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Urban space is a product of power relations and negotiations in society. Who gets represented and monumentalised in it, you? One is being formed and deformed by the environment they are placed into through the way it functions and suggests certain actions in a particular sequence, through the power distribution in its spatial equivalent. Cities, consciously or not, dictate and proclaim “norms” encoded into their visible and invisible fences by those in majority, those in power, systematically failing the misfits. Yet rebellious minorities coming out of oppressive systems refuse to be silenced and “normalised”, their dissent practices carry critical potential, highlighting systematic obstacles, testing response measures and prototyping alternative futures. For my research I define:Social sustainability as constant renewal of the system and social contract, adapting to the newly occurring challenges of the time.Dissent as expressing opinions, demanding conditions and carrying lifestyles, at variance with those hegemonic or officially held. Working in Stockholm’s suburban area of Tensta I concentrate on local postcolonial dissident practices. I want to take a look at how they can inform urban planning, making the system more flexible and adaptable to constant changes. I decode the disciplining choreography of the city and examine roles of such dissent actors as planner, civic educator, warrior and builder. In my design proposal I try toset a new civic urban stage with shifting borders, multilayered visibility, entrance and escape points, with mobilisation, education, commoning and retreat backstage able a) of making global, national and communal politics a local and tangible affair, b) of enhancing and empowering individuals and minorities in their role as civic actors, building peaceful urban voice; and create flexible local ecosystems c) facilitating new grassroots societies prototyping.

Cet ouvrage porte sur la réaction du clergé canadien face à l’invasion américaine de 1775-1776. Alors que l’historiographie considère généralement que les prêtres de la colonie restèrent fidèles au gouvernement britannique à cette occasion, trois curés se détachèrent au contraire de cette image de loyalisme : Eustache Chartier de Lotbinière (1716-1785), Pierre-René Floquet (1716-1782) ainsi que Pierre Huet de La Valinière (1732-1806). Soupçonnés par les autorités ecclésiastiques et coloniales d’entrenir des sympathies pour les révolutionnaires américains, ces hommes furent frappés par diverses sanctions, affectant durablement le déroulement de leur carrière. / This dissertation examines the reaction of Canadian clergy to the American invasion of 1775-1776. While historians have generally considered that the priests of the colony remained loyal to the British Government on this occasion, three priests stand in contrast to this image of loyalty: Eustache Chartier de Lotbinière (1716-1785), Pierre-René Floquet (1716 -1782), Joseph Huguet (1725-1783) and Pierre Huet de La Valinière (1732-1806). Suspected by church and colonial authorities to have shown sympathy to the American revolutionaries, these men were struck by various sanctions that permanently affected the development of their careers.

Cette thèse examine les théories politiques profanes qui sont mises de l’avant dans les articles et les reportages des journalistes politiques. Par «théories profanes», nous entendons les constructions intellectuelles informelles qui aident les journalistes à appréhender et à concevoir la vie politique. Nous les définissons ici par opposition aux théories scientifiques des universitaires. Ces théories sont examinées sous trois angles différents, au travers de trois articles scientifiques distincts. Notre principal objectif est de déterminer dans quelle mesure et pour quelles raisons les théories journalistiques profanes convergent ou divergent des théories universitaires scientifiques. Au premier chapitre, nous nous demandons ce que les journalistes font, en nous attardant aux critères sur lesquels ces derniers s’appuient pour analyser la personnalité des chefs de partis politiques. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à savoir si les journalistes tiennent compte des considérations politiques jugées importantes par les citoyens. Afin d’atteindre cet objectif, nous réalisons une analyse de contenu des reportages diffusés dans les grands bulletins d’information télévisés au sujet de l’ex-chef du Parti québécois, André Boisclair. Au second chapitre, nous poussons notre réflexion un cran plus loin en nous demandant ce que les journalistes disent précisément dans les théories qu’ils développent. Pour ce faire, nous examinons les théories développées par les journalistes pour expliquer le comportement des parlementaires. De manière spécifique, nous contrastons les théories académiques de la dissidence politique avec ce qui s’est écrit dans les grands journaux canadiens à l’occasion de quatre votes particulièrement serrés ayant eu lieu à la Chambre des communes à propos de la prolongation de la mission canadienne en Afghanistan et de l’abolition du registre des armes d’épaule. Enfin, nous nous attardons à ce que les journalistes pensent de leurs propres théories, en les interrogeant sur les raisons qui les poussent à mettre ces dernières de l’avant et sur la manière dont ils s’y prennent pour les développer. Nous nous attardons aux mécanismes qui rythment la pensée des journalistes et nous portons notre regard sur les matériaux dont ceux-ci se servent pour construire les théories qu’ils incluent dans leurs reportages. Pour ce faire, nous réalisons des entrevues semi-dirigées avec des journalistes politiques affectés à la couverture de l’élection présidentielle française de 2012. Nos questions portent notamment sur le chemin intellectuel qu’ils parcourent lorsqu’ils tentent de comprendre et d’expliquer