The study of regions in international relations has been a sometime thing, gaining scholarly attention in the 1950s and 1960s, dropping largely from view in the 1970s, and returning to focus quite dramatically in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It is clear that the contemporary manifestations of regionalism (the completion of the internal market of the European Communities in 1992, Asia Pacific developments, and US-centred Western hemisphere moves) constitute a new and qualitatively different factor in both interstate relations and the international political economy. The growth in the development of regions in the 1980s also represents a new level of interstate collaboration in the international system. The question arises as to the causes of this 'new regionalism' of the 1980s, and the implications of these developments for international relations practice and theory. Investigating these issues is the main task of this thesis. ¶ This thesis involves three elements: a central contemporary element examining the re-emergence of regions in the 1980s; a second comparative element comparing the causal factors operating in three different regions; and lastly, a theoretical element examining the usefulness of current theory to the phenomenon of regionalism in the 1980s and 1990s. Chapters Two and Three discuss the relevant theoretical literature with a view to developing the propositions to be examined in the case studies. They examine three of the major streams of international relations theory - realism, liberal economics, and institutionalism - with a focus on what these contending theories have had to say about how regional groupings arise. Chapter Two looks at the relevant theoretical literature in the 1950s and 1960s while Chapter Three explores the more recent theoretical literature of the 1970s and 1980s. ¶ The rest of the body of the thesis tests propositions set out at the end of Chapter Three on the causes of the regionalist revival in the 1980s by way of three case studies, each one concerned with the actual development of regionalism in three different parts of the globe: Western Europe, North America and the Asia Pacific. ¶ In all three regions the move towards regionalism was clearly a reaction to negative developments in the international economic and political systems. It was in part a specific response to the undermining of the liberal international trading regime and the associated rise in protectionism, particularly in the US. It was also partly the result of an ideational shift in terms of economic doctrine away from keynesianism and import substitution industrialisation to economic liberalism and export-oriented economic growth. Yet it is also apparent from the case studies that the new regionalism was also to some extent the result of a kind of interactive chain reaction, a spiral of mutual anxiety, with regionalism in one area provoking an extension of regionalism in another. It is indeed difficult to establish which of these causal explanations is the principal one as it is clear from the case studies that they are in fact mutually reinforcing. ¶ The thesis concludes with an analysis of the insights provided by the case studies into the theoretical debates examined in Chapters Two and Three. Finally, there is an attempt to use these insights to construct a theory accounting for the rise of the new regionalism.

With China¡¦s renaissance the most important factor for its good neighborhood policy is to shape multilateral regime. In this thesis the author is attempted to use the approach of neoliberal institutionalism examining how China uses regime to carry out its national interest. Furthermore, the cooperation between China and ASEAN on regional trade agreements, confidence building measures, nontraditional security area, as well as building of East Asian Community will be discussed. In parallel with this context how China and ASEAN use regime to maintain their own interest and to prevent each other going beyond the proportional profit will be analysed.

After Cold war, the trend of economical globalization has led the region cooperation development. As China is going to focus on economic growing, its good neighborhood policy is most important especially in East Asia.In 2002, ASEAN and China decide to build up a free trade area between each other. The China-ASEAN free trade area is expected to be an important economic area in 2010. The study is using Neo-functionalism to analyze China¡¦s policy in East Asia.To explore the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area ,its circumstance and development.

The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China have a long history of trading with each other. They are economic partners as well as competitors for many years. In order to push their economic relationship to a higher level, in November 2002, ASEAN and China signed the initial framework agreement, determined on establishing the ASEAN - China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) among the eleven countries by 2010 for the ASEAN-6 (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand) and by 2015 for the transitional economies of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (the CLMV). There are fears that China’s rapid development recently will encourage ASEAN’s exports to flow into its giant domestic market instead of among the members countries. Also the benefits of the Free Trade Agreement are still unclear. The Thesis uses three gravity models and the panel data of 11 countries from 1992 to 2009 to test two hypotheses: trade diversion (that expanded trade with China will reduce intra-trade within ASEAN) and trade creation (that ACFTA will boost up bilateral trade between ASEAN and China).

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert E. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on 13 July 2009. Author(s) subject terms: DR-CAFTA, Western Hemisphere regionalization, Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), Central America Common Market (CACM), Caribbean Community (CARICOM), Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), economic restructuring, trade liberalization, nontraditional exports, Free Trade Zones (FTZs), Dominican Banking Crisis 2003-2004, niche markets Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-103). Also available in print.

