China and USA in UN Peace Operations in 1989-2010 Mgr. Jitka Evanová Summary The thesis discusses the growing role of China and decreasing role of USA in UN peace operations since 1989 with the aim to find the reasons behind their behavior. First, two chosen theories of international relations - neorealism and its modified version and English school - are described, independent variables determined and consequent hypotheses formulated. Second, the increasing Chinese and decreasing American activities in UN peace operations is shown by describing their gradually changing behavior in three areas: voting in the Security Council, personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations and financial contributions to the UN peacekeeping budget. Third, the hypotheses are tested using the congruence method that examines the explanatory power of the theories. If a reality is consistent with the hypotheses' prediction, there is a possiblity of a causal relationship between independent variable and the dependent one. I conclude that modified neorealim has the highest explanatory power as its predictions are consistent with the outcome in both cases. English school can to a certain degree explain Chinese behavior but is weak in the American case. Neorealist predictions are weak in both cases. In the end, I suggest possible...

The submitted diploma thesis focuses on the role of Russian federation within the post- communist area. The issue will be surveyed on the basis of Adam Watson's typology. Adam Watson is one of the representatives of the English school. The thesis describes the development of the Russian foreign policy, with regard to post-soviet area, from the disintegration of the Soviet Union to the present. The attention is paid to the idea of the eurasianism, or new eurasianism, which has become the most popular in the Russian foreign policy. The other part of the thesis presents the detailed analysis of the development of the Russian federation's relations with the other states and its degree of influence on the states within the post-soviet area. It examines both the degree of influence of the Russian federation's states and the degree of influence which Russia has within the integration groups, which came into being after the Soviet Union disintegration.

[pt] Esta é uma dissertação de relações internacionais. Seu objetivo é analisar o limite da inclusão da política externa brasileira para os direitos humanos dentro do marco da sua tradição diplomática de respeito ao direito internacional depois da redemocratização do país. Antes, contudo, faz-se uma descrição histórico-jurídica do funcionamento dos regimes internacional e interamericano de proteção para especificar as obrigações a que estão atrelados os Estados que fazem parte desses sistemas de proteção. No que se refere ao quadro de referência teórica, parte-se da perspectiva da Escola Inglesa, uma vez que ela ressalta o respeito às normas como um aspecto fundamental da política internacional. Aqui, busca-se principalmente demonstrar como o discurso e a prática da política externa para os direitos humanos vão-se inserindo dentro de uma certa tradição inventada da diplomacia brasileira. / [en] This is an international relations dissertation. Its objective is to assess the extent to which the Brazilian foreign policy for human rights after the countrys redemocratization is in accordance with the its diplomatic tradition of respect to international law. Before, however, a historical-juridical description of the functioning of the International and Inter-American regimes is undertaken as a means to specify the obligations by which the States- parties of those systems of protection are bound to. As far as the theoretical framework is concerned, the starting point will be that of the English School, once it highlights respect to international norms as a fundamental aspect of world politics. Here the main purpose is to demonstrate how the discourse and practice of foreign policy towards human rights are being gradually inserted into a certain invented tradition of the Brazilian diplomacy.

[pt] A dissertação tem como tema principal a avaliação da proposta da Escola Inglesa, uma das principais tentativas de historicização da teoria de Relações Internacionais. Primeiramente procura-se demonstrar a contradição inerente à proposta inglesa ao partir de uma perspectiva jusnaturalista e projetar uma proposta de historicização da disciplina. Embora as análises recaiam constantemente neste paradoxo, é possível detectar no conceito de sociedade internacional um ponto de partida para tal projeto. A partir deste diagnóstico, a pesquisa volta-se para um estudo da ontologia histórica desenvolvida por Hegel, especialmente sua teoria do reconhecimento. Uma vez esclarecido os principais pontos da perspectiva hegeliana sobre a realidade social, consideram-se algumas questões pertinentes a sua filosofia política. Finalmente, argumenta-se que por meio da teoria do reconhecimento, cujo desdobramento está pautado por uma noção de historicidade própria da filosofia hegeliana, é possível retirar o conteúdo de natureza presente na formulação original do conceito de sociedade internacional e dotá-lo do dinamismo necessário para dar conta das necessidades de temporalização das correntes teóricas da disciplina. / [en] The main theme of this dissertation is to analyse the English School`s project for International Relations, one of the key attempts to historicize IR theory. First of all, the work examines the English project and its contradictory proposal based on natural rights` principles and the attempt to bring history into the discipline. Although the analysis usually repeat this paradox, it is possible to consider the concept of international society as a valuable starting point to unite history and IR theory. The study, then, turns towards the investigation of the historical ontology developed by Hegel, especially his theory of recognition. Once the major points of the Hegelian perspective are made clear, some questions about his political philosophy are examined. Finally, it will be argued that through the Hegelian concept of recognition, which is based on Hegel`s own idea of historicity, it is possible to avoid the usual natural right`s principle associated to the original concept of international society. By adding recognition to the concept of international society, its content is provided with dynamism and therefore, it becomes capable of avoiding the traditional ahistoricism of IR theories.

