La recherche sur la littérature de la diaspora vietnamienne dans une perspective nord-américaine a été longtemps négligée par les critiques littéraires. Aux États-Unis, les écrits des auteurs d’origine vietnamienne sont habituellement inclus dans un corpus appelé « Asian-American literature » alors qu’au Québec, on préfère parler de « littérature migrante ». C’est pourquoi ce mémoire propose d’analyser The Gangster We Are All Looking For (2003), de Lê Thi Diêm Thúy, et Ru (2009), de Kim Thúy. Outre le fait de mettre en scène une protagoniste appartenant à la deuxième génération, les deux romans questionnent le rôle de l’héritage familial et de la mémoire collective dans le rapport à soi et aux autres. Dans The Gangster We Are All Looking For, la quête identitaire se définit par le maintien de l’anonymat et le désir d’incarner la figure subversive qu’est le gangster. Dans Ru, il est plutôt question d’intégration : le parcours de la narratrice est celui d’une ascension vers le « rêve américain ». Les critiques littéraires ont été nombreuses à penser l’exil en termes de culture et d’hybridité, mais peu ont tenu compte de sa dimension juridico-politique. En nous appuyant sur le concept de la « vie nue » de Giorgio Agamben et le texte d’Edward Saïd intitulé « Nationalism, Human Rights, and Interpretation », nous démontrerons que l’exil n’est pas simplement une expérience de déchirure romantique de citoyens privilégiés (écrivains, artistes, poètes, intellectuels). Il illustre aussi la condition précaire de ceux qui ne sont pas reconnus par le pouvoir étatique (réfugiés, apatrides, sans-papiers). / Research on Vietnamese diasporic literature from a North American perspective has long been neglected by literary critics. In the United States, writings of authors who originated from Vietnam are usually labeled as Asian-American literature, while in Quebec we prefer to use the term « migrant literature ». This is why this master thesis proposes an analysis of The Gangster We Are All Looking For (2003), from Lê Thi Diêm Thúy, and Ru (2009), from Kim Thúy. Aside from featuring a second generation protagonist, both novels question the way family and collective memory shape the relation to self and others. In The Gangster We Are All Looking For, the quest for identity is defined by the persistance of anonymity as well as by the desire to become a “gangster”, a rebellious figure. In Ru, the future is more related to the notion of integration : the narrator’s life trajectory can be described as an ascent towards the American dream. Many literary critics understood exile in terms of culture and hybridity, but few of them took into account its juridico-political aspect. Using Giorgio Agamben’s concept of “bare life” and Edward Said’s ideas in « Nationalism, Human Rights, and Interpretation », we will demonstrate that exile cannot be merely reduced to a compelling journey told from the perspective of privileged citizens (writers, artists, poets, intellectuals), since it also reflects the precarious status of those who are not recognized by the State (the refugees, the stateless, the undocumented workers).

Depuis sa fondation en 1794 par Catherine II, Odessa, cité portuaire de la mer Noire, ne laisse personne indifférent. Conçue pour devenir une utopie urbaine au sein d’une Russie très contraignante, la ville nouvelle – libre de servage, tolérante et entreprenante – attire des populations venues des quatre coins de l’Europe. Les premiers migrants sont en majorité des déshérités, des infortunés et des Juifs persécutés de l’Empire en quête d’un refuge. La société juive naissante éprise de liberté saisit sa chance en s’impliquant activement dans la réalisation de ce chantier ambitieux. Dès les années 1860, premiers frémissements d’un « bonheur juif », des banquiers, des négociants, des intellectuels, des artistes, des bandits et des « Juifs ordinaires » écrivent pareillement le « modernisme » et les légendes colorées d’Odessa la Juive. Le XXe siècle pris entre guerres et révolutions, sonne le glas de l’âge d’or des Juifs d’Odessa avec le retour des pogromes et des massacres de masse. Bon nombre d’entre eux repartent sur les routes de l’exil à la recherche de ports d’attache : onze villes nord-américaines portent le nom d’Odessa. Les Odessites vouent à leur ancienne terre d’adoption un véritable culte, sous des formes plurielles, œuvres littéraires, musicales, picturales et cinématographiques. A la lumière de l’Histoire et de la micro-histoire, l’enjeu de cette recherche sur la communauté juive odessite est d’identifier l’« espace de vérité » de la ville d’Odessa entre mythe et réalité. / Since its creation by Catherine the IInd in 1794, Odessa, a harbour on the Black Sea, leaves no one indifferent. Designed to become an urban utopia within a very compelling Russia, the new town – tolerant, enterprising, and from its origins free from serfdom – has attracted populations from across Europe. The first migrants were mainly poor, hapless people and persecuted Jews from the Empire in search of a