le comportement des politiciens, ainsi que sur la façon dont ils conçoivent les campagnes électorales et le rôle qu’ils sont appelés à jouer à l’intérieur de celles-ci. Nos conclusions sont à l’effet que les journalistes construisent bel et bien des théories profanes de la vie politique afin d’aller au-delà des simples comptes rendus factuels et de répondre à ce qu’ils considèrent être une nécessité de leur travail. Les théories qu’ils mettent de l’avant tiennent compte des considérations politiques jugées importantes par les électeurs, et elles ont des traits communs avec certaines des idées sous-tendues par les théories scientifiques des universitaires. Ces théories s’articulent autour des observations que font les journalistes, et des conversations auxquelles ils prennent part ou dont ils sont témoins. Elles reflètent la plupart du temps l’expérience ou le vécu du journaliste. Les théories journalistiques profanes se distinguent toutefois des théories scientifiques en ce qu’elles ne sont ni formalisées, ni explicitement nommées. Elles n’ont pas la sophistication des théories universitaires, et elles sont parfois reléguées à l’arrière-plan de la couverture médiatique au bénéfice d’aspects plus théâtraux de la vie politique. Les journalistes développent par contre des mécanismes pour valider leurs théories. La contribution de cette thèse à l’avancement des connaissances se manifeste sur les plans conceptuel, théorique et empirique. Sur le plan conceptuel, nous étayons davantage le concept des théories journalistiques. Notre thèse permet de mieux comprendre la couverture médiatique de la politique, en mettant en lumière un de ses aspects jusqu’ici négligé par les politologues, soit le fait que les journalistes construisent et utilisent des théories politiques qui leur sont propres pour appréhender l’univers au sein duquel ils évoluent. Sur le plan théorique, nous faisons ressortir les objectifs et les impératifs qui guident les journalistes qui développent ces théories. Enfin, sur le plan empirique, nous donnons pour une rare fois l’occasion aux journalistes de s’exprimer sur la manière dont ils perçoivent leur propre travail. / This thesis examines the lay theories that political journalists put forth in their articles and analyses. “Lay theories” should be understood to mean the informal intellectual constructions that help journalists make sense of political life, in opposition to political scientists’ academic theories. These theories are investigated from three different perspectives, which are presented in three separate academic articles. The goal is to determine to what extent and for what reasons journalistic lay theories converge with or diverge from the academic scientific theories. The first chapter examines what journalists do, by looking at the criteria on which reporters rely in order to build their theories about the personality of political leaders. More precisely, the chapter aims at determining if these theories are based on political considerations deemed important by citizens. More specifically, this chapter explores the character traits to which journalists resort when they theorize and assess the personality of political leaders. To do so, it analyses reports broadcast on television news programs about former Parti Québécois leader André Boisclair. The following chapter goes further into how lay theories are understood by looking at what journalists say in these theories. Focussing on the theories developed by journalists to explain MP behaviour, it compares the academic literature on intra-patry dissent with what has been written on the subject in Canada’s national newspapers. More precisely, it studies four particularly divisive votes that took place in the House of Commons about the extension of the Canadian mission in Afghanistan and the abolition of the long-gun registry. The third and last chapter studies what journalists think of their own theories by questioning them on their reasons for building those theories. In other words, the third chapter studies the intellectual underpinnings of these lay theories. It examines the thinking patterns of journalists and investigates the material that they use to build their theories. Interviews conducted with political journalists who covered France’s 2012 presidential election provide the data for this chapter. Questions are asked about the way in which reporters see electoral campaigns and the role journalists play in them. This thesis shows that journalists do indeed construct lay theories that go beyond strictly factual accounts of political events, in order to fulfil what they consider a job necessity. The theories they put forward take into account political considerations deemed relevant by citizens and share common ground with ideas put forth by academics. Journalists often articulate these theories on the basis of what they observe and hear around them. These theories are the result of reporters’ knowledge and experience. Nonetheless, lay theories differ from academic theories insofar as they are neither formalised, nor explicitly labelled. Being less sophisticated than academic theories, lay theories are sometimes relegated to the background of political coverage to allow for more dramatic coverage of political life. On the other side, journalists develop mechanisms to validate their theories. This thesis makes a threefold contribution. At the conceptual level, it expands political science’s understanding of lay theories. It sheds light on a neglected aspect of media coverage of political life, i.e. the fact that journalists construct and use their own political theories to better understand political life. At the theoretical level, it clarifies the goals and imperatives that guide journalists who build these theories. Finally, at the empirical level, it gives journalists a rare occasion to express their view on how they perceive their own work.

