The growth and prevalence of the private military industry has led many to conclude that the state has outsourced one of its core functions: public security. As a global non-state actor, PMSCs pose a risk to state sovereignty by undermining the democratic legitimacy of armed forces and challenging the states international monopoly over force. This study, using the tripartite model in English school theory, refutes this commonly held belief by examining the regulatory methods that have brought PMSCs squarely under state control. This study organizes regulatory efforts in a three level concept of national, international and self-regulatory methods, and based on the increased national regulatory methods, mixed with international norms and weak self-regulation, concludes that states maintain their primacy over violence in world politics.

This thesis attempts to discover the hermeneutic orientation of the English School&rsquo / s approach to international relations. It is argued that the English School approach has a distinctive interpretivist character. The thesis concentrates on the works of Hans-Georg Gadamer and Martin Wight. Martin Wight&rsquo / s anti-positivism, the historical character of his analysis of the traditions in international theory, and the centrality of language in his studies shows strong resemblance to Hans-Georg Gadamer&rsquo / s hermeneutics. The main purpose of this thesis is to show the relationship between the hermeneutics and the English School approach by discovering the common points between the thoughts of Hans-Georg Gadamer and Martin Wight.

Master thesis in Political Science by Alexander Gaber, 2015, ‘Evidence of the BenevolentState?- The Case of the R2P’ The study sets out to analyze the validity of the soldiarist prescriptive hypothesis that a shared understanding amongst the society of states can induce a circumstance where states will act selflessly by willingly subordinating their rights and sovereign prerogatives for the sake of individual rights. For this purpose the R2P legal doctrine is analyzed genealogically to generate an inference on if the dominant consensus within the society of states on the doctrine has generated this circumstance. The analysis concludes that the R2P doctrine has neither in customary - or codified international law enabled the individual’s right to protection to hold precedence over the right and sovereignty of the state. The case study, conclusively does not serve to validate the hypothesis, but neither does it invalidate it as the R2P constitutes a representative case. The intermarriage of the genealogical method with the English School framework is deemed fruitful and new insights into, specifically, the concept of sovereignty is generated which serves to evolve and reinforce the theoretical framework of English School Solidarism.

This explanatory single-case study explains why China shifted its policy fromproliferation of nuclear weapons and technology, to nonproliferation. In doing so,English School (ES) theory is used in order to explain this shift – stressing theimportance of both the international system as well as the international society. Tostreamline the methodological inconsistencies of the ES tradition, a constructivistmethodology is applied. The study concludes that China’s perception of theinternational system and society is the most important feature when formulatingforeign policy and complying with the nonproliferation regime. From applying astreamlined constructivist view of ES theory the result is the discovery of China’snational rationale, which serves as a benchmark for its foreign policy. China isprimarily driven by national interest and while adhering to international norms,rules, and structures – it will still see domestic stability and defending itssovereignty as its main priorities.

This thesis examines the political impact of Salafi-Wahhabism in contemporary Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) since the El Mujahed Brigade of mujahedeen introduced this puritanical Saudi form of Islam during the 1992-1995 War that broke apart the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFROY). This study employs tenets of the English School of International Relations and utilizes a historical analytic approach to identify durable features of Bosnian Muslim religious economic activity, Bosnian education, and Bosnian political processes to answer the research question: what kind of influence has Salafi-Wahhabism had on BiH society and government since the end of the 1992-1995 Balkan War? Emergent evidence captured by these variables suggests a momentum of Salafi-Wahhabism influence is developing that may undercut the sovereignty of BiH and possibly impede its European Union membership bid. As a result of this rising Wahhabi influence in several facets of Bosnian society, the aggregate level of Islamism in the country is also likely increasing. / Master of Arts

This thesis contributes to the English school's growing literature on regional level international societies. Thus far English school scholars have demonstrated the existence of a post-Soviet regional international society. However, what is lacking is a clear defining of the members and institutions of this society. This paper gives particular attention to three questions: who are the actors, what are the primary and secondary institutions, and what role do these institutions play within the post-Soviet regional international society? Doing so contributes to the growing literature on the post-Soviet sub-global international society. In addition, it may be the case that Russian dominion is reflected through the network of secondary institutions in the post-Soviet international society. This thesis further investigates how the creation of this diplomatic structure allows Russia to contest the global diplomatic structure and project its great power status. / Master of Arts