refuge. The emerging Jewish society, freedom-loving, seized the opportunity to build an ideal city, culminating in the birth of a “Jewish happiness”. From 1860 onwards, great bankers, merchants, intellectuals, artists, gangsters and labourers all contributed to the “modernism” and the colourful history of the Jewish Odessa. Caught between wars and revolutions, the 20th Century sounded the knell of the golden age for Odessa Jews, with the return of pogroms and mass slaughters. A number of Jews went back to the roads of exile, looking for a new home: eleven North American towns have taken the name of Odessa. “Odessity” worship Odessa-mama: music works, paintings and movies aim at celebrating the glory of the homeland. Considering both the historical and micro-historical legacy, the challenge of this research on the Jewish community from Odessa aims to identify and establish a “truth space” between the real and the imaginary city.

This is an ethnographic study of the lives and experiences of Eritrean refugee women in Um Gargur, a settlement in eastern Sudan established in 1976. It is based upon fourteen months of fieldwork and builds upon the findings of my 1985 M.Phil, thesis, "A Preliminary Study of the Position of Eritrean Refugees in the Sudan", for which I conducted two months of research in Urn Gargur. While the M.Phil, thesis was a comparative study of Um Gargur and two other cases of resettlement in Africa, here I am concerned primarily with questions of gender, everyday life, and how processes of change and realignments of power impact upon women in displaced heterogeneous societies. After more than a decade in exile the people of Um Gargur continue to be fiercely nationalistic and as unresigned to remaining refugees as they are to assimilating into Sudan. There is also a growing trend towards Islamic conservatism in the settlement. This, coupled with the fact that Um Gargur is composed largely of mistrusted "strangers", means that women experience more restrictions in Um Gargur than they did in their communities of origin. The aim of the thesis is to examine the effect of displacement and exile upon gender roles, social infrastructures, traditions and perceptions, as people of disparate origins, occasionally with conflicting beliefs and mores, negotiate a way of living together. The title "Mothers of Steel" is taken from a riot instigated by women when charges were introduced for water. As the women revolted, their children shouted "Our mothers are steel, our fathers are monkeys!" This represented the main crisis point between men and women. Yet although the title derives from this incident, women, as they feed, nurture, socialise their children and keep their families intact, have clearly become "mothers of steel" in the eyes of their children since they have lived in Um Gargur. Chapter One introduces an overview of the settlement and shows that women's deliberate exclusion from all formal institutions leaves them at a disadvantage despite the fact that over 50% of them are household heads for much of the year. The following chapters examine how categories as diverse as politics, honour, health, and economics, impinge on the lives of the refugee women and their families, and argue that in contexts of displacement, where social realities are constantly being redefined, these categories all have a moral dimension. In Chapters Three and Four I show how limited employment opportunities in Um Gargur have meant that the majority of men continuously resident in the settlement have lost their roles as providers while women's roles have taken on a new symbolic significance. The society attempts to compensate for men's loss of status by placing greater restrictions upon women. Women's reactions to this are varied, but significant numbers of them have redrawn the parameters of "honourable" behaviour to allow themselves more flexibility. Women establish ties, not unlike kinship bonds, which traverse ethnic and religious boundaries and offer limited economic power and physical and psychological support. In Chapter Five I explore the tensions between traditional beliefs and practices and "Western" models of health care. While society's notion of what constitutes honour has calcified in reaction to a situation of extreme social dislocation and jeopardisation of "male" and "female" behaviour patterns, I show in Chapter Six that the women of Um Gargur have recognised their common plight and responded by renegotiating their identity, whilst at the same time being the primary agents - through myths, songs, names, and stories about Eritrea - in the construction of their children's identities as Eritreans. In the Conclusion (Chapter Seven) I introduce the story of the aforementioned water riot to illustrate how radically women's perceptions of their own power have altered, and how their children now perceive them. I suggest that though the process of change has been slow, the pressures faced by the community have meant that women's reconceptualisation of their own roles has been inevitable.