La formation, à partir de 1966, d’un groupe de quatorze poètes autour de la revue El Caimán Barbudo affiliée au Parti Communiste de Cuba a fait émerger un nouvel ethos littéraire. Nous l’appelons « soupçon ludique » pour la méfiance facétieuse qu’il provoque chez le lecteur. Quels sont les traits définitoires, les implications et les incidences idéologiques et esthétiques de cet ethos ? En s’appuyant sur les 48 recueils produits par les membres du groupe entre 1966 et 2002, année de sa dispersion définitive, sur 29 entretiens ainsi que sur le dépouillement de dix fonds d’archives situés à Paris, Madrid et La Havane, cette thèse montre d’abord que la naissance de leur écriture répond à une série d’injonctions politiques et esthétiques paradoxales : être une « avant-garde officielle », rebelle mais pas trop critique, marxiste mais lyrique. Après le renvoi éclair du groupe par le Parti en 1968 puis la forte censure du Quinquennat Gris (1971-1976), l’esprit ludique déserte leurs poèmes politiques devenus solennels et sérieux pour se replier dans la sphère amoureuse et érotique. Dans ces poèmes d’apparence inoffensive, la mise en scène parodique des identités de genre constitue une cri- tique voilée des identités politiques produites par la Révolution. À partir de 1991, la dissidence de plusieurs membres du groupe, sa recomposition partielle autour de la revue Encuentro de la cultura cubana fondée à Madrid en 1996 avec le soutien du gouvernement espagnol invitent à évaluer à nouveaux frais leur écriture : les dissidents quittent le soupçon ludique pour une écriture de la dénonciation qui thématise toutefois le jeu comme le symbole de leurs illusions perdues. / From 1966 onwards, the formation of a group of fourteen poets around the Cuban Communist Party-affiliated journal El Caimàn Barbudo created a new literary ethos named “playful suspicion” because of the mischievous mistrust it provokes in the reader. What are the defining traits, implications and ideological and aesthetic occurrences of this ethos? This dissertation was based on the 48 collections produced by the group members between 1966 and 2002 (year of its final dissolution), on 29 interviews, and on the examination of 10 archival holdings in Paris, Madrid and Havana. This dissertation first shows that the birth of their writ- ing responded to a series of paradoxical political and aesthetic demands: to be an “official avant-garde”, to be rebellious but not overly critical, to be both Marxist and lyrical. After the sudden dismissal of the group by the Party in 1968, then the harsh censorship of the five Grey Years (1971-1976), their playful spirit deserts the political poems which become solemn and serious, and withdraws to the romantic and erotic sphere. The parodic staging of gender identities in these seemingly harmless poems constitutes a veiled criticism of the political identi- ties produced by the Revolution. Starting in 1991, the dissent of several members of the group dissent and its partial recomposition around the journal Encuentro de la cultura cubana founded in Madrid in 1996 with the support of the Spanish government invites a new evaluation of their writing. The dissidents abandon playful suspicion in favor of denunciative writing, which nevertheless thematically places playfulness as a symbol of their lost illusions. / En Cuba, a partir de 1966, se forma un grupo de catorce poetas en torno a la revista El Caimán Barbudo, afiliada al Partido Comunista nacional, generando un nuevo ethos literario que nosotros llamamos “sospecha lúdica”, por el recelo divertido que provoca en el lector. ¿Cuáles son los rasgos definotorios, las implicaciones y los impactos ideológicos y estéticos de este ethos? Para responder la tesis se basa en el estudio de los 48 poemarios escritos por