[pt] Esta dissertação é fruto de um estudo sobre o surgimento de conflitos intraestatais após o fim da Guerra Fria e como estes conflitos, muitas vezes imprevisíveis e difíceis, tornaram-se fonte de preocupação internacional na década de 1990. Violações de direitos humanos em outros estados passaram a ser cada vez mais retratadas como ameaças à ordem internacional, levando a um aumento na mobilização de defensores de direitos humanos e atores políticos que pedem um maior envolvimento de potências estrangeiras, e a um aumento do otimismo relativo à capacidade dos Estados em agir dentro da esfera internacional. Em particular, identifica-se uma maior esperança de que as Nações Unidas iriam assumir mais responsabilidades como aplicadora de normas internacionais. Neste contexto, a presente pesquisa procura entender como reivindicações humanitárias na década de 1990 desafiaram a compreensão de soberania e não-intervenção como princípios fundamentais das relações internacionais, e a própria base de um sistema internacional estatista. Também, questiona se a lacuna entre os compromissos normativos dos Estados para com os direitos humanos, e seu respeito na prática, foi abordado, e se os estados são capazes de agir como agentes morais. Foi conduzida uma pesquisa composta de dois estudos de caso de intervenções humanitárias pós-Guerra Fria que trouxeram respostas muito diferentes da comunidade internacional: o caso do Kosovo, em 1999, e o de Darfur, desde 2004. Esse trabalho sugere que dois fatores principais ajudam a explicar a vontade ou relutância dos Estados de intervir em cada caso: a percepção do conflito como uma ameaça ou não para a ordem internacional e a existência de interesses estratégicos que ditam diferentes respostas. O principal argumento desenvolvido aqui é que, enquanto a moral desempenha um papel importante na motivação de Estados para intervir, estes são atores predominantemente racionais e o altruísmo não consegue compensar quando interesses ditam uma resposta diferente. Conclui-se que, a menos que uma crise determinada seja interpretada como grave ameaça para os interesses de segurança dos estados, provavelmente não ocorrerá intervenção. Consequentemente, os defensores de direitos humanos não conseguiram deslocar a primazia da ordem sobre a justiça. / [en] This thesis studies the rise of intra-state conflicts following the end of the Cold War and how these often unpredictable and intractable conflicts became the source of international concern in the 1990s. Human rights violations in other states were increasingly portrayed as a threat to international order, leading to an increase in calls from human rights advocates and political actors for greater involvement from foreign powers and increased optimism concerning states capacity to act within the international realm. In particular, there were hopes that the United Nations would take on more responsibility as a norm enforcer. Against this background, the present study explores how humanitarian claims in the 1990s challenged the understanding of sovereignty and non-intervention as the foundational principles of international relations, and the very basis of a statist international system. It questions whether the gap between states normative commitments towards human rights, and their respect in practice, has been addressed, and whether states are capable of acting as moral agents. This research has carried out two case studies of post-Cold War humanitarian interventions, which generate very different responses from international community: Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur from 2004 to the present. The present thesis suggests that two principal factors help explain states willingness or reluctance to intervene in each case: the perception of the conflict as (or not) a threat to international order and the existence of strategic interests that dictated different responses. The main argument developed here is that while morality plays an important role in motivating states to intervene, they are predominantly rational actors and humanitarian concerns are not sufficient when interests dictate a different response. It concludes that unless a determinate crisis is interpreted as a serious threat to states security interests, probably no intervention will occur. Consequently, human rights advocates did not succeed in dislocating the primacy of order over justice.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-05-16T19:15:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Igor Henriques Sabino de Farias.pdf: 43642403 bytes, checksum: 74f590c3743109c75d9820a458b64f7d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-16T19:15:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Igor Henriques Sabino de Farias.pdf: 43642403 bytes, checksum: 74f590c3743109c75d9820a458b64f7d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-26 / CAPES / This dissertation discusses the influence of religion on International Relations (IR). Its general objective is to emphasize the importance of religion as one of the explanatory variables of contemporary international politics. In order to do so, it uses concepts from the English School to analyze the increase in the number of internally displaced persons due to religious persecution in Iraq after the rise of the terrorist group Islamic State between 2006 and 2014. It is therefore argued that there is a relation between the two facts. In order to verify this assumption and achieve the general objective of the research, the main religious elements that can influence international relations are classified, emphasizing the concepts of non-state religious actor and transnational religious issues. It then discusses how these elements can be understood in the light of the main theories of IR, such as Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism and English School, but emphasizes the latter. It is also conceptualizes terms such as internal displacement and religious persecution, with reference to the main sources of international law. Finally, it is demonstrated, through analysis of the official propaganda of the Islamic State, how Islamic religious elements were used by the group in order to persecute Christians and Yazidis in Iraq. This fact caused a large number of internally displaced persons due to religious persecution in the country. It is concluded, therefore, that, although religion is still an explanatory variable of IR neglected in the academic world, it is increasingly present in events of international politics, especially after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. / Esta dissertação discute a influência da religião nas Relações Internacionais (RI) e tem como objetivo geral ressaltar a importância da religião enquanto uma das variáveis explicativas da política internacional contemporânea. Para isso, utiliza-se de conceitos da Escola Inglesa para analisar o aumento do número de deslocados internos por perseguição religiosa no Iraque após a ascensão do grupo terrorista Estado Islâmico, entre 2006 e 2014. Defende-se, portanto, que existe uma relação entre os dois fatos. A fim de verificar esse pressuposto e alcançar o objetivo geral da pesquisa, classifica-se os principais elementos religiosos que podem influenciar as relações internacionais, dando ênfase aos conceitos de ator religioso não estatal e questões religiosas transnacionais. Em seguida, discute como esses elementos podem ser compreendidos à luz das principais teorias de RI, como Realismo, Liberalismo, Construtivismo e Escola Inglesa, ressaltando, porém, essa última. Conceitua-se também termos como deslocado interno e perseguição religiosa, tendo como referente as principais fontes de Direito Internacional. Por fim, é demonstrado, por meio da análise da propaganda oficial do Estado Islâmico, como elementos religiosos islâmicos foram instrumentalizados pelo grupo a fim de perseguir cristãos e yazidis no Iraque. Fato que ocasionou um grande número de deslocados internos por perseguição religiosa no país. Conclui-se, portanto, que, embora a religião ainda seja uma variável explicativa das RI negligenciada no meio acadêmico, está cada vez mais presente em eventos da política internacional, sobretudo após os atentados terroristas do 11 de setembro de 2001.