This dissertation conceptualizes a Palestinian archipelago based on Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of the chronotope, and uses the archipelago model to illustrate the situation and development of Palestinian consciousness in diaspora. To gain insight into the personal lives of Palestinians in diaspora, This project highlights several islands of Palestinian identities as represented in the novels: Dancing Arabs, A Compass for the Sunflower, and The Inheritance. The identities of the characters in these works are organized according to the archipelago model, which illustrates how the characters rediscover, repress, or change their identities in order to accommodate life in diaspora. Analysis reveals that a major goal of Palestinian existence in diaspora is the maintenance of an authentic Palestinian identity. Therefore, my description of the characters’ identities and locations in the archipelago model are informed by various scholars and theories of nationalism. Moreover, this dissertation illustrates how different Palestinian identities coalesce into a single national consciousness that has been created and sustained by a collective experience of suffering and thirst for sense of belonging and community among Palestinians. Foremost in the memories of all Palestinians is the memory of the land of Palestine and the dream of national restoration; these are the main uniting factors between Palestinians revealed in my analysis. Furthermore, this project presents an argument that developing a Palestinian exceptionalism as both a response and a solution to the problems Palestine faced in the 20th century has already occurred among diasporic Palestinians as well as those settled in the West Bank. In addition, a significant finding of this dissertation is the generation clash in regarding to the methods of modernization of the West Bank society between the settled Palestinian and those returning from diaspora. Nevertheless, a Palestinian homecoming will require a renegotiation of Palestinian identities in which generation gaps and other disagreements will be resolved and transcended in favor of nation-state building.

Le conflit israélo-palestinien dure depuis plus de 60 ans. Non seulement perdure-t-il, il gagne aussi en complexité. Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’expérience d’exil des Palestiniens et plus particulièrement à celle de femmes palestiniennes vivant en camp de réfugiés au Liban. La mémoire palestinienne a longtemps été, dans son ensemble, occultée dans la littérature, et qui plus est l’expérience des femmes; la façon dont leurs récits sont construits nous le démontre bien. La présente étude s’inscrit donc dans la lignée de travaux qui font une place aux « voix silencieuses » que sont souvent celles des femmes réfugiées palestiniennes des camps. Cette thèse s’appuie sur une approche qualitative – récits de vie et observation participante – et fait suite à une recherche qui a été menée entre 2009 et 2011 dans le camp palestinien de Bourj El Barajneh au Liban. Les résultats dégagés confirment que, dans l’exil, une partie de l’expérience de la nakba palestinienne telle que vécue par les femmes s’est perdue. Ceci dit, si la quasi-absence des femmes caractérise l’exode, on voit ces dernières s’affirmer au fil de l’exil qui devient une réalité durable. Au cours des deux premières décennies, les femmes apparaissent comme des « résistantes du quotidien ». Puis, la montée du sentiment national palestinien et l’éclatement de la guerre civile libanaise amènent les femmes à investir de plus en plus l’espace public. En temps de guerre, toutes les femmes participent à la survie de la communauté, et cela, par l’extension de leurs tâches domestiques et sociales. Plus le conflit prend de l’ampleur, plus leurs activités se diversifient : elles intègrent d’autres tâches à celles qui leur sont traditionnellement assignées. À l’issue du conflit, une grande partie des femmes palestiniennes commencent à prendre leurs distances de la lutte nationale partisane. Pour plusieurs d’entre elles, la fin de la guerre est aussi la fin des illusions : elles ont le sentiment d’avoir été abandonnées par la classe politique. Ainsi, le mouvement nationaliste palestinien a certes bousculé les rôles de genre, mais il n’a pas permis d’induire des changements durables. Dans les récits des femmes, on voit qu’à travers l’exil s’est créé un lien avec ce milieu que l’on croyait temporaire, le camp de Bourj El Barajneh : un lien qui se situe au cœur d’une tension entre un pôle réel et un pôle symbolique. Le camp « réel » est décrit comme insalubre, instable et non sécuritaire, et la vie dans ce camp est à ce point précaire et difficile que les femmes s’accrochent à cet autre camp qui, lui, est porteur de mémoire, de souvenirs, de relations et de rêves. C’est d’ailleurs parce que ce second pôle existe que la vie dans le camp peut être tolérée. Si la lutte nationale a été pour une certaine génération de Palestiniennes la préoccupation première, la fin de la guerre signe la perte de vitesse de cette lutte qui s’est longtemps avérée structurante. Ceci dit, le modèle de résistance, lui, persiste. Les femmes continuent de lutter et apparaissent comme des « actrices