los miembros del grupo entre 1966 y 2002, año de su desaparición, 29 entrevistas y 10 fondos de archivo sitos en Madrid, París y La Habana. El trabajo muestra en primer lugar que el naci- miento de esta escritura responde a una serie de requisitos políticos y estéticos paradójicos: ser una “vanguardia oficial”, rebelde pero no demasiado crítica, marxista pero lírica. En se- gundo lugar mostramos que, después del súbito desahucio del grupo por el Partido y la fuerte censura del Quinquenio gris (1971-1976), el espíritu lúdico deserta los poemas políticos, que se vuelven solemnes y serios, para replegarse en la esfera amorosa y erótica. En estos poemas aparentemente inofensivos, la paródica puesta en escena de identidades de género constituye une crítica velada de las identidades políticas producidas por la Revolución. A partir de 1991, la disidencia de varios miembros del grupo, su parcial recomposición en torno a la revista Encuentro de la cultura cubana, fundada en Madrid en 1996 con el apoyo del gobierno espa- ñol, son elementos que invitan a reevaluar esta escritura: los disidentes abandonan la sospecha lúdica por una escritura de la denuncia que, sin embargo, tematiza el juego como el símbolo de sus ilusiones perdidas.

William Jay (1769-1853) was an Independent minister of the Argyle Chapel in Bath for sixty-two years. His career bridged the time between the Evangelical Revival of the eighteenth century and the formal Congregational denominationalism of the nineteenth century. Jay’s autobiography is used among historians for its first-hand accounts of other notable evangelical figures such as William Wilberforce (1759-1833), Hannah More (1745-1833) and John Newton (1725-1807). Too often his own influence has been overlooked, but at the time he was regarded as one of the foremost Dissenting preachers of his era. His ministry within a fashionable spa city increased the respectability of evangelical religion among the growing middle classes in Bath. This thesis examines the evangelicalism of William Jay in the context of his times. The scope of Jay’s life and popularity will be examined in six chapters. Following the introduction, chapter two will examine his direct impact through the Argyle Chapel upon Bath. Chapter three will review the early life of William Jay that was much neglected by his biographers. It will demonstrate the formation of his evangelicalism first introduced to him by Joanna Turner (1732-1784) and instilled in his training by Cornelius Winter (1742-1807). The social composition of the Argyle Chapel will be evaluated in the fourth chapter. Those that Jay attracted to the chapel not only promoted his cause to advance the gospel, but also increased the prestige of the minister and his place of worship. In chapter five, Jay’s preaching, which attracted celebrity and commoner alike, will be analyzed for form, style, content, delivery and the receptivity of his audience. Likewise, the spirituality of the man, which will be reviewed in chapter six, induced similar qualities to stimulate evangelical religion. Finally, the polity and ecclesiology of William Jay will be examined in the seventh chapter. The Argyle Chapel was under strong pastoral guidance for the vast majority of the minister’s service until Jay lost that influence shortly before his retirement in 1852. The biography will conclude with an appraisal of R.W. Dale’s (1829-1895) categorization of Jay and his chapel as representative of older evangelical religion and criticism of the early participants of the revival found in Dale’s sermon The Old Evangelicalism and the New (1889). William Jay promoted a religious perspective that exhorted the individual to dwell on the self yet sought to do so through a united Christian movement that crossed denominational barriers.

