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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 151 to 156 of 156 (0.019 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"lag"" "subject:"slag""
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D.F. Malan : a political biographyKorf, Lindie 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime
Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to
provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes
surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on
Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted
picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a
literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as
well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all
times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding
Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to
his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism.
This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations
and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some
extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South
Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner
nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional
and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman
Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power
struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to
contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era
Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om
onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare
beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke
loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige
portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en
maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van
D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy
tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en
ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word
beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë
soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge
en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid
tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se
konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu
baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die
voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die
onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M.
Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die
Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te
lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.
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| 152 |
Der Mythos der Revolution nach dem Sieg des nationalen MythosBussenius, Daniel 03 January 2013 (has links)
Am Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs lebte in Deutschösterreich und im Deutschen Reich mit dem Zerfall der Habsburgermonarchie und den Revolutionen im November 1918 die Erinnerung an die 48er-Revolution wieder auf. Die Revolutionserinnerung wurde insbesondere von den deutsch-österreichischen Sozialdemokraten zur Legitimierung der Forderung nach dem Anschluss an das Deutsche Reich herangezogen. Da die Vollziehung des Anschlusses jedoch am Einspruch der westlichen Siegermächte scheiterte, konnte im Deutschen Reich eine mit der Anschlussforderung eng verknüpfte Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution von Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten wenig zur Legitimierung der Weimarer Republik beitragen (während die Anschlussforderung in Deutschösterreich gerade darauf zielte, die Eigenstaatlichkeit aufzuheben). Vielmehr wurde die Kritik am reichsdeutschen Rat der Volksbeauftragten, in Reaktion auf die deutschösterreichische Anschlusserklärung vom 12. November 1918 den Anschluss nicht vollzogen zu haben, zu einem politischen Allgemeinplatz. Träger der Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution blieben in beiden Republiken ganz überwiegend die Arbeiterparteien, wobei im Reich Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten dabei völlig entgegengesetzte Ziele verfolgten. Auch einen geschichtspolitischen Konsens zwischen reichsdeutschen Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten gab es nicht, wie sich schon in der Abstimmung über die Flaggenfrage am 3. Juli 1919 zeigte. / At the end of World War I, as the Habsburg Monarchy fell apart, the memory of the revolution of 1848 was revived in German-Austria and the German Empire by the new revolutions of November 1918. The revolution of 1848 was drawn on particularly by the German-Austrian social democrats to legitimize their demand to unite German-Austria with the German Empire (the so-called “Anschluss”). When the victorious Western powers prevented the realization of the Anschluss, the attempts by social democrats and democrats in the German Empire to use the memory of the revolution of 1848 to legitimize the new Weimar Republic had only little success because they were closely related to the demand for the Anschluss of Austria (whereas in Austria of course the demand for the “Anschluss” aimed at ending the existence of German-Austria as an independent state). Rather, it became common place in the Weimar Republic to criticize the “Rat der Volksbeauftragten” (the revolutionary government of 1918-1919) for not having realized the Anschluss in response to its declaration by the German-Austrian provisional national assembly on November 12, 1918. The workers’ parties were first and foremost those who continued to keep the memory of the revolution of 1848 in both republics alive. However, in doing so, social democrats and communists in the German Empire persued opposing political objectives. Moreover, there was neither a consensus between social democrats and democrats in the Weimar Republic in regards to the memory of the revolution of 1848. This lack of agreement was already apparent in the decision of the national assembly concerning the flag of the new republic on July 3, 1919.
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| 153 |
Counter Revolutionary Programs: Social Catholicism and the CristerosNewcomer, Daniel 20 April 2011 (has links)
No description available.
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| 154 |
The near repeat risk calculation of residential burglaries in Hillcrest, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa : a criminological analysisClark, James Andrew George Roy 12 1900 (has links)
Text in English with abstracts in English, isiZulu and Xhosa / This research applies the Near Repeat Calculator (NRC) to identify near repeat residential burglary patterns in the Hillcrest (KZN) policing area for the first time. A total of 490 residential burglaries, over a 12-month period, reported to Hillcrest police station were mapped (geocoded) and the near repeat calculations were visualised using the Geographic Information Systems (GIS). The month-to-month near repeat calculations are analysed and suggest that the NRC is a valuable tool that can predict the space-time locations of near repeat residential burglaries in the Hillcrest policing area. / Lolu cwaningo lusebenzisa i-Near Repeat Calculator (NRC) ukuhlonza amaphethini okuphindaphindeka kwezigameko zokugqekezwa kwamakhaya endaweni eyenganyelwe yisiteshi samaphoyisa sase-Hillcrest (KZN). Izigameko zokugqekezwa kwamakhaya ezingama-490 ezabikwa esiteshini samaphoyisa sase- Hillcrest esikhathini esiyizinyanga eziyi-12 zaboniswa emfanekisweni webalazwe lendawo (geocoded) futhi izilinganiso zamathuba okuthi ziphinde zenzeke izigameko zokugqekezwa kwamakhaya zaboniswa ngokuthi kusetshenziswe umfanekiso owenziwe nge-Geographic Information Systems (GIS). Kwahlaziywa amathuba enyanga nenyanga okuphindaphindeka kwezigameko, futhi imiphumela eyatholakala kulokhu iyabonisa ukuthi i-NRC iyithuluzi eliwusizo impela elingabikezela izindawo nesikhathi lapho kungaphinda futhi kwenzeke khona izigameko zokugqekezwa kwamakhaya endaweni eyenganyelwe yisiteshi samaphoyisa sase-Hillcrest. / Olu phando lusebenzisa uhlobo lokubala olwaziwa ngokuba yiNear Repeat Calculator (NRC) ngenjongo yokubona isimbo sokuqhekezwa kwezindlu zabantu kummandla ophantsi kwamapolisa aseHillcrest (eKZN). Kuqwalaselwe ama-490 eziganeko zoqhekezo lwemizi ezaxelwa emapoliseni aseHillcrest kwisithuba seenyanga ezili-12, kwaye uhlobo lokubala oluqikelela ukuphindwa kweziganeko zoqhekezo luboniswe ngokusebenzisa inkqubo ekuthiwa yiGeographic Information Systems (GIS). Ubalo oluqikelela ukuphindwa kweziganeko luphononongiwe kwinyanga nenyanga, kwaye iziphumo zibonisa ukuba iNRC sisixhobo esinexabiso, esinokukwazi ukuqikelela indawo nexesha apho kunokuphinda kuqhekezwe khona kummandla ophantsi kwamapolisa aseHillcrest. / Criminology and Security Science / M.A. (Criminology)
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| 155 |
“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee 13 November 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee January 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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