de la transmission ». L’un de ces projets qu’elles font leur, la transmission de l’identité religieuse, prend rapidement de l’ampleur alors que la communauté palestinienne peine à se relever des affres de la guerre. Nombreuses sont les femmes qui cherchent un sens à la vie dans ce cumul de catastrophes, et la religion les soutient dans cette quête, mais en plus c’est à travers elle que le projet du retour en Palestine est porté. D’ailleurs, la mémoire de la Palestine est une autre valeur que les femmes cherchent à transmettre d’une génération à l’autre. Maintenir la mémoire de la Palestine est un rôle traditionnel de la femme palestinienne. Ceci dit, les femmes ne remplissent pas ce rôle « aveuglément » : elles transmettent une mémoire, un message qu’elles ont cherché, reconstruit, évalué et parfois critiqué. Enfin, un autre projet se manifeste rapidement dans l’exil : la transmission des connaissances, une valeur phare pour les Palestiniennes puisque à la fois stratégie de survie, de développement et d’ascension sociale. Mais pour quelques-unes, l’éducation est une lutte parce que confrontée à des contraintes contextuelles et au poids des traditions. Ainsi, c’est par des valeurs traditionnellement portées et transmises par les femmes – l’identité religieuse, la mémoire et l’éducation – que l’oppression et la colonisation des Palestiniens se combattent au quotidien. / The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has lasted more than 60 years and persists not only in time but also in complexity. This thesis focuses on the Palestinian exile and particularly, the experience of exile of Palestinian women living in refugee camps in Lebanon. Palestinian memory has for a long time been occulted in the literature and specifically, the experience of women and how their stories are constructed by gender. The present study is therefore in a line of work that gives a place to these “silent voices” that are often those of the Palestinian women of the camps. This research is based on a qualitative methodology – life stories and participant observation –, research that took place between 2009 and 2011 in the refugee camp of Bourj El Barajneh in Lebanon. The results show that, in exile, a part of the Palestinian nakba experienced by women, has been lost. That said, if a virtual absence of women characterizes the exodus, over exile, women become more assertive. During the first two decades in exile in Lebanon, women appear as “everyday resistant”. Then, the rise of a national sentiment which was rapidly followed by the outbreak of the Lebanese civil war, made women more and more present in the public space. Indeed, in wartime, all the women were involved in the community’s survival, and that, by an extension of their domestic and social roles. The longer the conflict lasts, the more diverse are their activities: it includes other tasks than those traditionally assigned to them. At the end of the conflict, a large part of Palestinian women are beginning to distance themselves from the national struggle. For many, the end of the war also means the end of illusions: they feel they have been abandoned by the political class. Thus, if the Palestinian nationalist movement has certainly brought changes in gender roles, it has failed to bring about lasting changes. Also, in the women's narratives, we see that in time, a bond is created with the space “Bourj El Barajneh camp”, a, bond that is located in a tension between two poles. First, there is a “real pole” where the camp appears as unsafe and unstable. Second, life in the camp is so precarious and difficult that women cling to another pole, a “symbolic pole” which represents the camp as a bearer of memories, relationships and dreams. And it’s because this last pole exists that life in the camp can be tolerated. If the Palestinian national struggle – for a certain generation of Palestinian women – was the main struggle, the end of the war signed “the end of illusions” and the slowing of the national struggle which has long proven structuring. That said, the pattern of resistance persists while women continue to resist and appear as “actresses of transmission”. The transmission of religious identity quickly gained in importance as the Palestinian community struggled to recover from the horrors of war. Through religion, many women found meaning in a life and it is also through religion that the return to Palestine is now carried. Moreover, the memory of Palestine is another value that women seek to pass on from a generation to another. Even though, passing on the memory of Palestine is a role traditionally carried by women, they do not fulfill it “blindly” but they convey a message that has been sought, rebuilt and sometimes criticized. Finally, another project arrives rapidly in exile: the transmission of knowledge, a core value for Palestinian women as it is a strategy for survival, development and social mobility. But for some, because faced with contextual constraints and the weight of tradition, education is still a struggle. Thus, it is because women carry and transmit traditional values – religious identity, memory and education – that the oppression and colonization of Palestinians can be fought everyday.