Cet ouvrage porte sur la réaction du clergé canadien face à l’invasion américaine de 1775-1776. Alors que l’historiographie considère généralement que les prêtres de la colonie restèrent fidèles au gouvernement britannique à cette occasion, trois curés se détachèrent au contraire de cette image de loyalisme : Eustache Chartier de Lotbinière (1716-1785), Pierre-René Floquet (1716-1782) ainsi que Pierre Huet de La Valinière (1732-1806). Soupçonnés par les autorités ecclésiastiques et coloniales d’entrenir des sympathies pour les révolutionnaires américains, ces hommes furent frappés par diverses sanctions, affectant durablement le déroulement de leur carrière. / This dissertation examines the reaction of Canadian clergy to the American invasion of 1775-1776. While historians have generally considered that the priests of the colony remained loyal to the British Government on this occasion, three priests stand in contrast to this image of loyalty: Eustache Chartier de Lotbinière (1716-1785), Pierre-René Floquet (1716 -1782), Joseph Huguet (1725-1783) and Pierre Huet de La Valinière (1732-1806). Suspected by church and colonial authorities to have shown sympathy to the American revolutionaries, these men were struck by various sanctions that permanently affected the development of their careers.

Fundação de Apoio a Pesquisa e à Inovação Tecnológica do Estado de Sergipe - FAPITEC/SE / The present work analyses the manifestations of June 2013 and the established relations amongst the historical mechanisms that give functionality to the idea of conciliatory pact as roots that ground Brazilian political structure along our history. In order to do so, we engaged on the analysis of three moments of our recent history under the light of some Marxist categories which provide us with a stream of dialogue between these moments, keeping as a steady reference, the conducting wire of the conciliatory tradition in Brazilian contemporary politics and the meaning contained in June 2013 manifestations as denials that come “from above” (upper social classes) of these arrangements that have marked Brazilian politics. We started tracing a line from the democratic transition in the 1980s and how it was articulated “from above” through the perspective of the conciliatory tradition; in a second moment, we moved forward to the 1990s, to the inception of neoliberal politics in Brazil and how, after the dismantling of the State, strong results were generated in the political operating dynamics in Brazil, deepening a state of economical domination and political emptying based on social class conflicts and its interlocutions in the institutions, revealing a horizon of social regression. The Gramscian nature of the passive revolution is dislocated to the condition of counter-reformation, as a more understandable account on the meaning of neoliberal hegemony in Brazil and its singularities in the field of conciliatory politics. We partially finalized the works by attempting to summarize of today’s moment focusing on the manifestation of June 2013 and on the permanence of conciliatory politics in Brazilian politics, bringing up the contributions from the categories of this so called “upside down” hegemony and small politics hegemony, as much as attempting to interpret the manifestations in June 2013 as a rejection of Brazilian political structure and its conciliatory tradition. / O presente trabalho analisa as manifestações de junho de 2013 e as relações estabelecidas entre os mecanismos históricos que dão funcionalidade à ideia de pacto conciliatório enquanto raízes que fundamentam a estrutura política brasileira ao longo da nossa história. Para tanto, buscamos analisar três momentos de nossa história recente à luz de algumas categorias marxistas que nos possibilitam uma linha de diálogo entre esses momentos, sem perder como norte o fio condutor da tradição conciliatória na política brasileira contemporânea e o significado das manifestações de junho de 2013 enquanto negação destes arranjos “pelo alto” que marcam a política brasileira. Traçamos essa linha a partir da transição democrática nos anos 1980 e de como esta foi operada “pelo alto” na chave da tradição conciliatória; num segundo momento, nos remontamos aos anos 1990, à inserção das políticas neoliberais no Brasil e a como, a partir do desmonte do Estado, cria-se fortes resultados na dinâmica de se operar a política brasileira, aprofundando o quadro de ampla dominação econômica e esvaziamento da política baseada nos conflitos de classe e suas interlocuções na institucionalidade, inferindo um horizonte de regressão social. Desloca-se a categoria gramsciniana de “revolução passiva” para a de “contrarreforma”, como reflexão de melhor compreensão do significado da hegemonia neoliberal no Brasil e suas singularidades no espaço da política conciliatória. Finalizamos parcialmente os trabalhos com uma tentativa de síntese do tempo atual à luz das manifestações de junho de 2013 e da permanência da tradição conciliatória na política brasileira, trazendo as contribuições das categorias de “hegemonia às avessas” e “hegemonia da pequena política”, bem como uma tentativa interpretativa das manifestações de junho de 2013, enquanto negação da estrutura política brasileira e da sua tradição conciliatória.

