<p>The focus of this thesis is upon how conceptions of globalization is created by the labour-organizations Lands-organisationen (LO) and Svenskt Näringsliv. It is possible to discern two arguments for globalization in the texts, economy and democracy, and it is around these that the discourses of globalization are being constructed. Economy turns into a basic logic in the discourses of globalization. How to perceive the role of economy, as positive or negative, differs. Still, there is an agreement of the influence of economy. The ongoing power shift from the state towards the market is described as a significant consequence of globalization. With help from Ulrich Beck’s ideas about globalism the discourses then are placed in an overarching globalistic order of discourse. The conception of Democracy is an essential part of the talk about globalization. One can discern a similarity in the discourses; that is a division and separation in talking about the West and the Rest. This can be understood with the help of Stuart Hall’s idea of a discourse called "the West&the Rest" which stereotypes conceptions of Western respectively non-Western worlds.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the tension between feminism and nationalism in Israel and to investigate the ways by which such discursive currents mark the identities of Israeli women. The specific field of investigation is Israeli theatre, and the identities examined are dramatic characters created by the Israeli playwright Miriam Kainy. Also examined is the character of the playwright herself. Theatre is being observed as a specific field of society in which the position of women can be clarified. What kind of women characters the Israeli theatre produces is therefore a leading question for this study. Feminist theories, focusing on gender aspects of power relations, together with the postcolonial perspective, which considers power relations by focusing on ethnicity and geopolitical aspects, provide the theoretical tools. The social constructionist viewpoint is used since it provides an appropriate understanding of important notions for the thesis, such as nation and identity, considering them as constructions created by discourse. The discourses focused upon are the national v. the feminist discourse and theatre is viewed as a discourse mediator, which is why the dramatic text is the object of the analysis. The specific method of analysis is inspired by Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis. The main part of the thesis consists of a discursive analysis of five women characters, constructed within a period of about five decades, namely between the 1950s and 1990s. Each one of these characters consists of an articulation which is considered representative of a specific time-relevant discursive struggle between the two discourses in question. One of the central assumptions of the thesis is that the Israeli national identity is thoroughly masculine. The identity problems it has been causing Israeli women since the time of the pioneers until today are clearly illuminated throughout the analysis. The conclusion emphasises that the subjectpositions being introduced by Israeli national discourse, namely the ways of being a New Jew, an Israeli, collide with those introduced by feminist discourse, i.e. ways of being an independent woman subject. Nevertheless, each and every character demonstrates creative ways of transforming the discourses by aiming at a hybrid formation.

Studien visar upp på vilka olika sätt det Internetbaserade uppslagsverket Wikipedia framställs i tidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet, från april 2005 och fram till november 2007. Diskurser i ledare, artiklar och krönikor synliggörs och kopplas till den större debatt om kunskap som Wikipedia blivit en del av.

Syfte: Det generella syftet med denna studie har varit att nå en kvalitativ reflektion angående skillnader i framställning av en konflikt i två mycket skilda publikationer med mycket olika ekonomiska förutsättningar under två tidsperioder. Material från dagstidningen Göteborgs-Posten och tidskriften Sydasien är analyserade för att undersöka dessa skrifters behandling av konflikten på Sri Lanka under 1983 och 1998/1999. Teori: Diskursteori utifrån Norman Fairclough och Teun van Dijk. Sociologisk teori utifrån Pierre Bourdieu, genom begreppen angående produktionen av tro, kapital och fält som han arbetat fram. Metod: Kvalitativ kritisk diskursanalys (CDA) utifrån Faircloughs tredimensionella modell: text-diskursiv praktik-social praktik. Resultat: Genom den kritiska diskursanalysen nåddes en djupare bild av olika dimensioner i den problematik som framställning av ett komplicerat skeende som konflikten på Sri Lanka tillhör. Det korta svaret är att - ja – tidskriften Sydasien ger totalt sett en djupare, mer mångfacetterad och bredare bild av konflikten än Göteborgs-Posten. Detta kan man se under båda tidsperioderna som analyserats. Men – detta resultat kan man problematisera: för att få denna mångdimensionella bild så krävs det att man läser alla texter som Sydasien publicerar angående konflikten, om endast en artikel här och en där väljs ut, så riskerar man att få en begränsad bild likt den i Göteborgs-Posten. Stora krav ställs med andra ord på publiken.

<p>Studien visar upp på vilka olika sätt det Internetbaserade uppslagsverket Wikipedia framställs i tidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet, från april 2005 och fram till november 2007. Diskurser i ledare, artiklar och krönikor synliggörs och kopplas till den större debatt om kunskap som Wikipedia blivit en del av.</p>

The aim of this paper is to examine how the press describes the public and private role of the Swedish monarch in texts that report about the biography Carl XVI Gustaf – den motvillige monarken (Sjöberg et al. 2010) when it is published in November 2010. The examined period ranges between the days just before the release and a fortnight after. The analysis is limited to standard Swedish papers: a daily, Svenska Dagbladet, and an evening paper, Expressen. Questions asked in the study are: In what ways do the analysed texts raise a discussion about the monarchy’s importance or function in the society of today, that is a public debate on the monarchy? To what extension are status symbols used in the constructing of royalty, that is what Jürgen Habermas (2003) describes as representative publicity? What similarities and differences are found when comparing the news articles in the daily and in the evening paper? The method used to answer the aim and questions is the critical discourse analysis, as Norman Fairclough (1995) describes it, and the theoretical perspective of the essay is Jürgen Habermas’ (2003) theory about the bourgeois public sphere. The result shows that the news articles in the daily unsurprisingly construct only a public who wants to debate on the monarchy. The evening paper instead addresses its readers both as cultural consumers, which the study sees as representative publicity, and as civilians who want to discuss the monarchy’s importance or function of today’s society. Important to notice is that when the evening paper is challenging the monarchy it’s always made in an implicit manner. The public role of the monarch is in both the daily and the evening paper said to be powerful and his public role is said to influence his private role in different ways. It is also obvious that the focus in Expressen is upon the most intimate sphere of the privacy of the monarch. The description of the private room is important here, in addition the spatial portraying uses status symbols when constructing royalty. Finally, the analysis shows that the monarch simultaneously portrays both as an ordinary human being and as a very special person in exclusive surroundings. Earlier research has proved that Swedish media wants to describe royalty like this.