This thesis uses the evidence for a wide range of phenomena relating to the exile of citizens, by judicial decision or through stasis, to investigate the political cultures of Greek poleis in the period c. 404-146 BC: the fundamental ideas about citizenship which were in circulation in poleis in that period. Political communication in the context of exile phenomena forced citizens to make explicit their fundamental assumptions about the criteria for civic inclusion and exclusion and about the extent and basis of civic obligation. Analysis of surviving evidence for that communication thus offers unique insights into prominent Greek ideas about citizenship. This method is applied, in chapters 1 and 2, to laws and discussions relating to, first, lawful expulsion and exclusion and, second, civic reconciliation and the reintegration of exiles; and, in chapters 3 and 4, to the political rhetoric, organisation and ideas of participants in exclusionary stasis and of exiled citizens. Wherever possible, ancient Greek philosophers’ arguments, rhetoric and assumptions are compared with those of non-philosophers. Study of the four different bodies of evidence suggests that most poleis’ political cultures were distinguished by their extremes, paradoxes, indeterminacies and contradictions. In particular, many poleis’ political cultures included very significant, radical norms of civic voluntarism, encouraging citizens to exercise extensive voluntary initiative in political contexts. Moreover, most poleis political cultures were dominated by two coexisting, radically opposed basic paradigms of the good polis and of good citizenship: these are defined in the introduction and chapter 1 as a ‘unitarian teleological communitarian’ paradigm and a ‘libertarian contractarian’ paradigm. In addition to revealing fundamental ideas of citizenship, some of the exile evidence enables study of the effects of those ideas in practice in this period: citizens’ political choices, claims and behaviour in relevant periods of stress, such as a bout of exclusionary stasis or a spell of political agitation while in exile, represent a well-defined and revealing case-study of the multiple, competing effects of those ideas on political interaction. It is argued that the exile evidence suggests that the same fundamental ideas of citizenship were conducive both to civic stability and flourishing and to destructive civic unrest.

Pendant longtemps sujette aux influences littéraires empruntées, la littérature mauricienne francophone a mis du temps pour trouver ses marques. Inspirée de la littérature romantique issue de Bernardin de Saint-Pierre avec notamment Paul et Virginie, elle va graduellement se frayer un chemin dans le long parcours – aux sinuosités souvent dangereuses – de son processus de maturation. Par conséquent, l’enfant (re)découvre les potentialités qui sont en lui et fait éclater l’univers d’enfermement qui l’a jusqu’à présent emprisonné. Ne se pliant plus aux exigences des périodes littéraires qui ont marqué l’île - notamment celles coloniale, pré-indépendance et post-indépendance - l’enfant émerge moins en tant que perpétuation du jeu de mimétisme qu’en tant qu’être en devenir. La littérature contemporaine sera un creuset entre métissages et panachages linguistiques comme dans un but de s’éloigner le plus possible de l’authentification de la redite. L’enfant renaît ainsi des cendres de l’univers initial romantique pour atteindre une autonomie réelle tant dans son individualité que dans son rapport avec le monde qui l’entoure. / Long subjected to external literary influences, the Mauritian francophone literature took its time before leaving its own mark. It was inspired by the romantic literature of Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, namely with Paul and Virginia, and gradually made its way on the long – and often tortuous – road to maturity. Hence, the child rediscovers the potential within and destroys the shackles of the universe that had so far held him captive. No longer caving into the influences of the island’s various literary eras – namely colonial, pre-independence and post-independence – the child emerges not so much as a continuation of past influences as his own blossoming being. Contemporary literature hence becomes the crucible between linguistic mixes and interbreedings, as if to create the greatest possible gap with the authentification of repetition. Thus, the child is reborn from the ashes of the original romantic universe, and blooms to reach real autonomy in his individuality as well as his relationship with the world around him.