Submitted by Felipe de Mendonça Lopes (felipe_lopes25@hotmail.com) on 2018-06-14T22:24:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Final.pdf: 1919518 bytes, checksum: 7268ca7969cd2221eddc7a1b4919fee6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Katia Menezes de Souza (katia.menezes@fgv.br) on 2018-06-15T14:46:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Final.pdf: 1919518 bytes, checksum: 7268ca7969cd2221eddc7a1b4919fee6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Isabele Garcia (isabele.garcia@fgv.br) on 2018-06-15T18:36:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Final.pdf: 1919518 bytes, checksum: 7268ca7969cd2221eddc7a1b4919fee6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-15T18:36:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Final.pdf: 1919518 bytes, checksum: 7268ca7969cd2221eddc7a1b4919fee6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-28 / What do judges want? Although apparently a straightforward question, the motivations that underly judge’s decisions have been a persistent topic of debate in the literature. The discussion arises from the fact that judges, especially those in superior courts, are usually insulated from the ordinary incentives that other agents face. Most enjoy life tenure, their salaries cannot be decreased, and have no performance bonus. Hence, an assumption of economic self-interest would hardly provide useful insights into judicial preferences. In the three essays that form this thesis, I contribute to the judicial behavior literature by providing empirical evidence of at least three different vectors that govern judicial decision-making. In the first essay, I show that judges respond to transparency and scrutiny. The main idea is to explore how a shift in transparency – since 2002 the Brazilian Supreme Court (STF) broadcasts its deliberations live on television – may alter behavior. Here, I employ a research design seldom used in the judicial behavior literature – Differences-in-Differences – to test how STF judges have responded to increased transparency. The main finding is that STF justices, when given free television time, act to maximize their individual exposure. They achieve that by writing longer votes and by engaging in more discussions with their peers. In the second essay, I show that political preferences matter. Here, in delving into the judicial activism literature, I test whether activism is related to politics in two ways. First, whether judges appointed by left-wing presidents are more (or less) likely to engage in activist voting than those appointed by right-wing presidents. Second, if judges appointed by presidents of either end of the political spectrum are sensitive to political context, that is, if they respond to the presence of their appointing party in the Executive. In doing so, I propose a new measure of judicial activism, which conditions votes to strike on the Prosecutor-General’s brief. The main result is that activism – both in the traditional and new measures – is associated with ideology measured by presidential appointment. Also, in the new measure, judges are sensitive to political context – they are less likely to engage in activist voting when their appointing party is incumbent in the Federal Executive. Lastly, career matters. Justices that are former politicians are less likely to be activist. Finally, in the third essay, I investigate the determinants of judicial dissent in the Brazilian Supreme Court. Particularly, I disentangle two features of judicial behavior that are known to affect the decision to dissent: ideological heterogeneity and dissent aversion. To do so, I explore the fact that voting in this Court is sequential, that there is a predetermined voting order that varies in nearly every case, to identify where dissent aversion will manifest. The main point is that after a majority has been formed, the justices who vote in sequence know that their votes cannot change the outcome of the case. Hence, they may deviate from their preferred votes and join the majority to avoid the costs of dissenting. Here, I find strong evidence of dissent aversion in the Brazilian Supreme Court. Judges who vote after the pivotal judge are significantly less likely to dissent. The evidence for ideology, however, does not survive all robustness checks. / O que os juízes querem? Embora uma pergunta aparentemente simples, as motivações subjacentes às decisões dos juízes têm sido um tópico persistente de debate na literatura. A discussão surge do fato de que os juízes, especialmente aqueles em cortes superiores, normalmente são isolados dos incentivos que outros agentes enfrentam. A maioria tem cargo vitalício, seus salários não podem ser reduzidos e não têm bônus por desempenho. Desta forma, uma suposição de auto interesse econômico dificilmente forneceria conclusões úteis sobre preferências judiciais. Nos três ensaios que formam esta tese, eu contribuo para a literatura de comportamento judicial, fornecendo evidências empíricas de ao menos três vetores