This thesis is a critical examination of newspaper coverage of Canadian-born cases of Bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) discovered between May 2003 and December 2005. Data for the thesis has been compiled from three newspapers: the Edmonton Journal, the Calgary Herald, and the Globe & Mail. The Alberta newspapers were chosen for their proximity to the BSE discoveries, and the Globe & Mail was chosen for the national focus of its coverage. Using Fairclough’s method of ordering discourses, I examine three discourses prominently featured in the coverage: the political discourse, the science discourse, and the socio-cultural discourse. I analyse the three discourses independently, incorporating relevant theory to further explicate the discourses. The primary focus of the thesis is on the newspaper coverage of the first Canadian-born BSE case, but newspaper coverage of additional discoveries are included to examine how the BSE media package changed over time.

The focus of this thesis is upon how conceptions of globalization is created by the labour-organizations Lands-organisationen (LO) and Svenskt Näringsliv. It is possible to discern two arguments for globalization in the texts, economy and democracy, and it is around these that the discourses of globalization are being constructed. Economy turns into a basic logic in the discourses of globalization. How to perceive the role of economy, as positive or negative, differs. Still, there is an agreement of the influence of economy. The ongoing power shift from the state towards the market is described as a significant consequence of globalization. With help from Ulrich Beck’s ideas about globalism the discourses then are placed in an overarching globalistic order of discourse. The conception of Democracy is an essential part of the talk about globalization. One can discern a similarity in the discourses; that is a division and separation in talking about the West and the Rest. This can be understood with the help of Stuart Hall’s idea of a discourse called "the West&amp;the Rest" which stereotypes conceptions of Western respectively non-Western worlds.

I denna studie undersöks sambanden mellan text och samhälle i Stefan Löfvens politiska sommartal den 25 augusti 2013. Studien intresserar för hur olika språkliga strategier kan användas för att positioneraStefan Löfven som blivande statsminister. Studien utgår teoretiskt i från Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys men innehåller också delar ursystemisk-funktionell grammatik och samtalsanalys. Resultaten pekar på att talets övergripande syfte är att positionera talaren som statsministerkandidat både på ett nationellt och internationellt plan. Positioneringen sker dels textuellt genom användningen av pronomen för att etablera en gemensam plattform mellan talare och åhörare, dels diskursivt genom en blandning av olika diskurser som positionerar talaren i en nationell/internationell kontext. Resultaten pekar också ut dialektiska kopplingar mellan text, diskurs och social praktik nivå av Löfvens sommartal. Analyserna visar också att den sociala praktiken som ett politiskt tal ingår i bidrar till att reproducer amaktförhållanden som är ojämlika mellan talare och åhörare. Resultaten visar att det politiska talet innehåller en bred interdiskursivitet mellan både höger- och vänsterideologiskt präglade diskurser, vilket kan vara tecken på förändring och diskursiv kamp om vad den diskursiva praktikens diskursordning ska bestå av. Denna förändring kopplas till förändringar så som individualisering, globalisering och en politisk likriktning i den bredare sociala praktiken. / This study examines the causality between texts and society in a political speech. The study does so byanalyzing both text and aspects of the wider context, which the political speech is part of.The study is based on a mix of theory from both Faircloughs critical discourse analysis (CDA), systemicfunctional grammar (SFG) and conversation analysis (CA). The results show that the main goal of the political speech is to position the speaker as head of Swedishgovernment at both a national and international level by using a wide variety of discourse and by usingpronouns to establish common ground with the speaker and the listeners. The results also points out that the social practice which a political speech is part of is reproducing and maintaining power relations in which the speaker and the listener are not equal. The results also show how changes such as individualization, globalization and political uniformity can be seen as affecting discourse and social practice.

Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to examine how German newspapers discursively constructed the #MeToo movement in order to determine whether the hashtag campaign was legitimized or delegitimized. The ideological construction can be seen as an indication of social change or respectively the upholding of the status quo in regard to gender equality. Of further interest was how the coverage can be perceived as an example of a post-feminist sensibility in mainstream media.Approach: Relevant articles published during two time periods in 2017 and 2018, following defining events of the #MeToo movement, were retrieved from selected publications, including Die Welt, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Zeit. A qualitative critical discourse analysis applying Norman Fairclough’s (1995) three-dimensional approach was performed on 41 newspaper articles.Results: Through analysis, three main discursive strands emerged: (1) supportive coverage of #MeToo (2) opposing coverage of #MeToo (3) #MeToo as complex. The degree to which the articles adhered to these positions varied from publication to publication. The most conservative publication largely delegitimized the movement by, amongst others, drawing on a post-feminist discourse. Whereas the liberal publications predominantly constructed #MeToo as legitimate. Overall, there was little discussion of marginalized voices and opportunities for progressive solutions leading to social change. Conclusion: The analysis of the German media debate around #MeToo offers a perspective onto the tensions and potentials of the recent media-driven conversation about sexism and sexual harassment. Additionally, it gives some indication of the public attitudes towards gender issues in Germany.(Social) Implications: This thesis contributes to a growing pool of research on news media’s framing of social movements. With its critical impetus, it might add a small input to social change directed at gender equality.