Cette thèse étudie les militants des organisations Freies Deutschland (FD) fondées en Belgique, en France et en Suisse pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En reproduisant le modèle du Nationalkomitee « FreiesDeuschland », créé à Moscou en juillet 1943 par des exilés communistes et des prisonniers de guerre allemands, ils tentent de rassembler des opposants au régime nazi présents en Europe de l’Ouest. A l’aide d’une base de donnée biographique, la thèse analyse les modalités de l’engagement militant de ces acteurs.Celui-ci subit des variations notamment lors de la légalisation des organisations qui sont restées clandestines jusqu’à la Libération en Belgique et en France et jusqu’au printemps 1945 en Suisse. L’identité revendiquée de ces acteurs change également, alors qu’ils adoptent une rhétorique tournée vers leur nation et sa reconstruction. Enfin, après la guerre et après le retour des militants dans les deux Allemagnes, le SED leur demande de livrer leur expérience d’exil pour soutenir le discours officiel sur l’antifascisme. Ils trouvent alors une occasion de valoriser un capital politique négligé par le parti dans l’après-guerre et produisent un répertoire commémoratif sur l’antifascisme de l’Ouest. / This PHD dissertation studies the activists of the organisations Freies Deutschland (FD) in Belgium, France and Switzerland during the Second World War. Reproducing the model of the Nationalkomitee « Freies Deutschland », founded in Moscow in July 1943 by German communists and prisoners of war, they tried to gather Nazi regime opponents in Western Europe. The dissertation analyses the political engagement of these activists with the help of a biographical methodological approach. The commitment of these actors changed during the Liberation in Belgium and France and until spring 1945 in Switzerland. The identity theytried to give themselves also changed when they adopted a discourse more concentrated on their nation and its reconstruction. Finally, after the war and their return in East and West Germany, the SED asked them to write their story in exile to support the official discourse on antifascism. This gave them an occasion to promote their political experience, which was neglected by the party after the war. They produced a memorial narrative on western antifascism.

Les instances politiques ont de tout temps exilé leurs adversaires, obligeant les proscrits à rompre avec leurs racines et leur histoire. Et si la littérature de l’exil s’est attachée à peindre la souffrance psychique inhérente à l’expatriation, force est de constater qu’à cette fonction cathartique vient parfois s’ajouter une fonction dénonciatrice. En effet, les hommes de lettres exilés ont parfois fait du verbe une arme redoutable dirigée contre le despotisme politique régnant dans leur pays natal. Cette thèse de doctorat se propose justement d’étudier l’imbrication entre le littéraire et le politique dans les littératures caribéennes francophones de l’exil, et plus précisément dans les oeuvres romanesques respectives d’Eduardo Manet et d’Émile Ollivier. D’origine cubaine, Manet a dû fuir la dictature castriste. Ollivier a pour sa part dû quitter son île natale Haïti pour rompre avec la répression duvaliériste. Les oeuvres de ces deux hommes de lettres sont à l’image du conflit politique de Cuba et d’Haïti, et rendent compte du conflit intérieur qui habite les exilés. Comment se manifeste l’arrachement à la terre natale à travers l’oeuvre des exilés politiques ? Pour ces écrivains politiquement engagés, dire l’exil est-il plus une écriture de la nostalgie qu’une littérature des idées ? Quelles sont les limites de l’engagement politique lorsque l’exilé est coupé de sa patrie et de son lectorat originel des décennies durant ? L’adaptation à la terre d’accueil serait-elle un frein à l’engagement politique ? Ces interrogations et bien d’autres seront au centre d’une partie majeure de la réflexion sur la corrélation entre exil et engagement politique. Dans la première partie de ce travail, l’accent est mis sur les spécificités linguistiques, politiques et géographiques de Cuba et d’Haïti, pour souligner tant la richesse multiculturelle des îles natales des écrivains, que les conditions qui ont donné naissance à cette écriture spécifique chez Manet et Ollivier. Cette partie s’attache à montrer que les soubresauts de l’Histoire collective se trouvent intimement liés aux choix personnels de ces deux hommes de lettres. Dans la seconde partie de ce travail, l’étude des différentes stratégies de résistance déployées par les protagonistes et l’arsenal répressif mis en place par les dictatures a été au centre de la réflexion. Une analyse a été consacrée à un enjeu relatif à toutes les littératures caribéennes à savoir l’identité. Dans les oeuvres à l’étude, l’histoire personnelle des protagonistes se trouve toujours liée à l’histoire collective, et