diferentes que regem a tomada de decisões por juízes. No primeiro ensaio, mostro que os juízes respondem à transparência e ao escrutínio. A ideia principal é explorar como uma mudança na transparência - desde 2002, o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) transmite suas deliberações ao vivo pela televisão - pode alterar o comportamento. Neste trabalho, emprego um método raramente utilizado na literatura de comportamento judicial - Diferenças-em-Diferenças - para testar como juízes do STF respondem a uma maior transparência. A principal conclusão é que ministros do STF agem para maximizar sua exposição individual quando lhes é dado tempo gratuito de televisão. Para isso, escrevem votos mais longos e interagem mais frequentemente com seus pares. No segundo ensaio, mostro que preferências políticas são relevantes. Aqui, ao investigar a literatura do ativismo judicial, testo se o ativismo está correlacionado com preferências políticas de duas maneiras. Primeiro, se juízes nomeados por presidentes de esquerda são mais (ou menos) propensos a votar de modo ativista do que aqueles nomeados por presidentes de direita. Segundo, se juízes indicados por presidentes de ambos os extremos do espectro político são sensíveis ao contexto político, isto é, se respondem à presença, no Executivo, do partido que os indicou. Aqui, proponho uma nova medida de ativismo judicial, que condiciona votos pela inconstitucionalidade das leis ao parecer do Procurador Geral da República. O principal resultado é que ativismo - tanto na medida tradicional quanto na nova que proponho - é associado à ideologia política medida pela indicação presidencial. Além disso, na nova medida, juízes são sensíveis ao contexto político - são menos propensos a votar de modo ativista se o incumbente no Executivo Federal foi o responsável por sua indicação à corte. Por fim, a carreira anterior também é importante. Juízes que foram políticos são menos propensos a serem ativistas. Finalmente, no terceiro ensaio, investigo os determinantes da divergência judicial no STF. Em particular, distingo duas características do comportamento dos juízes que reconhecidamente afetam a decisão de divergir: heterogeneidade ideológica e aversão à divergência. Com este objetivo, exploro o fato de que a votação nesta Corte é sequencial, ou seja, que há uma ordem de votação pré-estabelecida que varia em quase todos os casos, para identificar onde a aversão à divergência deve se manifestar. O ponto principal é que depois que a maioria foi formada, os juízes que votam na sequência sabem que seus votos não mudarão o resultado do caso. Logo, eles podem se desviar de seus votos preferidos e se unir à maioria para evitar os custos de divergir. Aqui, encontro fortes evidências de aversão à divergência no Supremo Tribunal Federal. Juízes que votam após o juiz pivotal são significativamente menos propensos a divergir. Evidências a favor da heterogeneidade ideológica, no entanto, não sobrevivem aos testes de robustez.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-05-14T20:03:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Trigueiro, Gabriel-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1230993 bytes, checksum: f54fb670fa26a260acf423b0f8c19fb6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-14T20:03:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Trigueiro, Gabriel-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1230993 bytes, checksum: f54fb670fa26a260acf423b0f8c19fb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Este trabalho aborda as reações às guerras do Afeganistão e Iraque de diversos intelectuais envolvidos com a revista norte-americana de esquerda Dissent Magazine. Afinados com aquilo que chamo de campo liberal-left, parte substantiva desses intelectuais não hesitou em prover apoio às medidas militares adotadas pelo governo de George W. Bush. As causas originárias desse apoio são examinadas na presente pesquisa, bem como os argumentos daqueles que, no mesmo periódico, membros da mesma cultura política em questão, se puseram a criticar as ações de política externa do governo Republicano – bem como, por conseguinte, seus colegas de revista. A natureza desses embates e as consequências intelectuais para a cultura política liberal-left são investigadas a seguir. / This paper discusses the reactions to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq for many intellectuals involved with the U. S. left-wing magazine Dissent. Attuned to what I call the liberal-left field, a substantial part of these intellectuals did not hesitate to support the military measures taken by the George W. Bush government. The primary causes of this support are examined in this study, as well as the arguments of those who, in the same journal, members of the same political culture in question, began the criticize the foreign policy of the Republican government – and, therefore, their magazine colleagues.The nature of these conflicts and its intellectual consequences to the liberal-left political culture are investigated below.