part of the Arctic Ocean, serves as a basis for derivation of nontrivial payoffs on each option in the dispute. These payoffs are introduced into a three-player graph model for conflict resolution (Denmark, Russia, and the World) and stable dispute solutions are suggested on the basis of different combinations of decision-makers' strategies, whose optimality is evaluated as well. Finally, alternative scenarios of...

Nowadays the Arctic becomes a new arena for political and economic interrelation of different states in their will to gain future benefits, which the region can bring. The aim of the thesis is to investigate the Arctic as an area of cooperation and (or) conflict between Russia and three EU states: Denmark, Finland and Sweden as well as the EU itself. This research paper looks on the problem from the perspective of rational- choice theory of international relations, which allows comparing the Arctic strategies of observed actors and their interests in the region. Despite existence of the Arctic Council as a platform for negotiations and multilateral agreements, as well as common will to solve the disputes there is still place for uncertainties in actor' view on the development of the Arctic. For this reason the question of the Arctic region is urgent for all above mentioned countries including the EU, which seeks to take its place in the debate.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate the similarities and differences in the Swedish and Danish action plans against gang crime, based on three kinds of penal theoretical reasoning, the principle of proportionality, general deterrence and specific deterrence. A qualitative content analysis combined with a comparative text analysis was implemented to compare the material. Previous research has shown that the Nordic countries have followed each other in criminal developments since the 1960s. Criminal policy has gone from a development with harsh punishments, to a period focused on treatment and readjustment, to then return to tougher punishments. However, some researchers believe that it is no longer possible to talk about the Nordic countries as a united region based on today's criminal policy context. The results showed that Sweden's action plan was based on more general preventive reasoning, while Denmark was based on more individual preventive reasoning. The results also showed that opinions of which penalties are considered proportionate based on the principle of proportionality, has shifted. The shift may explain measures aimed at stricter penalties for gang crime. The study concludes that there are both similarities and differences between the action plans based on the penal theory reasoning, but that the differences are not as striking as the media has shown. / Syftet med studien var att undersöka Sverige och Danmarks handlingsplaner mot gängkriminalitet för att hitta likheter och skillnader utifrån tre straffteoretiska resonemang, proportionalitetsprincipen, allmänprevention och individualprevention. En kvalitativ innehållsanalys och komparativ textanalys genomfördes där handlingsplanerna från respektive land jämfördes med varandra. Tidigare forskning har visat att de nordiska länderna följt varandra i den kriminalpolitiska utvecklingen sedan 1960-talet. Kriminalpolitiken har gått från en utveckling med hårda straff, till en period med behandling och återanpassning i fokus, för att sedan återgå till skärpta straff. En del forskare menar det att utifrån dagens kriminalpolitiska kontext inte längre går att tala om Norden som en enhet. Resultatet visade att Sveriges handlingsplan utgick från fler allmänpreventiva resonemang, medan Danmark utgick från fler individualpreventiva resonemang. Resultatet visade även att Sverige och Danmarks regeringar har förskjutit tolkningen av vilka straff som anses vara proportionella utifrån proportionalitetsprincipen. Förskjutningen kan förklara åtgärder som syftar till strängare straff för gängbrottslighet. Studiens slutsats är att det finns både likheter och skillnader mellan handlingsplanerna utifrån de straffteoretiska resonemangen, men att skillnaderna inte är så påfallande som media har uppvisat.

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Is support for democracy decreasing among the young? Attitudes among the young tell us about the future of democracy. Today, support is declining in the USA and researchers disagree about whether the same is true for Western Europe. Some researchers believe that there is cause for concern while others argue that the young generation is more tolerant and have higher aspirations for democracy, which means that we do not need to worry. According to the theory of generational replacement and its scarcity and socialization hypotheses, diffuse support for democracy as well as tolerance should be stable or even increasing in the young cohorts. Using a quantitative method and data from the European Values Study, these parameters along with specific support will be measured in the countries of Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden, which are most-likely cases to have strong support for democracy among citizens. The main findings are that diffuse support seems to be stable in the young cohort in all countries except Denmark, where there is a slight decline. Specific support fluctuates over time and tolerance is highest among the young cohort but declining over time in the older cohorts in Denmark and Norway. The results predict that support for democracy will remain although there are some signs of challenges ahead.