chaque parcours est le reflet d’un questionnement incessant sur les origines, les dérapages politiques et la douleur de l’exil. La troisième partie de la thèse est consacrée à la corrélation entre exil et engagement politique. À travers l’étude des paradigmes de l’exil et son remède le retour, des questions majeures ont été formulées : L’engagement n’est-il pas invalidé par l’éloignement de la terre natale et du lectorat originel ? Et dans quelle mesure l’histoire convulsive et éclatée des Caraïbes prend-elle forme aujourd’hui à travers la langue française ? Même si cette thèse est consacrée à l’analyse d’oeuvres littéraires, une étude socio-historique de Cuba et d’Haïti a été entreprise. Cette étude s’est attachée à mettre en exergue le long passé de militantisme commun à ces deux anciennes colonies qui ont triomphé de l’esclavage et de la colonisation. L’histoire est de ce fait une donnée centrale pour l’identité cubaine et haïtienne, mais cet aperçu historique a été mis en annexes vu son caractère plus socio-historique que littéraire. / The political authorities have always exiled their opponents, forcing the outlaws to break with their roots and their history. And if the literature of exile has sought to paint mental suffering inherent to the expatriate, it is clear that the cathartic function is sometimes added a whistleblower function. Indeed, men of letters have sometimes been exiled from the verb a formidable weapon against the political despotism reigning in their homeland. This dissertation intends to study precisely the overlap between the literary and the political in the Caribbean Francophone literature of exile, and specifically in the respective novels of Eduardo Manet and Émile Ollivier. Originally from Cuba, Manet had to flee the Castro dictatorship. Ollivier for his part had to leave his native Haiti to break with the repressive Duvalier. The works of these two men of letters are a reflection of the political conflict of Cuba and Haiti, and reflect the inner conflict that lives in exile. How is the breakout to the homeland through the work of political exiles? For these politically engaged writers, exile say he is writing more of a nostalgia literature of ideas? What are the limits of political engagement when the exile is cut off from his homeland and its original readership for decades? Adapting to the new home would it be an obstacle to political engagement? These questions and many others will be the focus of a major portion of the reflection on the relationship between exile and political commitment. In the first part of this work, the emphasis is on linguistic, political and geographical Cuba and Haiti, to highlight both the multicultural richness of the home islands of writers, that the conditions that gave rise to this entry specific Manet and Ollivier. This section attempts to show that the fluctuations of the collective history are intimately related to the personal choices of these two men of letters. In the second part of this work, the study of different resistance strategies deployed by the protagonists and the repressive arsenal established by dictatorships was the focus of reflection. One analyzed was devoted to an issue related to all Caribbean literatures namely the identity. In the works under consideration, the personal story of the protagonists is always linked to the collective history, and each course is a reflection of incessant questioning about the origins, the very political and the pain of exile. The third part of the thesis is devoted to the correlation between exile and political commitment. Through the study of paradigms of exile and the return remedy, major questions have been formulated: The commitment is it not invalidated by the distance from the homeland and the original audience? And to what extent the convulsive history of the Caribbean and exploded it takes shape today through the French language? Although this thesis is devoted to the analysis of literary, socio-historical study of Cuba and Haiti was undertaken. This study sought to highlight the long history of activism common to the two former colonies that have triumphed over slavery and colonization. The story is thus given a central identity for Cuban and Haitian, but this historical overview has been seen Annexes its more socio-historical than literary.

This dissertation describes the life of Pavel Minarik, a journalist but also secret police agent, who worked at Radio Free Europe in Munich and in several exile organizations. It also provides a brief overview of the situation in Czechoslovakia in the 2nd half of the 20th century, the development of the security apparatus of the country after World War II (focusing on the secret police and intelligence service) and the foundation of Radio Free Europe. The work refers to the studies on the topic, secret police archives, and also memories of the "Munich radio" reporters.