Orientador: Eduardo Roberto Junqueira Guimarães / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T00:49:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nogueira_Luciana_M.pdf: 979191 bytes, checksum: 13a4265749f250a50fbfddaf9c7c7598 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Nesta dissertação fizemos um estudo semântico da designação das palavras integração e progresso a partir de suas enunciações nos documentos que propõem a constituição da ALCA (Área de Livre Comércio das Américas). Trabalhamos numa perspectiva semântico-enunciativa que leva em conta a relação língua, história e sujeito. Nesta medida estabelecemos uma relação com a teoria da análise do discurso francesa. O conceito de enunciação como acontecimento e o conceito de designação foram fundamentais para nossas análises. O modo pelo qual procedemos as nossas análises foi através da leitura dos procedimentos de reescrituração e mais ainda dos procedimentos de articulação para se chegar ao domínio semântico de determinação (DSD) das palavras em questão. Analisamos ainda integração enquanto enunciado nominalizado e com isso pudemos trabalhar um pouco a questão da memória. Saber os sentidos dessas palavras nestes textos é um modo de procurar compreender o que a designação dessas palavras traz a propósito das relações políticas estabelecidas na ALCA. A partir da análise das palavras, tratamos da relação de litígio enunciativo estabelecido entre a ALCA e a ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para a América Latina e o Caribe). Este é um litígio político caracterizado como confronto e como conflito entre a normatividade de um dizer e um outro dizer que se lhe contrapõe / Abstract: In this master's thesis we have proceeded with a semantic study of the designation (designação, in Portuguese) of the words integration and progress from the enunciations contained in the documents which propose the constitution of the FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas). We have worked in the semantic-enunciative perspective that takes the relationship amongst language, history and subject for granted. This way, we could establish a relationship with the theory of the French Discourse Analysis. The concept of enunciation as an event, as well as the concept of designation, was fundamental to our analyses. The mode by which we have conducted our analyses was through the reading of the procedures of rewriting, and, furthermore, through the procedures of articulation in order to get to the semantics domains of determination (domínios semânticos de determinação, in Portuguese) of the word being put into question. We have still analysed the word integration as a nominalised enunciation, and, through this, we were able to worka bit with the issue of the memory. Knowing the senses of such words in these texts represents a mode of trying to understand what the designation of these words brings to the purpose of the public relations settled at the FTAA. From the analysis of these words, we have discussed about the relationship of enunciative litigation between the FTAA and the Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America and Caribbean (ALBA, in Spanish). This is a political litigation characterised as a confrontation and a conflict between a normativity of a statement and another one that fits it as its counterpart / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestre em Linguística

Magister Legum - LLM / This mini thesis examines the repercussions of the establishment of institutions under the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) Agreement on countries that have multiple regional economic community (REC) memberships. The study notes that even though the TFTA initiative is being touted as a major milestone towards the ultimate establishment of the African economic Community (AEC) and that it will help solve problems associated with multiple REC memberships, the initiative may come at a cost to countries, especially those that have maintained multiple REC memberships. The study observes that the institutions that have been established under the TFTA are a mirror reflection of the already existing institutions in the three existing regional blocks forming the TFTA, thus the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), East African Community (EAC) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). The mini thesis argues that the creation of new TFTA institutions, in addition to the similar existing regional institutions, will translate into more financial costs; increased human resource cost for government officers; increase in non-financial treaty related obligations; and a high possibility of reaping fewer trade related gains, for countries that have multiple REC memberships. The mini thesis further demonstrates how the lack of clarity and hierarchy in the relationship between the TFTA institutions and the RECs’ institutions may negatively impact on countries that have multiple REC memberships. The mini thesis concludes by offering recommendations on how these challenges or costs on countries with multiple REC memberships can be addressed or ameliorated. / Government of Malawi

Yes / The establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has opened new avenues of research interest in International Business and International Management. However, scholarly work in this fledgling area of research has been disparate and often lacking in the assessment of core international business implications of the emergence of the AfCFTA on member states as well as non-member states. This is because, as yet, no systematic attempt has been made to explore the AfCFTA in the context of IB research, or project future IB research directions. Hence, in this paper, using the PRISMA method we have systematically identified the current published research and scholarly work on the AfCFTA and provided a robust picture of the current state of knowledge and available literature on the AfCFTA while at the same time outlining potential areas for future international business research

<p>The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.</p>

In this paper, we discuss the endogenous formation of self-enforcing climate coalitions linked to the issue of a free trade agreement. As a framework, a strategic trade model is used in which countries may discourage greenhouse gas emissions by means of an import tariff on dirty goods. In addition, countries can set an emissions cap being effective on a permit market. Our main focus, however, is on the utilization of terms of trade privileges provided to members of a preferential free trade area. We propose evidence for that the welfare gains of trade liberalization are strongly promoting the formation of climate coalitions. In the parametrical simulation of the model, global emissions as well as climate change damages are found significantly reduced compared to the BAU scenario while global welfare is found significantly higher.