This thesis discusses the recent change in EU’s immigration policy. EU’s restrictive policies may be changed by the two proposals, COM(2007)637 and COM(2007)638, presented in October 2007. These proposals were formed during a process in which representatives from the African Union (AU) were present in discussions about migration. Using official documents from EU and AU, we study this inter-regional interaction process with the English School theories of “international society” and with a Social Constructivist ontological model describing the relationship between agents, structure and institutions/regimes. We find that the proposal changes the trans-regional migration regime, and by extension the structure and the trans-regional world order. This will probably lead to an increase in the number of African labour immigrants in the EU, which may enlarge the trans-regional “world society” and, in turn, the inter-regional “international society”.

The overall topic of this thesis is the English School understanding of international order, which I approach specifically by analysing the English School idea of international institutions and their change. The purpose is to develop the theory in a meta-theoretically conscious and coherent way. The three essays in this volume are independent in relation to each other, yet in some ways cumulative. Essays I and II aim to address primarily the question of how to conceptualise the current international order of multilateralism and international organisations. Essay I uses the empirical issue of UN reform to formulate one English School conceptualisation of international order, building specifically on the School’s central theme of international institutions. Essay II theoretically develops the tools of the English School for capturing how international institutions, according to English School theory the fundaments of international order, might change. Essay III approaches the meta-theoretical question of how change itself is understood in the English School, and how different theoretical readings of what we might mean by change give rise to different approaches to the normative question of what might be improvement in the international order. I argue that an internally coherent understanding of change in international society should emphasise change in institutions, made intelligible by ex-post narratives which contribute to establishing the discursive connection between practices and their normative legitimation, and guided by a sustained normative debate on the nature of improvement. This understanding of change signifies a much-needed addition to the English School toolbox, and brings a promise of a meta-theoretical grounding of the theory. In addition, it opens for similar theoretical inquiries into other IR theories.

One of the most frequent questions in the study of Chinese foreign policy is whether China can be regarded as a responsible member of international society. It is the aim of the presented thesis to look more closely at China's behaviour in the present international society in terms of responsibility. The thesis utilizes the concept of international society developed by the English school of international relations and interconnects it with the concept of responsibility in international relations to determine a set of criteria which an ordinary state or great power must meet in order to be regarded as responsible in the present international society. In order to determine whether China behaves as a responsible ordinary state or great power on the international level, the thesis utilizes the method of the most likely and the least likely case studies. The analysis of China's behaviour in the World Trade Organization and within the nuclear non-proliferation regime can provide sufficient evidence of China's acceptance of primary institutions forming the backbone of the present international society. The findings have serious implications for thinking of contemporary China as a status quo state respecting institutions and rules of the present international society.

The “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) doctrine was created with the purpose of providing an implementation mechanism for the international community to halt and prevent mass atrocity conflicts, however, it is not a legally binding framework, and requires the UNSC’s engagement for its successful implementation. Whilst R2P is a rhetorically compelling international norm, it falls apart in practice. The lack of consistency in its implementation and the UNSC’s inaction to various cases of mass atrocity, which are, in principle, applicable to the doctrine, has sparked controversy. This thesis examines conflicts in which R2P has been utilized and one conflict of similar dimensions in which the principle wasn’t applied, discussing the factors that could explain the question ‘why has the application of R2P been inconsistent at halting atrocity conflicts?’. By juxtaposing two theoretical lenses, Realism and English School, and applying a comparative analysis to these three cases, the thesis establishes that state behavior is driven by preserving power and resources, when it converges with upholding international norms and values. Thus, the thesis concludes that members of the Security Council will support R2P implementation and uphold shared norms and values, only when it serves their national interests.