Die Dissertationsschrift stellt die erste systematische Studie des transatlantischen Konflikts über den Internationalen Strafgerichtshof (IStGH) aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive dar. Der Fall des IStGH wird häufig als ein Beleg für transatlantische Spannungen im Hinblick auf das Völkerrecht und die Arbeit internationaler Organisationen zitiert bzw. als ein Indikator für eine zunehmend unilaterale Außenpolitik der USA aufgefasst. Obwohl der IStGH somit einen prominenten Platz auf der Agenda der transatlantischen Beziehungen einnimmt, wurden die Umstände, die zu dem Konflikt über seine Errichtung zwischen Europa und den USA führten bis dato noch nicht eingehend wissenschaftlich untersucht. In dieser Hinsicht betritt die eingereichte Dissertation Neuland. Sie geht über die vage Klassifikation von US-amerikanischem Unilateralismus versus europäischem Multilateralismus hinaus, indem sie sich systematisch den folgenden Fragen zuwendet: Was sind die Gründe für die unnachgiebige Opposition der USA gegen den IStGH? Warum gaben sowohl Großbritannien als auch Frankreich ihre Allianz mit den USA hinsichtlich des Gerichtshofs auf und unterstützten schließlich einen unabhängigen IStGH? Die Hypothese der Dissertation lautet, dass die wesentlichen Ursachen für den transatlantischen Konflikt über den IStGH in unterschiedlichen Auffassungen von Kernnormen der internationalen Beziehungen liegen, insbesondere in voneinander abweichenden Interpretationen des Prinzips der Souveränität und des Konzepts der Menschenrechte. / The dissertation provides the first systematic study of the transatlantic conflict about the International Criminal Court (ICC) from an international studies point of view. Although the case of the ICC has often been quoted as an example of increasing US unilateralism or as an indicator for a growing divergence in US-American and European approaches to international law and international organisations, it has been rarely analysed on its own. The book therefore makes a contribution on a pertinent and timely topic in the field of transatlantic relations. It aims to go beyond the rather sketchy classifications of US unilateralism versus European multilateralism by systematically addressing the following questions: What accounts for the US’ unrelenting opposition to the ICC? Why did both France and the United Kingdom abandon the alliance with the US with respect to the ICC and eventually opted for a strong and independent Court, thereby aligning themselves with the other EU member states? The hypothesis of the book is that the main reason for the transatlantic differences in the positions towards the court lies in divergent understandings of core norms of international relations, most importantly sovereignty and human rights.

A presente pesquisa pretende, de modo geral, analisar o quão sólida é a vertente normativa da Escola Inglesa das Relações Internacionais. Para tanto, em um primeiro momento é feita uma discussão acerca do lugar ocupado pela teoria política normativa na literatura de Relações Internacionais. Em seguida, são identificados os três grandes temas que unem os escritos tanto modernos quanto contemporâneos de teoria política internacional. O primeiro deles se refere à dicotomia inside/outside, o segundo tema trata da tensão particularista/universalista e o terceiro tema aponta para a diferenciação entre o sistema e a sociedade internacionais. Finalmente, a pesquisa busca nos escritos mais contemporâneos da EI as respostas para esses dilemas éticos e políticos, visando concluir se a vertente normativa dessa abordagem teórica de RI é suficientemente forte e capaz de tratar a tensão existente entre ordem e justiça nas relações internacionais. / The main objective of this research is to analyze how consistent is the normative wing of the English School of International Relations (IR). In order to reach such an objective, firstly, there is a debate about the place occupied by normative political theory in IR literature. Secondly, three main themes of both modern and contemporary writings of international political theory are identified. The first of them refers to the dichotomy inside/outside, the second one regards the tension particularism/universalism, and the third raises the difference between international system and international society. Finally, the research tries to find the answers to these ethical and political dilemmas mainly within the contemporary writings of the English School, aiming at concluding whether the normative wing of such a theoretical approach is sufficiently robust and able to deal with the tension between order and justice in international relations.

A presente pesquisa pretende, de modo geral, analisar o quão sólida é a vertente normativa da Escola Inglesa das Relações Internacionais. Para tanto, em um primeiro momento é feita uma discussão acerca do lugar ocupado pela teoria política normativa na literatura de Relações Internacionais. Em seguida, são identificados os três grandes temas que unem os escritos tanto modernos quanto contemporâneos de teoria política internacional. O primeiro deles se refere à dicotomia inside/outside, o segundo tema trata da tensão particularista/universalista e o terceiro tema aponta para a diferenciação entre o sistema e a sociedade internacionais. Finalmente, a pesquisa busca nos escritos mais contemporâneos da EI as respostas para esses dilemas éticos e políticos, visando concluir se a vertente normativa dessa abordagem teórica de RI é suficientemente forte e capaz de tratar a tensão existente entre ordem e justiça nas relações internacionais. / The main objective of this research is to analyze how consistent is the normative wing of the English School of International Relations (IR). In order to reach such an objective, firstly, there is a debate about the place occupied by normative political theory in IR literature. Secondly, three main themes of both modern and contemporary writings of international political theory are identified. The first of them refers to the dichotomy inside/outside, the second one regards the tension particularism/universalism, and the third raises the difference between international system and international society. Finally, the research tries to find the answers to these ethical and political dilemmas mainly within the contemporary writings of the English School, aiming at concluding whether the normative wing of such a theoretical approach is sufficiently robust and able to deal with the tension between order and justice in international relations.

Although United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) are said to protect humanitarian rights, peacekeepers are found to commit sexual assault, war crimes, and gross negligence. International legal immunities exempt peacekeepers and the UN from criminal liability and civil litigation. Whereas the literature on peacekeeper abuses conceptualizes the problem to be one of implementation of immunities, this thesis contends that such views are uncritical towards peacekeeping, immunity itself, and international society that organizes UNPKO. I theorize that the legal structures permitting such abuses (e.g. the UN Charter) render individuals expendable and hence objectified for the sake of international order. The argument presents a case study of the Srebrenica Massacre and ensuing legal cases to illustrate how immunities objectify individuals. Drawing on Agamben's theory of homo sacer, I introduce the term civis sacer to describe individuals excluded from international law with UNPKO immunities that objectifies them for the sake of maintaining international order. / Graduate / 0616